Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Saturday, March 12, 2016

The Politics of Economic Austerity

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This danger cannot be met with laws, propaganda or the more overt uses of state power. It can be met only with an economic strategy which is fair, which ensures that the burden of economic austerity is distributed proportionately between the rich and the poor, the powerful and the powerless. A degree of economic justice is possible even in times of austerity.

by Tisaranee Gunasekara

 “Just as political democracy is all that stands between individuals and an overmighty government, so the regulatory providential state is all that stands between its citizens and the unpredictable forces of economic change.”  – Tony Judt (Reappraisals: Reflections on the Forgotten Twentieth Century)

( March 13, 2016, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) From time immemorial, humans have imaged their heavens, the ones in the sky and the ones on earth. Thomas More, dreamer and politician, saint and persecutor of religious dissenters, called his own version of the ideal state Utopia, a name he coined from the Greek, meaning no place. Perhaps he meant it as a signal or even warning. After all, utopias are not finished products but works in progress. They can be lodestars, but never reachable destinations.

Good governance was an effective electoral slogan. Contrary to the utterances of some ministers, the replacement of the Rajapaksa regime with the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe administration did not bring about good governance. That change merely enabled the long and never ending walk towards the utopia called good governance. Good governance is not and cannot be an achieved reality; at the very best it can be a set of guidelines to act within and a series of goals to work towards.

In Thomas More’s Utopia, several religions coexist in peace and even atheists are tolerated. Yet as the Chancellor of Henry VIII, More was notoriously intolerant and excelled at and exulted in burning religious dissenters. Politicians cannot be depended on to usher in any utopia, including the ones they themselves imagined.

Everywhere and always, politicians, most politicians, develop a tendency to abuse power irrespective of party or ideological affiliations. The uncouth conduct of the Minister of Higher Education is only the latest indication that getting rid of the Rajapaksas was far easier than getting rid of the execrable practices which became the norm under their rule. The best guarantee that the necessary journey towards good governance doesn’t end on the opposite shore is not action by this or that political leader but an optimum combination of fair laws, strong institutions and a citizenry willing to stand up for their rights.

Given the problems confronting Sri Lanka, two security guards ordering a couple out of the Independence Square might not seem like a big deal. It wasn’t and it was. That incident indicated that the tendency towards selective moral policing is alive and well in the post-Rajapaksa Sri Lanka and if left unchecked can turn into a scourge for ordinary citizens. The rapid response to this incident via social media and the satisfactory resolution of the matter are symbolic of the very real difference between the old and the new. 
The Rajapaksas could impose any arbitrary rule they liked, with near impunity; the absence of democratic space prevented ordinary citizens from raising their voices. Today that space exists to a considerable extent. Even when protests are met with state violence, the public can take their grievances to the Police Commission, re-rendered independent by the 19th Amendment. Such institutional safeguards are far more material in protecting the post-Rajapaksa democratic space than grandiose promises or lofty declarations by politicians who seem to think their governance is, by definition, good governanc

HRW ‘concerned’ at Sri Lankan government statements on accountability
Image result for human rights watch
12 March 2016
Human Rights Watch (HRW) said it was concerned at statements made by the Sri Lankan government, which called into question its commitment to fully implement a UN resolution on accountability.

Speaking at the 31st session of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva this week, the human rights organisation said “many have rightly put the emphasis on the need for implementation of existing resolutions, if the Council is to have relevance and impact on the ground”.

It went on to add that whilst it welcomed the resolution on accountability for mass atrocities committed in Sri Lanka, it was “concerned at high-level government statements earlier this year calling into question its commitment to abide by the resolution’s provisions on an accountability mechanism”.

“We urge the government to deliver on its commitments to the Council through full implementation of the resolution, and we look forward to the High Commissioner’s oral update on progress towards that end in June,” added the statement.

See the full statement here.

Sri Lanka Treasury – “A Bottomless Pit” !


