Wednesday, February 10, 2016

Sri Lanka war crimes in the spotlight as UN rights chief visits

Vijitha Pavanendran holds a photo of her husband who was killed by unknown attackers during the civil war

By Jared Ferrie

YANGON, 9 February 2016 (IRIN) - Sri Lanka's president is unlikely to cave in any time soon to pressure for international participation in a war crimes tribunal, as the United Nations rights chief urged today. But he could turn the situation to his advantage by offering up less controversial reforms to win back domestic political support and satisfy the international community.

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein spoke at the end of a four-day visit to Sri Lanka, where he travelled to check on the government’s progress on implementing recommendations in his report released last September. The report documented alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity perpetrated by both the government and the rebel Tamil Tigers in the last two years of a decades-long war that ended in 2009.

See: Will UN report bring justice for Sri Lanka’s war victims?

It recommended a series of reforms intended to breathe life into Sri Lanka’s ailing justice sector, including the creation of a truth and reconciliation commission and an office dedicated to investigating the fate of thousands of people who disappeared during the war.

More controversially, it also called for the creation of a hybrid court comprised of Sri Lankan and international officials – a suggestion that was dismissed by hardliners as well as reform-minded president Maithripala Sirisena.

Zeid stuck firmly to that position in his statement today.

“Sri Lanka has many excellent judges, lawyers, and law enforcement officials,” he said. “But over the years the system they depended on, and which depends on them, became highly politicised, unbalanced, unreliable.”

Justice denied

Many Sri Lankans agree. In fact, justice sector reform was one of Sirisena’s key campaign promises.

Since he came to power in a surprise win a year ago, many in the country have lost confidence in Sirisena’s commitments to investigating abuses during the war and to promoting reconciliation between the mainly Buddhist majority ethnic Sinhalese and minority ethnic Tamils, who are mostly Hindu.

See: Sri Lanka’s torture machine continues in peacetime

Sirisena’s government is accused of making little progress on cases of corruption and abuse allegedly committed by members of the former government, which was led by the hawkish Rajapaksa brothers – Mahinda, the former president, and Gotabhaya, the former defence minister – who oversaw the brutal end of the war.

“There is a sense that the sheen is off the government, the sense that people are beginning to lose some trust in this process,” said Alan Keenan, a Sri Lanka analyst with the International Crisis Group.

Acting on some of the other recommendations in the report could be a way for Sirisena to burnish his fading reputation, Keenan told IRIN. He said the overarching goal of implementing such measures is to help “rebuild the integrity of the justice system”.

That goal appeals to Sri Lankans from various ethnic and religious groups who in the 2015 elections abandoned the Rajapaksa brothers in droves. Those included minority Muslims who were targeted in a series of attacks in 2014 by mobs stirred up by Buddhist nationalist groups. At best, the government did little to protect Muslims, and some rights groups claim it provided tacit support to the nationalists.

“All communities have suffered and they all have an interest in rebuilding the system,” said Keenan.

Economic benefits

In addition to shoring up domestic political support, enacting reforms contained in the UN report would bring economic benefits. The European Union is currently reviewing Sri Lanka’s progress on human rights with an eye to restoring access to the Generalised Scheme of Preferences, which allows imports from developing countries at preferential rates. Sri Lanka lost its privileges in 2010.

Likewise, Sri Lanka is keen to have the United States return access to funding from the Millennium Challenge Corporation, which provides grants of as much as $500 million over five years to selected countries.

Progress on implementing the less controversial recommendations could provide political and economic returns, as well as give Sirisena some breathing space by delaying the tougher decision about whether to allow internationals to participate in a tribunal. But Sirisena can’t dodge the question forever. Eventually, Sri Lanka will need to make a decision, and it’s bound to alienate one side or the other.

Supporters of the military and the Rajapaksas are vehemently opposed. They demonstrated in the streets during Zeid’s visit to make it clear that they will not accept foreigners judging military men. But many victims of wartime atrocities will accept nothing less.

“An internationalised, hybrid justice process is absolutely vital if it is to gain the confidence of the torture survivors we treat and for the Tamil community as a whole,” said Sonya Sceats, director of policy and advocacy at Freedom from Torture, a group that works with torture survivors.