By Gamini Jayaweera –March 12, 2016
Gamini Jayaweera
Gamini Jayaweera
Colombo Telegraph
Finance Minister, Mr. Ravi Karunanayake presented the “Yahapalanaya” government’s budget for the year 2016 to the Sri Lankan Parliament in November 2015, indicating that the proposed estimated expenditure would be Rs. 2,787 billions and the estimated revenue and grants for the same period would be Rs. 2,047 billions leaving a budget deficit of Rs. 740 billions. According to the media reports, following the initial talks with the IMF about a loan which could be used to plug gaps in the budget, the Finance Minister has stated that the IMF is very concerned about the size of the budget deficit, over-estimated revenue, and the under-estimated costs. It appears that the IMF’s concerns over the budget deficit indicate that the deficit would be more than the amount which has been tabled by the Finance Minister during his budget speech. If the IMF can, within a very short period of time identify the inaccuracies in the estimated revenue and expenditure budgets tabled by the Finance Minister, one has to question the honesty and integrity of the Ministry of Finance. It has also been reported that the IMF may demand, presumably asking the Finance Minister to raise taxes and control the public sector spending budget in order for them to authorize the loan which has been requested by the Finance Minister.
Ravi and ArjunaBefore we examine how to tackle this huge budget deficit we need to examine where we were during the last 6 years and where we are now in relation to our economic position. During Mahinda Rajapaksa regime, we as a nation enjoyed a fantastic “economic boom” and some politicians of the previous regime, business leaders, and to a certain extent the general public were having a “jolly good time”. The general public were led to believe that the Rajapaksa regime had laid a strong foundation on solid ground for a healthy economy. People were confident that they could spend today with borrowed money and pay tomorrow because they would have a “vibrant” economy in the near future under “Mahinda Chinthana”. The government, the general public and some private sector organisations went on borrowing because they believed that tomorrow is going to be better than today. Banks and lending institutions, with the backing of some government ministers and MPs of the previous regime, allowed certain section of the society to borrow money without sufficient, or with no security for their debts. Additional consultancy commissions and contracts were placed at higher than normal price levels with the previous regime’s favored private sector companies because of the increased spending in the public sector organisations. Business leaders were happy as they were making substantial profits and bonuses. The problem was most of our Politicians, top Business Leaders, and Bankers from the previous regime turned a blind eye to a very basic principle of Capitalism which is “Bigger the Boom, Greater the Bust”. To make things worse, in our case the “Boom” was built on huge amount of borrowed money with a very weak industrial base. It is now understood that instead of building the economy with a strong foundation on solid ground, the previous regime has built our economy with a very weak foundation on “sand”.

More than 2kg of heroin found in Valvettithurai

More than 2kg of heroin found in Valvettithurai
logoMarch 12, 2016
A parcel containing approximately 2 kilograms and 80 grams of heroin has been discovered hidden in a forest area at Thondamanaru in Valvettithurai, Jaffna District.
The heroin was discovered by officers of Valvettithurai Police following information received regarding a suspicious parcel. 
No arrests have been made so far while police are conducting further search operations in the area, according to the police media unit.
Sources say that police suspect the heroin, which appears to be “brown sugar” (an adulterated form of heroin), had been smuggled into the country via the sea route. 

Request to amend plaint against Mahinda allowed

FRIDAY, 11 MARCH 2016
Sri Lanka Transport Board (SLTB) was permitted by the Colombo Commercial High Court Judge Shiran Gunaratne yesterday (10th) to file an amended plaint against former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and six others in connection with defaulting Rs.142 million owed to the SLTB. The buses were used to transport people to election rallies during the 2015-Presidential Election campaign. The hearing was put off to be heard on 23rd June.
This was in response to a request by the SLTB asking to be allowed to amend the plaint as the SLTB wanted to amend several names of defendants cited in the plaint.
The SLTB had named seven UPFA 20015- presidential election committee members, including former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA), UPFA former General Secretary Susil Premajayantha, Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), SLFP former General Secretary Anura Priyadarshana Yapa and election committee member Gamini Senarath as respondents.
According to the plaintiff the UPFA had hired buses from the SLTB for the January 8th Presidential Election rallies but had failed to settle the payments after obtaining the services.

SRI LANKA GOVT TV (SLRC) GAVE RAJAPAKSA FREE AIR TIME WORTH RS. 36.9 M.

Rajapaksa 001
Sri Lanka Brief13/03/2016
The Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation (SLRC) gave former President Mahinda Rajapaksa over Rs. 36.9 million worth of air time free for his election propaganda work during the last Presidential election campaign.
This was revealed in the audit of the Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation conducted by the Auditor General’s Department.
Apart from this, it was also revealed that air time worth Rs. 2.2 million was used to promote Rajapaksa in SLRC productions. The Sunday Leader attempted to contact the former Director General of SLRC, Chandrapala Liyanage in this regard but the attempts ended in failure.
When The Sunday Leader contacted the former Deputy Director General of SLRC, Nalin Kumara Nissanka, he said that the instructions to air promotional programs of Rajapaksa were received from the top.
Rajapaksa has already been questioned by the Presidential Commission of Inquiry to investigate and inquire into serious acts of Fraud, Abuse of power and Corruption (PRECIFAC) for allegedly not paying Rs. 10.1 million dues to ITN for carrying out his 2015 presidential campaign propaganda. Rajapaksa had denied the allegations but he has been questioned on several occasions by the Commission.
An audit inquiry conducted by the ITN found that from November 24, 2015 to January 5, Rajapaksa had paid Rs. 62 million to the channel for election advertisements. However, he still owes Rs. 10.1 million for advertisements carried out during the period.
At the same period, the channel, which had agreed to air advertisements worth Rs. 44 million of Rajapaksa’s rival Maithripala Sirisena during the January polls, only aired advertisements worth Rs. 2.6 million despite the agreement.
by Ranjith Gunawardena/ Sunday Leader

Bonanza for MPs


Rs. 75,000 for office
Rs. 50,000 for housing 
Rs. 50,000 for calls etc
Better food, beverages

 By Saman Indrajith - 


 Close on the heels of additional burden placed on taxpayers, the UNP, the SLFP, the Opposition and the Joint Opposition consisting of UPFA rebels, in a rare display of unity, yesterday unanimously approved a range of allowances for MPs. Besides, they agreed to pay a special allowance to the parliamentary staff, according to highly placed sources.

 The aforesaid decisions were made at a party leaders’ meeting chaired by Speaker Karu Jayasuriya. Among those present were Deputy Speaker Thilanga Sumathipala, Deputy Chairman of Committees Selvam Adaikkalanathan, Leader of the House Lakshman Kiriella, Leader of the Opposition R Sampanthan, Chief Government Whip Gayantha Karunatileka, Chief Opposition Whip Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Ministers Mahinda Samarasinghe, Dr Wijeyadasa Rajakapkshe, MPs Dinesh Gunawardena, Douglas Devananda, Shanthi Sriskandarasa, MA Sumanthiran, Secretary General of Parliament Dhammika Dasanayake and Deputy Secretary General Neil Iddawela.

 MPs will be paid Rs 75,000 each to maintain an office in his or her constituency. All members will receive a monthly allowance of Rs 50,000 each for telephone, internet and overseas calls. It was also agreed to pay Rs. 50,000 each as a housing allowance to the MPs who are not resident at the Madiwela MPs housing complex. 

 These allowances will be in addition to the ones currently being paid to the members, according to sources.

 The party leaders agreed to continue to provide MPs with stationery free of charge.

 The MPs who attended the meetings of the newly established Sectoral Oversight Committees of Parliament on non-sitting days would be paid Rs. 4,000 each per sitting and chairmen Rs. 5,000 each per sitting, sources said.

 Rs. 2,500 each will be paid to the MPs who attend the meetings of the Constitutional Assembly.

 Chief Opposition Whip MP Anura Kumara Dissanayake proposed that the MPs who were unable to obtain MPs’ quarters at Madiwela be paid Rs 50,000 each per month to rent houses close to Parliament.

 The proposals, approved by the House Committee, would be submitted to the Cabinet the Speaker told the party leaders.

 Minister Mahindaa Samarasinghe requested the Speaker to direct the Secretary General of Parliament to submit a proposal for paying incentives to the parliament staff. Chief Opposition Whip JVP Leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake endorsed Samarasinghe’s view.

 Speaker Jayasuriya informed the party leaders that a draft of the proposed Code of Ethics for members was ready and copies thereof would be circulated among MPS next week for their perusal.

 Speaker Jayasuriya informed the party leaders that he had instructed the Catering Department of Parliament to use quality edible oil.

 The Speaker said that he intended to appoint a committee under the chairmanship of Deputy Speaker to look into the matters concerning food preparation at Parliament to ensure quality.

The Politics of Kishani Jayasinghe

In the twentieth century the process of revolutionary change became much more accelerated than in the past, and it applied to the totality of life including cultural manifestations such as pop music. It is relevant to consider some of the changes in the sphere of Western pop music.

kishani-fileby Izeth Hussain

( March 12, 2016, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Probably Kishani Jayasinghe will say that she has no politics at all. She is an opera singer by profession, indeed by vocation, which requires much time and unceasing effort, leaving no space in her life for engagement or even interest in politics. She therefore leaves politics alone. But she realized on February 4 that while she may want to leave politics alone politics won’t leave her alone. That is not the consequence of her being a celebrity. It is the fate of all of us who have to cope with modernity that politics will not leave us alone. That is why there have been so many articles and letters to the editor about the fate that befell her on February 4, including one by Kishani J herself. All of them have focused on the politics of what happened on February 4, more particularly on the question of the alleged outrage to national sentiment in her operatic rendering of Dunno Budunge.