“They will have no confidence in the process if there is no international participation,” she told IRIN.

jf/ag

UN Rights Chief must insist fulfilment of UNHRC resolution in Sri Lanka says Monitoring Accountability Panel

10 February 2016
The Sri Lanka Monitoring Accountability Panel, expressing concern at recent rejections by Sri Lanka’s president on the need for an international component to the accountability process, called on the UN Rights Chief to insist that Sri Lanka implements the UNHRC resolution.

Noting President Sirisena’s rejection of international involvement, the monitoring panel said,

“This statement goes against both the word and spirit of the resolution. As clearly outlined in successive reports by independent UN experts, the Sri Lankan justice system does not have the requisite independence, impartiality or expertise to administer fair and effective war crim prosecutions. The Sri Lanka government must not be allowed to back track on its commitments or use technical legal excuses to lock the full international judicial and prosecutorial participation.”

The Sri Lanka Monitoring Accountability Panel, consists of a panel of international legal experts including Richard J Rogers, Justice Akit Prakash Shah, Marie Guiraud, Peter Haynes QC and Heather Ryan.

See full letter and profiles here.

MAP OpenLetter UNHCHR 3.2.16.PDF Sri Lanka Monitoring Accountability Panel’s by Thavam Ratna

Well Done, His Excellencies, The President & The High Commissioner!

By Rev. S.J. Emmanuel –February 10, 2016

Rev. S.J. Emmanuel

At the 68th Independence Day on the 4th Feb. 2016, His Excellency the President declared:

“There are incorrect interpretations given about the resolution presented to the United Nations Human Rights Council. I clearly state that we are facing these resolutions in order to protect the pride and dignity of our country, our people and our security forces, and also to make our tri forces to be internationally renowned armed force. We should face these resolutions with patience, discipline and decorum so that our country could be respectfully recognized by all international organizations including the UNO and all states in the world.”

The clear and courageous statement of President Sirisena on Independence Day, goes a long way to dispel doubts and suspicions among many of us, who believe that only by facing the UNHRC Resolutions, we could save not only the “the pride and dignity of our country, our people and our security forces,” but also become “respectfully recognized by all international organizations including the UNO and all states in the world”

Just five days after the President’s statement, the High Commissioner of the UNHRC summing up his 4 days fact-finding and comprehensive visit to the island, made a clear Press Statement saying

Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein called on President Sirisena

“Let me make it as plain as I can: the international community wants to welcome Sri Lanka back into its fold without any lingering reservations. It wants to help Sri Lanka become an economic powerhouse. It wants Sri Lanka’s armed forces to face up to the stain on their reputation, so that they can once again play a constructive role in international peace-keeping operations, and command the full respect that so many of their members deserve.

But for all that to come to fruition, Sri Lanka must confront and defeat the demons of its past.

It must create institutions that work, and ensure accountability. It must seize the great opportunity it currently has to provide all its people with truth, justice, security and prosperity.

I, for my part, will do all in my power to help that come about, and will continue to offer the services of my Office to accompany Sri Lanka through this very difficult process.”

* UNHRC chief slams Sri Lankan judiciaryand law enforcement agencies

... stresses need for ‘international participation’ in accountability mechanism

... advocates expeditious reduction of military strength in North and East

*... calls upon armed forces to face up to the stain on their reputation

By C. A. Chandraprema-February 10, 2016, 11:02 am

Concluding his four-day visit to Sri Lanka, UN Human Rights Commissioner Zeid Al Hussein told the media in Colombo that he had met President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe that morning and they had both assured him that Sri Lanka would be meeting its human rights commitments.

The UN Human Rights Commissioner said that the President and Prime Minister had given him that assurance when he had informed them of the fears expressed by victims in the North and East that the government might be ‘wavering in its human rights commitments’. He said that he had discussed a wide range of issues with the President and the Prime Minister which would have a bearing on the future of Sri Lanka.

High Commissioner Hussein said Sri Lanka’s key institutions had been ‘corroded and corrupted’ during three decades of conflict and that though Sri Lanka had many excellent judges, lawyers and law enforcement officials, over the years the system they depended upon had become highly politicised and unbalanced. The country’s history was ‘littered with judicial failures’ he said. "Virtually every week provides a news story about a failed investigation, a mob storming a court room or another example of a crime going unpunished" he said, stressing that it was for those reasons that the OHCHR report on Sri Lanka and the UN Human Rights Council had called for international participation in the accountability mechanisms to be set up to deal with international crimes and gross human rights violations.