That focusing on the alleged outrage to national sentiment is, of course, of primary importance, but here I want firstly to focus on the significance of what happened in the perspective of the process of revolutionary change that is a marked characteristic of modernity. The usual notion of revolution is a violent upheaval with mass participation, in the course of which the locus of power shifts from one segment of society to another. Such were the English Puritan Revolution of the 1640s, the French Revolution, the Russian Revolution, and the Chinese Revolution. Such revolutions are rare in history but the process of revolutionary change can take place without violent mass upheavals. Most of Europe rejected the ideology of the French Revolution and they successfully resisted violent change but in the course of the next decades it was found that that ideology had shaped the polities of most West European countries.

In the twentieth century the process of revolutionary change became much more accelerated than in the past, and it applied to the totality of life including cultural manifestations such as pop music. It is relevant to consider some of the changes in the sphere of Western pop music. KJ’s alleged offense was to have taken John de Silva’s pop song, which had acquired iconic status as a much-loved folk song, and given it an operatic rendering. That is not something over which any eyebrows would be raised in the West. The folk-song died out in the West in the early decades of the last century but the best of the pop songs of the period after the First World War – I have in mind those of Gershwin, Cole Porter, and Jerome Kern in particular – have survived, are vigorously kicking, and have acquired the status of the folk songs of the urban West. The point I am getting to is that the original forms of those songs are not regarded as sacrosanct but are subjected to varying interpretations, and that seems to be a fairly recent development. Billie Holliday, Ella Fitzgerald, Sarah Vaughan, and Sinatra sang those songs more or less straight, but more recent versions can be highly eccentric, including those of the great Sarah Vaughan. Sometimes those songs are given operatic treatment. The only question should be whether the new versions are good or bad as music. I find Kiri Te Kanawa’s operatic rendering of Cole Porter’s haunting So in Love very beautiful, but Placido Domingo’s operatic version execrable for being too emphatically operatic. I found KJ’s Dunno Budunge beautiful on a second and third hearing.

Old-timers who are also music-lovers will find by turning to You tube music that the classical music they loved in the old days can today be mauled, mercilessly mauled, murdered, for instance by the phenomenally gifted Lang Lang who frequently uses the piano as a weapon for assassination. The West finds that acceptable partly because Lang Lang is sometimes superb and more importantly because outrageous new interpretations are part of the ongoing total revolutionary process that is integral to modernity. So KJ’s operatic rendering would be acceptable in the West and also at the Lionel Wendt, but – as has come to be widely recognized – the occasion of the National Day celebrations at Galle Face Green was the wrong milieu for it. There the sense of the nation as sacred predominated, and the manifestation of revolutionary change jarred in that milieu. So, KJ’s operatic rendering caused outrage.

All that is understandable, but why was the outrage on such a stupendous scale? How stupendous we know only now after KJ’s Sunday Island article of March 6 in which she declared that she had received as many as 500,000 emails. The underlying explanation is that just as the moon has a dark side, so has the island paradise. The explanation at an overt level is that we in Sri Lanka are living in interesting times – I have in mind the ancient Chinese curse “May you live in interesting times”. The January 8 Revolution isn’t working too well, and the best that we can expect it seems is a slow melioration of our miseries. Possibly more than half the Sri Lankan people are having a difficult time making ends meet, and there are fears of a Greek-style economic melt-down. Hardly any one expects a facile solution to the ethnic problem, in which connection there is deep resentment over what looks like foreign dictation. There has been a veering away from China and a corresponding increase in what looks like Indian Vice-Regal bullying. In brief, this is a time in which there is a heightened sense of the nation being in peril, and that is probably the major part of the explanation for the outrage provoked by what looked like the intrusion of the alien Western into the realm of the national sacred.

KJ acknowledges in her article that the stupendous negative reaction has been for her a searing experience that can be expected to leave a permanent scar on her psyche. Could that benefit her? It is known that adversity can spur positive achievements. I hold that one of the major reasons why Sri Lanka’s performance since 1948 has been so far below potential is that we got independence without a struggle worth speaking about, an independence that was preceded by a hundred years of peace marred only by the brief anti-Muslim riots of 1915. It is known that at the individual level adversity can sometimes spur achievement. Hemingway wrote in That Dangerous Summer that Ordonez, the greatest bull-fighter of his time, improved on his superlative artistry with every goring that he received. He also wrote, elsewhere: “A writer is forged in injustice as a sword is forged”, a great sentence for which alone Hemingway deserves classic status. KJ has experienced the injustice of the world at full blast. Will that make her empathize with ordinary suffering humanity, and will that make her not just an internationally successful opera singer, not the proverbial temperamental diva, rich, fat, and intolerable, but a great singer, a true daughter of Sri Lanka of whom we can be really proud?