Hussein stressed the importance of the recommendations made in the UNHRC resolution and wanted everyone to remember that the UNHRC resolution had been co-sponsored by Sri Lanka and passed with the concurrence of all 47 member states of the UNHRC. He said that the UNHRC resolution pointed out an "an eminently sensible pathway for the country to follow". He said that his office was charged with following up its implementation.

The High Commissioner said the international community wanted the armed forces to face up to the stain on its reputation and that the people who were against the implementation of the resolution, were undermining the future peace and stability of Sri Lanka. He said that the element of fear had considerably diminished in Colombo and the south but in the North and East it ‘has mutated but sadly still exists’. He warned against neglecting or mishandling any of the four key elements of the post conflict— resolution truth telling, accountability, reparations or institutional reform –lest the country should lose a tremendous opportunity to establish long term stability.

HR Commissioner Hussein also said that large parts of the country had been physically, politically, socially and economically separated from each other for the better part of the last three decades and that while Colombo was a bustling city with a mass of construction sites, flourishing businesses and clean streets, in the North and East there were damaged and depressed areas where poverty was rife. While there were some signs of physical development and positive vision (in the North and East) there were ‘ominous signs of hopes not yet bearing fruit and optimism showing signs of souring’. Hussein recommended the following immediate measures to halt the ‘draining of confidence’:

(a) The military should accelerate the return of land it has seized in the North and East (b)

(b) The government should reduce the number of military personnel in the North and East.

Hussein also said that his visit was a more friendly, cooperative and encouraging visit than the one his predecessor Navi Pillai ‘endured’ in August 2013 which was marred by vituperative attacks on her integrity simply because she had addressed a number of burning human rights issues which any High Commissioner for Human Rights would have raised at the time.

After 30 years of conflict, Sri Lanka still in 'early stages of renewal' – UN rights chief

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, briefs the media at the UN Compound in Colombo, Sri Lanka. Photo: © UN Sri Lanka/Muradh Mohideen

9 February 2016 – After nearly 30 years of conflict and acrimony that not only cost tens of thousands of lives but also eroded vital components of the State, Sri Lanka is still in the early stages of renewal, the United Nations human rights chief said today, ending a mission to the country.

“Virtually everyone agrees there has been progress, although opinions differ markedly about the extent of that progress,” UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein said in a statement to the press, issued from Colombo.

During his four-day visit, Mr. Zeid met with several senior Government officials, including President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. In Colombo, he visited the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka and the Task Force that will lead the forthcoming National Consultations on transitional justice. On Sunday, he was in the Northern and Eastern Provinces of the country.

I urge all Sri Lankans to make an effort to understand what that resolution and the report underpinning it actually say, and I urge all those in a position to do so, to make a greater effort to explain why the recommendations are so important, and why the United Nations and all those individual States – Sri Lanka included – endorsed them.

“This has been a much more friendly, cooperative and encouraging visit than the one my predecessor endured in August 2013, which as you may recall was marred by vituperative attacks on her integrity, simply because she addressed a number of burning human rights issues that any High Commissioner for Human Rights would have raised at that time,” said Mr. Zeid, referring to former UN rights chief Navi Pillay.

“I am aware that some of the same people have given me a similar welcome – I've seen the posters – but I am pleased that in the new environment in Sri Lanka, all voices, including the moderate voices of civil society, can at last be heard, even if sometimes the voices of hatred and bigotry are still shouting the loudest, and as a result are perhaps being listened to more than they deserve,” he added.

Progress & Challenges

Noting that Sri Lanka has come a long way in the past year with the media now having greater freedom, Mr. Zeid said the element of fear has considerably diminished, at least in Colombo and the South, but in the North and the East, “it has mutated but, sadly, still exists.”

On the positive side, he highlighted several recent “highly symbolic steps” taken that have had a positive impact on inter-communal relations, including the decision to sing the national anthem in both Sinhala and Tamil on Independence Day, for the first time since the early 1950s. He also indicated that one of the most important long-term achievements over the past year has been the restoration of the legitimacy and independence of Sri Lanka's Human Rights Commission.