What Your Schools Didn’t Teach You


By Thisuri Wanniarachchi –March 12, 2016
Thisuri Wanniarachchi
Thisuri Wanniarachchi
Colombo Telegraph
The culture of fraternity surrounding school Big Matches in Sri Lanka is a reflection of the misogyny and social malnourishment within our education system. Most of us are blind to it, not merely because we are too frenzied by the artificial hype created by these events, to see the deeper social implications they reflect. But because our national school system didn’t teach us how to open up our minds to understand the backward values entrenched in our culture that we continue to hold on to.
#1. First of all: School is only one step of the way. Life doesn’t end there.
It’s only in sri lanka that we’ve seen people stay fraternized to educational institutions from their childhood. Not universities, but schools. In the United States, this culture of fraternity is seen amongst elite universities, Sports play a major role in US universities and is a multi-million dollar industry. The annual Harvard- Yale game, for instance, is one controversial battle of fraternities, and promotes a culture of sporting rivalry. It’s somewhat easier to understand why a culture of fraternity may prevail among these university students; elite universities are extremely competitive, exclusive and promote a certain culture of academic thought that they collectively take pride in. And above all a social culture (sometimes pretentious, sometimes not) that binds them.
But how do we explain such a fraternity existing amongst students of schools? If you take the students of the schools represented in Sri Lanka’s Big Match season: less than 10% of their annual graduates receive entrance into distinguished universities. Is the reason for their return to school annually, to behave as they would have when they were children, an implication that school is as far as most of our population get in life? No, this is not a statement made to degrade the youth or middle-aged men who go to these Big Matches; it’s a fact. Statically speaking, as of now, only 6% of our Sri Lankan youth are in university. A significant number of the students who graduate from these schools remain unemployed/underemployed or end up at low quality mid-way alternative higher education programs that do not fill the gap of the education that their schools failed to give them. A majority of students don’t get the opportunity to learn how to think socially progressively. They remain socially and intellectually backward.
*(Facts and statistics aside, yes we can all agree it is also very demeaning: you attend these schools when you are a child, before you’ve matured into an adult: a time in our lives we treasure quite a lot, but not enough to go back to our sports-meets dressed in our uniforms. I mean, you don’t have to be the coolest kid in the room to agree that fully-grown adults feeling the need to go back to their childhood school every year is a little weird, unless they do so to mock their childhood selves.)

Volunteer initiative boosts Gaza women’s self-reliance

At Ihsan’s handcrafts fair in Gaza City in February. (via Ihsan)
Embroidered goods for sale at Ihsan’s fair in Gaza City in February. (via Ihsan)

Isra Saleh el-Namey-11 March 2016

Salwa al-Jamal moved briskly between customers at the hall of the Red Crescent building in Gaza City. Her embroidery was proving popular and al-Jamal looked flushed and excited.

“I am very proud when people are interested in my products,” she told The Electronic Intifada on a short break from attending to business. “They take a long time to finish, but it’s worth it.”

Under a recent scheme started by volunteers in Gaza, the 44-year-old widow has been afforded the opportunity to start her own business after long having had to rely on charity to raise her seven children following the death of her husband five years ago.

Her entrepreneurship, and that of 16 other women, has been nurtured and encouraged by Ihsan — literally “to be caring” — a 150-strong team of volunteers, which has taken it upon themselves to organize a host of activities around Gaza, including trade shows for women to show off their skills and sell their own products.

It took three months to prepare for and organize the 22-23 February fair in which al-Jamal participated. Ihsan provided not only the necessary materials for embroidery — from cloth and thread to needles and sewing machines — volunteers also held training workshops and were provided the space needed in which to work.

One of the volunteers was Samira Tuman.

“These women were driven by a desire to change their miserable circumstances,” said Tuman. “I was amazed by how fast they learned and how hard they worked.”

The ghost of poverty

Ihsan started its mission in 2011. Fatima Hijazi, one of the group’s main organizers, said the guiding principle behind Ihsan was the old adage about how best to help those in need: “Do not give me fish,” in Hijazi’s version: “Teach me how to fish.”

The group, which operates only in the Gaza Strip, reaches out to women in marginalized communities and tries to help them be independent. The idea is to have a “significant and long-lasting” impact on their lives, Hijazi told The Electronic Intifada.

One of the aims, Hijzai said, was to empower women and change perceptions of them from being solely recipients of aid to being productive participants in society.

“The team fights stereotypes. We provide examples of strong women who work hard to save their families from the ghost of poverty,” she said.

She also highlighted the importance of volunteering in a society at risk of both complete economic breakdown and social disintegration because of the suffocating siege on the Gaza Strip imposed by Israel in 2007.