But despite these advances, he said Sri Lanka is still in the early stages of renewal. “Repairing the damage done by a protracted conflict is a task of enormous complexity, and the early years are crucial. If mistakes are made, or significant problems are downplayed or ignored during the first few years, they become progressively harder to sort out as time goes on,” he warned. “While the glass is still molten, if you are quick and skilful, you can shape it into a fine object that will last for years.”

Turning to the proposed Constitutional reform, which should ensure that the rights of all Sri Lankans are fully recognised, Mr. Zeid said there are fears that at a later stage this may be achieved “at the expense of other equally important processes such as truth-telling, justice and accountability.”

“While the Task Force appointed to lead the National Consultation process includes high quality representatives of civil society, there are concerns – including among the Task Force members themselves – that the process is too rushed and has not been properly planned or adequately resourced,” he noted, highlighting measures that could be taken quickly to reverse this “trend of draining confidence.”

Implementing Human Rights Council resolution

Meanwhile, he said issues relating to implementation of a resolution adopted by the UN Human Rights Council last October were high on his agenda during this trip. Co-sponsored by Sri Lanka and agreed with the consensus of all 47 Council members, it laid out an “eminently sensible pathway for the country to follow,” with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) charged with following up on its implementation.

“The Human Rights Council resolution was in many ways a reflection of the reform agenda that Sri Lankans had voted for in last year's Presidential and Parliamentary elections. It sets out some of the tough steps that must be taken to achieve reconciliation and accountability and, through them, lasting peace,” Mr. Zeid stressed.

“There are many myths and misconceptions about the resolution, and what it means for Sri Lanka. It is not a gratuitous attempt to interfere with or undermine the country's sovereignty or independence. It is not some quasi-colonial act by some nebulous foreign power. The acceptance of the resolution was a moment of strength, not weakness, by Sri Lanka” he insisted, adding that it was the country's commitment to both itself and to the world to confront the past honestly and, by doing that, take out comprehensive insurance against any future devastating outbreak of inter communal tensions and conflict.

“I urge all Sri Lankans to make an effort to understand what that resolution and the report underpinning it actually say, and I urge all those in a position to do so, to make a greater effort to explain why the recommendations are so important, and why the United Nations and all those individual States – Sri Lanka included – endorsed them,” he continued.

The human rights chief told reporters the resolution suggests international participation in the accountability mechanisms set up to deal with international crimes and gross human rights violations committed by individuals on both sides.

“This is a practical proposal to solve the very real and practical problems I mentioned earlier. But it is only one aspect – albeit a very important one– of the broad range of measures outlined in the 2015 UN report and resolution, and the extent to which it has been allowed to dominate the debate in Sri Lanka in recent days is unfortunate,” he said.

Concluding his remarks, Mr. Zeid said the international community wants to welcome Sri Lanka back into its fold without any lingering reservations and help Sri Lanka become an economic powerhouse.

Only Karu Jayasuriya at Sobhitha Thera’s alms giving!

Feb 09, 2016

The third month remembrance alms giving for Ven. Maduluwawe Sobhitha Thera took place last Sunday at Sri Naga Vihara in Kotte. The organizing committee gave telephone calls to all Yahapaalana government politicians from top to the bottom, informing them about the event.

Of them all, only speaker Karu Jayasuriya attended the alms giving. It was Jayasuriya who worked closely with the Thera, when he built the Movement for a Just Society against the wrongs of the Rajapaksa regime. It was him who looked into everything during the period Sobhitha Thera was ill.

None of the politicians who gave lengthy speeches at the Thera’s funeral promising to take forward him service were present at the alms giving, which shows the true face of the Sri Lankan politics. Sobhitha Thera would not have dreamt that our politicians would be so ungrateful to forget within three months the very person who had made the platform to elevate them.

That is why speaker Karu Jayasuriya is recognized both locally and international as a diplomat, rather than a politician.

"The force of free people resides in the municipality" - Alexis de Tocqueville

Constitution Making and Strengthening Local Governance - II

By Laksiri Fernando-February 9, 2016,

(Part I appeared yesterday)

In today’s politics, people usually look up to their leaders, representatives and the centers of power for solutions. As we have seen in the first part of this article ("Constitution Making and Strengthening Horizontal Democracy"), this thinking ruptures during progressive revolutionary upheavals or movements. However, this has not really been the case in Sri Lanka.