Turkish newspaper with policemen ‘playing editor’

Under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Turkey has received billions in aid from the EU for help with migrant crisis (AFP)



Farhad Mirza's pictureFarhad Mirza-Saturday 12 March 2016

Journalists go to work at Zaman to to put together a newspaper that will never be published
Mustafa Edib has been working as a journalist for years and prides himself on fighting for the rights of the marginalized.
In 2009, he publicly defended President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) when it faced a closure trial for alleged violation of the state’s secular principles. He has no regrets about helping to preserve a political force that would one day snub out his own voice, “because back then, AKP was being oppressed, and we stand against all types of tyranny”.
Like other journalists in Turkey, he now fears that his career in his home country may be finished.
Last Friday, Turkey's bestselling newspaper Zaman, where Edib had worked for seven years, was raided by police who seized control of its operations and installed a new board of trustees appointed by the courts, and believed loyal to the AKP government.
The paper is affiliated with the government's former ally-turned-adversary, Fetullah Gulen, and stands accused of having links with “terrorist” groups. So far, the government hasn’t released any substantial details about the on-going investigation, but the closure of numerous other media outlets has raised concerns about a wider political crackdown on media freedoms.
When Edib, the newspaper’s foreign editor, showed up to work on the morning after the seizure, his office resembled a police barracks. He told Middle East Eye that the Internet connection had been disabled and the paper was already prepared, but that he “didn't know where or by whom, quite frankly”.
He still goes to work each day, but said that each time he goes out for a cigarette or to take a phone call, he isn’t sure if he’ll be allowed back in.
While this hasn’t stopped him from speaking out about the closure, his newspaper has been forced to make a 180-degree turn in its editorial tone, as it has begun publishing pro-government stories.
The next day, employees were given access to some computers and told to prepare the pages. However, “they weren’t sent to the printing press as we had entrusted them in the hands of the court-appointed trustees”, Edib said.
Reporter Zeynep Karatas said she was shocked when her story about police brutality during Women's Day demonstrations was replaced with an article about the inauguration of a new steel bridge.
Within six days of the takeover, Zaman’s circulation numbers fell from 600,000 to 18. This has been a bittersweet victory for Edib, who views the boycott by readers as a show of solidarity and passive resistance. Yet the newspaper he loves is being strangled before his eyes.
Employees wonder why they are putting together a newspaper that is never going to print and is expected to be read by only 18 people. In spite of this, many of them are refusing to abandon ship.
“I don’t want to give them the pleasure of resigning,” said Sevgi Akarcesme, the newspaper's editor-in-chief, in an interview for Politico. “I am waiting for them to fire me.”
Police are 'playing editor'
Zaman's journalists are working under heavy police surveillance.
“There must be at least 30 to 40 policemen inside our headquarters in Istanbul who are playing 'editor',” Edib said.
“They’re patrolling the building and monitoring our every move. When a group of five or six colleagues gather around, it is only a matter of time before one or more police officers start asking questions about what they are discussing.
 “I was giving an interview to a Singapore-based TV channel in a public park next to the building and a policeman approached me, took my name and told his superiors I was talking to foreign media,” he said.
Despite their resistance, the employees are helpless against the new board of trustees. On Thursday, the new administration deleted the paper's digital archives, removing thousands of articles, including those of Haaretz reporter Louis Fishman.
The government has rejected criticism, claiming that the takeover is legal rather than political, and that the majority of Turkish media remains untouched despite its critical stance against the government .
"It is out of the question for either me or any of my colleagues to interfere in this process," Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu said.
Edib disagrees. He said the deletion of Zaman’s archives was a political move to damage the paper's legacy and remove all traces of critical opinion from its records.
 “Every day there has been a new Zaman on the shelves, but I feel no part in it, nor do any of my colleagues, since we have nothing to do with the editorial line, story choice or layout,” he said.
Those were his last words before our telephone conversation was interrupted by a police officer.
The trustee media
Lack of press freedom in Turkey is an issue in its own right, but the government's collusion with the judiciary in seizing media outlets and jailing journalists signals even bigger problems, according to critics of Erdogan.
According to Aykan Erdemir, a former member of Turkish Parliament now serving as a senior fellow at the Washington-based Foundation for Defense of Democracies, the evolution of Erdogan's “disciplinary technologies” paints a startling picture of media control in Turkey.
In 2009, Erdogan first raised concerns when he used a whopping $2.5bn punitive fine against the Dogan Media Group for alleged tax irregularities. At the time, the former OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, Miklos Haraszti noted in a letter to Ahmet Davutoglu that the fine was disproportionate.
“Were the holding to pay these fines, the Dogan Media Group claims that they would go bankrupt. This could significantly weaken media pluralism in Turkey," he said.
Last November, Erdem Gul, the Cumhuriyet newspaper's Ankara bureau chief, was detained for 3 months along with his editor-in-chief, Can Dundar, on charges of revealing state secrets and “aiding a terrorist organization”, when the pair alleged in a report that Turkey was supplying arms to Islamists in Syria.
Gul and Dundar were acquitted by a constitutional court, but Erdogan has refused to accept the decision.
“Erdogan's control over the media cannot be explained just by the fight between him and Fethullah Gulen. This is a bigger issue,” Gul said. He has concerns about how far Erdogan might go in order to silence opposition in the run-up to a referendum on the presidential system.  “Voices, that express discomfort (regarding Erdogan's presidential model), even within his own party, are being smeared and silenced.”
In this climate, Aykan said he wouldn’t be surprised if the remaining independent media outlets begin to “willingly” promote the virtues of Erdogan’s executive presidential system.
The EU and refugees
Zaman reporter Zeynep said she was officially fired, ostensibly for her activity on social media.
Edib said that it is a matter of time until he faces the sack as well. He has been busy tweeting photos of his ordeal, talking to foreign journalists and provoking the ire of his new bosses, but he feels a lack of solidarity from Turkish journalists and the international community as well.
Two days after the newspaper takeover, the Turkish government was greeted in Brussels with billions in aid and renewed prospects of joining the EU for their help in resolving Europe’s migrant crisis, which critics say indicates the relative weakness of the EU's negotiating power.
Edib and Akarcesme said they felt disappointed, if not betrayed, by the EU appeasing Turkey in exchange for cooperation in curbing Syrian refugees. Brussels is only validating Erdogan's image, power and popularity at home, they said.
Despite this, Edib said he feels defiant. He doesn’t know how long he’ll last at his job but he has a plan. For now, he said, he’s busy jumping back and forth over the proverbial red line, just enough to keep his position and use it to rally people to his cause.