For example, the leaders of the two rebellions or insurgencies, the JVP and the LTTE, in the South and in the North, wanted to create similar vertical structures instead of moving in the direction of more democratic horizontal structures. The political structures that the LTTE created were one good example. It is not clear yet, whether the incipient democracy movements that emerged last year are going in a different or the right direction. I am also not clear whether they are already dead or not!

New Ways

There are, however, new ways of communities and people looking at themselves and working together in finding solutions to their problems without necessarily neglecting or rejecting the usefulness of the vertical structures that are existing. I am in fact proposing a Middle Path. It is in this context that the importance of the local government system is important to our discussion.

To reiterate, horizontal democracy and vertical democracy are not diametrically opposed to each other. Even in respect of local governance, there are strong elements of vertical structures which can be reformed and changed. Moreover, they are much closer to the people. To give a ‘quantified’ example, the distance between the people and Parliament in Sri Lanka is more than ‘300 times higher’ than the distance between the people and a local council. There is one parliament, but 336 local councils. It may be a crude calculation, but the essence nevertheless is true. But in respect of capacity or power, the difference is quite the opposite given the existing legislation. This is why both horizontal and vertical structures are important in democracy and why horizontal structures should be strengthened with necessary capacity and ‘power.’ Read More...

Constitution Making In Sri Lanka: Some Theoretical Reflections

By R. Ramesh –

R. Ramesh

This article attempts to propound some theoretical reflections on constitution making. The present government of Sri Lanka have been engaged in a historically important venture to reform constitution with the aim of addressing socio-economic and political problems of the country. It is also widely anticipated that the new constitution would address the long-standing grievances of the Tamil minorities those who severely affected by the protracted civil war. Nevertheless, drafting constitution in a multi-ethnic societies is extremely challenging task due to various reasons. According to Andrea Bonime-Blanc (1987) ‘constitution-making is at once the most varied and the most concentrated form of political activity during the transition. In it, political maneuvering, bargaining and negotiating takes place and the political positions, agreements and disagreements between different social groups and leaders come to the fore’. How the constitution drafters handle these issues may tell us crucial things about the transition and about the regime it leads up to. The discrepancies between the words agreed to in the constitution and the political reality that emerges may point to potential serious future conflicts. The general character of both the process and its outcome may reveal clues about the new regime’s potential for stability or instability. The reason for being the process challenging is constitution is the supreme law of the land and which drives the rulers towards democratic governance within the legal framework. Although constitution-making in transition is a difficult task, a country usually has no choice but to perform it. In the same way, Paczolay (1993) argues that drafting and adopting a new constitution for a cleavage society entering a new period of existence is hard but as the same time it is also an earnest and exceptional task.

Thailand had faced this dilemma. There was a question of whether 1996-1997 was the right time for conducting the constitution-making or whether the enormous efforts involved would not have been better directed to the economic crisis. Thailand’s answer was that the economic and constitutional issues were “inextricably linked” in addressing the issue of good governance. In fact, the economic crisis made the path of Thailand constitutional reform much easier than was expected. Numerous thinkers have defined constitution in various forms in which the following statement aptly indicates the importance of a constitution.

After adoption of the US constitution, Thomas Pain (1972) a well-known political scientist stated that ‘constitution is a not an act of government but of a people constituting a government, and government without a constitution, is power without rights’. Importantly, constitution itself changing dynamics, therefore it should adopt the changing reality considering various socio-economic and political factors. According to Venter (1999) ‘there is no such thing as a ‘final’ constitution, because a national constitution is as alive as the state, consisting of a multitude of thinking human beings, for whom it exists.

This crumbling island: An artist’s view of the conflict in Sri Lanka

Jagath Weerasinghe's work reflects his concerns about the ethical and moral dilemmas of the tension between his country's Sinhalese and Tamil communities

Zinnia Ray Chaudhuri -February 9, 2016

It is difficult to separate Sri Lankan artist and archaeologist Jagath Weerasinghe’s body of work from the island's recent conflict. After all, they’ve almost run on parallel tracks. The Sri Lanka Civil War began right around the time Weerasinghe started to find his niche as an artist in the 1980s – and played out in the background for the next three decades.

Weerasinghe was one of four artists whose works Theertha International Artists Collective, an artist-led non-profit from Sri Lanka, brought to the India Art Fair that concluded last month.