Myanmar : Aung San Suu Kyi and China’s Options

Aun_Saan_S
Aung San Suu Kyi must be aware that around 1998-99, Senior General Than Shwe had directed Myanmar diplomats to reach out to Indian diplomats. No official message was sent to the Indian government in this respect. But the Myanmar diplomats quietly and privately let it out in so many words in their interactions. Than Shwe who has retired since, still has some influence on the army, according to reports. He has reached out to Suu Kyi.

by Bhaskar Roy

( March 11, 2016, New Delhi, Sri Lanka Guardian) As Myanmar nears a historic political transition, the incoming National League for Democracy (NLD) will have a lot on their plate. They will face the enormous challenge of steering the country according to their plans. Having struggled for two and a half decades against a hardline military rule, they will have a clearer understanding of challenges in the domestic field. But in foreign policy the NLD lacks experience.

The power transition is not yet complete –the presidency till recently was up in the air since NLD Chief Aung San Suu Kyi remained debarred from the post because of Article 59(f) of the constitution. Her late husband was a foreigner, her two children are foreign citizens and it is unlikely that they will take up Myanmarese citizenship. At least, Suu Kyi hopes to run the country through a hand-picked president.
Of the two vice- presidents, one will be chosen by the army and the other by the NLD. Three important ministries, including defence and interior will remain with the army. Crucially, 25% of the seats in the parliament are reserved for the army and they are expected to vote as one bloc as per directions of the top military bosses. Hence, constitutional changes cannot be implemented without the army’s support. The new government would have to work from inside an army-controlled cage.

Myanmar remains highly important for China. On the one side it possesses oil and gas which China needs and on the other its minerals, timber and semi-precious stones, like jade, are important Chinese imports. Electricity from the China-funded Myitsone dam project (temporarily abandoned) and the copper mine in Letpadaung are used to power southern China (the mainland does not generate enough to supply its far flung provinces).
Strategically, Myanmar is a priority for China to establish its command in the South East Asian region. It has been placed on a chess-board for the “Chinese dream” and “one belt one road” (OBOR) project. China had also hoped to use Myanmar as a card in the ASEAN .Beijing had quietly pushed Myanmar’s membership in the ASEAN though there were some questions from the original members of the association. A pliable Myanmar would be a route to the Indian Ocean.

China’s relationship with Suu Kyi has been a complicated path. When the NLD won the 1990 elections China was among the first to congratulate them. With the military crackdown, and the establishment of the military government, a message of disapproval was sent to Beijing by withdrawing the ambassador from China. Beijing quickly readjusted its Myanmar policy and did not look back at the NLD, at least not officially, for two decades.
With the Myanmar government slipping into international isolation, the country became happy hunting grounds for China. It became the sole supplier of military hardware and equipment to Myanmar; Myanmar armed forces were trained in China and the Chinese became their largest investor and trading partner. China’s foreign direct investment (approved) rose to $8.2 billion in 2010-2011.It still remains Myanmar’s largest trading partner given Nay Pyi Daw’s exports and projects like the gas pipe line. China’s influence is palpable everywhere in Myanmar in all walks of life.