Weerasinghe's body of work has always reflected his concerns about the moral dilemmas posed by the conflict between the island’s Sinhalese and Tamil communities, said Lalith Manage of Theertha.

A turning point

“You can’t talk about Weerasinghe’s work without talking about the history of the land,” said Manage, pointing at Crumbling of the Stupa, one of Weerasinghe’s paintings from 1992.
This painting, and the exhibition at which it was first displayed, was a turning point for Sri Lanka’s art scene, which moved firmly towards more socio-political expressions after that, added Manage.

'Crumbling of the Stupa' by Jagath Weerasinghe. (Photograph courtesy: Theertha International Artists' Collective)

Crumbling of the Stupa was a direct comment on Buddhism, the religion followed by approximately 70% of Sri Lankans. Weerasinghe, a Sinhala Buddhist himself, took the religious icon of a stupa and broke it down using his paintbrush, one angry stroke at a time.

Mirror to society

“His protest was that the core values of the Buddhist religion were not being practiced and that it was getting associated with politics" said Manage. "He wanted to drive home the point that this political-religious connection was problematic and undesirable to the nation."

'Who Are You, Soldier?' by Jagath Weerasinghe. (Photograph courtesy: Theertha International Artists' Collective)

Another Weerasinghe work, a 2007 series of paintings titled Who Are You, Soldier? puts the spotlight on anonymous soldiers stuck fighting someone else’s war. Either glorified or loathed, the nameless, faceless soldiers of Weerasinghe’s paintings are just helmets in uniforms with guns. The artist highlights how the soldier is deprived of his own identity by being reduced to extremes. “Weerasinghe is not pointing fingers at the soldier," said Manage. "He isn’t calling him heroic or guilty. He is simply questioning the fate of these soldiers.”

The futility of war

The darkness in Who Are You, Soldier? is evident despite the bright yellow halo around each figure’s head. The golden hue symbolises the manner in which the soldier is glorified, but the violent black brushstrokes on the helmets hint at the moral conundrum posed by the figure of the soldier.

The Crumbling of The Stupa was damaged while being shipped to the India Art Fair but Manage said the work still hasn’t lost its social value and expression.

Weerasinghe had simply rolled up the canvas in rice paper and shipped it to Delhi. “I opened it and there was a crack in the middle!" said Manage. "When the collector came, the first words out of his mouth were, “Shit! This work has lost its market value’.”

But the crack simply added value to the work as it represented other historical cracks experienced by Sri Lanka, added Manage.

We welcome your comments at letters@scroll.in

Singing of our National Anthem in the two National languages

Image courtesy Narenthiran

by Devanesan Nesiah
- on 02/10/2016

I read Prof. Carlo Fonseka’s article under the caption ‘Accolades for President and Prime Minister‘ in The Island of 10 Feb. with much interest and appreciation. Listening to the singing of the National Anthem in either or both of languages is indeed a moving experience on account of its melody and its theme that we are all children of one motherland. It is most moving when it is sung in our mother tongue, or in both languages.

It is for this reason that those who dispute the claim that all of us, without exception, are children of one motherland may disagree with Prof. Carlo Fonseka. This category of dissidents is not composed exclusively of Sinhalese majoritarian racists. Many Tamil racists also dispute the claim that we are all children of one motherland. They claim that it is the Anthem of the Sinhalese and see no reason to sing it, especially in Tamil.

Such tribalism is a feature of all human societies, and is not easily eradicated. Accordingly, both progress and regression in national reconciliation have occurred and may continue to occur. But the singing of the National Anthem in both national languages on the occasion of the celebration of National Independence Day this year, and its endorsement by the President, the Prime Minister and very many others marks a significant advance. To quote Prof. Carlo Fonseka’s tongue in cheek understatement, “Good things do happen in our country every now and then”.

Evidence Shows that Prageeth Ekneligoda Killed in Akkaraipattu – CID

10/02/2016

The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) yesterday told the Homagama Magistrate that they have received evidence that journalist Pradeep Ekneligoda has been killed in Akkaraipattu.

The CID officials informed the Homagama Magistrate that the y have received evidence that Ekneligoda who had been detained at Giritale Army camp, were blind folded and taken to a location in Akkaraipattu where he was killed.

They said that the investigators have serious reservations that Ekneligoda has been killed.