But are the Chinese liked by the common people of Myanmar? The answer is a resounding “No”! They feel that they have been exploited in every sphere of life by the Chinese, be it the Chinese government, or the Chinese government backed enterprises or small Chinese private businessmen. The “China” label enjoys preferential treatment over the local ones. Chinese enterprises are well known for exploiting locals in countries they invest in, especially in the mining and infrastructure sectors. They destroy the environment and ecology with impunity, and protect themselves by bribing local officials. Africa is a case in point.

In Myanmar the Letpadaung copper mine and Myitsone hydro-electric project are notable examples. Due to local protests at these projects the Thien Sein government was forced to suspend further work on these projects in 2011, but the Chinese government issued a directive to these enterprises to address these issues and invest in local development at these sites.

On the sidelines of the Annual National People’s Congress (NPC) on March 8, Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi told a press conference that the NLD led by Aung San Suu Kyi has kept friendly relations with China. Wang, however, admitted there were some problems on the Myitsone project and other investment projects in Myanmar but explained them away as “growing pains” (with the incoming NLD government”. 

It was evident from Wang’s words that China sees future problems with its strategy in Myanmar,as a democratic government will pay attention to the opinions of the people who have given the NLD unprecedented support.

Aung San Suu Kyi must be aware that around 1998-99, Senior General Than Shwe had directed Myanmar diplomats to reach out to Indian diplomats. No official message was sent to the Indian government in this respect. But the Myanmar diplomats quietly and privately let it out in so many words in their interactions. Than Shwe who has retired since, still has some influence on the army, according to reports. He has reached out to Suu Kyi.

Other actions were also taken. The strongly pro-Chinese intelligence chief Maj. Gen. Khin Nyut was dismissed and jailed. He facilitated the smuggling of Chinese arms through Myanmar to Indian insurgent groups like the NSCN(I/M).Also, the road-cum-waterway from China’s Yunan province to the Myanmar coast to reach the Indian Ocean was scrapped by Yangon because China demanded that their goods through this transport corridor could not be examined by the Myanmar customs. This was perceived as an impudent dismissal of Myanmar’s sovereignty.

NLD leaders may like to carefully examine an article in China’s official media, the Global Times (Feb. 11) entitled “Neighbor can help Myanmar reconciliation”. The writer is Ding Gang, a senior editor of the Chinese communist party mouthpiece, the People’s Daily. The article can safely be taken as an advisory to Aung San Suu Kyi. Deliberating on the ethnic unrest in Myanmar’s northern border with China,
the article said these ethnic conflicts would not only disturb the security and order in China’s border regions, but also “pose fresh challenges to China’s endeavor to develop its peripheral diplomacy and the silk road economic belt and the 21st century Maritime Silk Road (OROB)”.During her visit to China last year, Suu Kyi was given head of state reception although she was only a party head. On being asked about of Myanmar’s inclusion in the silk-road initiative, she reportedly welcomed it, according to the Xinhua. To resolve the ethnic issue the article proposed the inclusion of India and Thailand as affected parties, but a strict “no” to any US involvement. Very interestingly, the article slipped in the following sentence: “The riots in northern Myanmar may well affect the government’s reform efforts and increase the army’s weight in Myanmar’s political rivalries” (emphasis added).

The significance of the above sentence cannot be missed. China can use its old friends in the army to put pressure on Suu Kyi if need be, including ousting her and her government. Recently (The Irrawaddy, Feb 26,) military members of parliament opposed a motion by another MP to reexamine the hurried sale of state-owned property during the country’s protracted transition period. China’s clandestine relations and support, including military, to armed Myanmar ethnic groups like the Kokangs, Shans and others is well known. Beijing can turn the heat on Suu Kyi and her government unless she falls in line. This has been spelt out. The OBOR is China’s flagship enterprise in the first half of the 21st century.

Myanmar is a very important link in this enterprise, which includes its Indian Ocean and South East Asia strategy. China will not allow Myanmar to break this link.

Aung San Suu Kyi is in a difficult position. It is a much more powerful China she will have to deal with. She will also come under pressure eventually to provide China semi-naval base facility as Djibouti has agreed to. Suu Kyi will have to activate foreign relations on a priority basis. India must be careful not to wade in with China and Thailand on ethnic issues. It could well backfire.

(The writer is a New Delhi –based strategic analyst. He can be reached at e-mail grouchohart@yahoo.com.)