Regimental Sergeant of Giritale Army camp has given evidence that Ekneligoda was brought to the camp on January 24, 2010. The court was informed that regimental sergeant was blind folded and taken out of the camp.

ASP of the Criminal Investigations Department Shani Abeysekera submiting a further report told court that the investigators have received evidence that suspects Lt Colonel Arjuna Kumararatne, , Ravindra Rupasinghe, Sergeant kanishka Gunaratne were involved in the abduction of Pradeep Ekneligoda.

Their telephone conversation has confirmed that the suspects have taken Ekneligoda to Akkaraipattu and they have returned to the camp after two days.

Homagama Magistrate Ranga Dissanayake had queried CID whether it had evidence to file charges against the suspects for the abduction and killing of journalist Pradeep Ekneligoda.

(dailynews.lk)

Protests plunge House into chaos

By Saman Indrajith-February 10, 2016, 11:04 am

Parliament sittings lasted for only two hours as Speaker Karu Jayasuriya had to adjourn the House following a protest staged by the MPs of Joint Opposition demanding that they be assured their right to act as an independent group in Parliament.

The government, however, managed to get the Local Authorities Elections (Amendment) Bill seeking to increase the percentage of female representatives in local government bodies passed amidst the booing of Opposition MPs.

When the bill was taken for debate Joint Opposition MPs led by MEP leader Dinesh Gunawardena came to the Well of the House protesting.

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe at the commencement of the debate said that the bill was seeking to increase women’s representation in the local government bodies and asked why the opposition was trying to disrupt it.

"We have given additional time to the members of the Joint Opposition to participate in the debate. We can continue the debate and get the bill passed, enabling the increase of the number of women members in local government bodies. I would like to ask the members of the Joint Opposition whether they are against increasing women’s representation," the Prime Minister said.

Members of the Joint Opposition including Vasudeva Nanayakkara, Mahindananda Aluthgamage, Pavithra Wanniarachchi, Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, Wimal Weerwansa, C.B. Ratnayake, Udaya Gammanpila, Dullas Alahapperuma, Chandrasiri Gajadheera, Salinda Dissanayake, Rohitha Abeygunawardena, Namal Rajapaksa, Niroshan Premaratne, D.V. Chanaka, Wimalaweera Dissanayake, Jayantha Samaraweera, Tharaka Balasuriya, Shehan Semasinghe, Indika Anuruddha, Prasanna Ranaweera, Weerakumara Dissanayake, Sanath Nishantha, and Kanchana Wijesekera shouted slogans from the Well of Parliament.

Government MPs came and stood around the Prime Minister for his protection while the members of Joint Opposition were staging the protest. Among them were Ravi Karunanayake, Lakshman Kiriella, Harin Fernando, Mujibur Rahuman, Kavinda Jayawardena, Nalin Bandara, Chandrani Bandara, Akila Viraj Kariyawasam and Gayantha Karunathilake.

Leader of the House University Education and Highways Minister Lakshman Kiriella said: "When President Maithripala Sirisena summons them, around 40 of these MPs go and accept and agree with whatever the President says. Now, they come here and pretend to be opposition MPs. What is your true position?

Government ministers and MPs were seen shouting at the opposition MPs who in return booed their counterparts.

As the pandemonium reigned and the government members continued to speak in the debate regardless of the loud noise, Sergeant-at-Arms Anil Parakrama Samarasekera, his deputies Narendra Fernando and Kushan Jayaratne were seen protecting the Mace.

Ministers Chandrani Bandara, Anoma Gamage, Faizer Mustapaha and opposition MP Mavai Senathiraja spoke in the debate and none of their speeches lasted more than three minutes. After that leader of the House and University Education and Highways Minister Lakshman Kiriella moved the House for committee stage and presented amendments to the bill amidst the chaos. The government rankers shouted ‘aye’ for each amendment.

As the bill was passed technically the Speaker adjourned the House around 3.05 pm, three hours earlier.

DLF Leader MP Vasudeva Nanayakkara after adjourning of the House told his colleagues of the Joint Opposition that they should meet tomorrow (today) and resume the protest. He told the government to expect the same protest again till their demand for being accepted as an independent group in parliament.

Sergeant-at-Arms Anil Parakrama and his deputies took the Mace away and walked through the protesting MPs to end the session.