One year on in Sri Lanka – torture rape and abductions continue, says BTF

11 January 2016
Promises made by the Sri Lankan government have not been delivered and human rights abuses continue said the British Tamils Forum in a statement released to mark one year since Sri Lankan President Maithrirpala Sirisena assumed office. 

“A year has passed since the new government in Sri Lanka came to power with a lot of promises to the Tamil people and the international community,” said BTF in a statement released this weekend. “None of the promises made have been delivered, but the new regime keeps on repeating its rhetoric of change.” 

Stating that an “all Sinhala 160,000 strong military stationed in the Tamil people’s land at a ratio of one military personnel to six civilians still occupies 42,000 acres of private land that belong to the Tamil civilians” the organisation added that “the military’s grip on the Tamil people’s homeland in the North and East of the island continues unabated”. 
Citing a recent report by the International Truth and Justice Project (ITJP) the statement went on to add that “torture, rape, white van abductions and suppression of the Tamil people continue regardless of the regime change”. 

BTF also expressed at the UK’s decision to allocate £6.6 million over 3 years to Sri Lanka in order to support “military reform, displaced persons and reconciliation” was made “without any pre-conditions or requirements for compliance with the UNHRC resolutions”.

“This was taken together with the unusually high allocation of defence spending for 2016 which exceeded 2014 defence expenditure of Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa’s government, by over 20 billion Sri Lankan rupees, raises questions about the integrity of the new Sri Lankan government,” the BTF noted. 

“As an important stake holder who is genuinely interested in achieving peace and reconciliation in Sri Lanka based on truth, accountability and justice, British Tamils forum requests the British government, the international community and the office of the UNHRC to take immediate action to request the Sri Lankan government to comply fully with the UNHRC resolutions in sprit and its content,” BTF concluded. 

See the full text of the statement below. 

A year of the new Sri Lankan government brings no change to Tamils 
A year has passed since the new government in Sri Lanka came to power with a lot of promises to the Tamil people and the international community. None of the promises made have been delivered, but the new regime keeps on repeating its rhetoric of change. 

The military’s grip on the Tamil people’s homeland in the North and East of the island continues unabated. An all Sinhala 160,000 strong military stationed in the Tamil people’s land at a ratio of one military personnel to six civilians still occupies 42,000 acres of private land that belong to the Tamil civilians. Torture, rape, white van abductions and suppression of the Tamil people continue regardless of the regime change. 

The most recent report by the International Truth and Justice Project: Sri Lanka (ITJP) provides harrowing details of abduction, torture and rape of Tamil men and women, with incidents as recent as December 2015. The report based on testimonies of twenty Tamil torture survivors who had fled Sri Lanka, found that rape and torture were “widespread and systematic,” and that torture based extortion could be providing approximately US $50 million tax free money to perpetrators, every year. 

UNHRC resolution HRC 30 L.29 calling for accountability for war crimes 
UNHRC resolution HRC 30 L.29, specifically requested the Sri Lankan government to, initiate genuine consultations on transitional justice, in particular truth-seeking and accountability mechanisms, reparations and memorialization, with the public, victims and witness groups, civil society and other stakeholders. While no such consultation has taken place with the victims groups or the Tamil stakeholders so far, the Sri Lankan state, using the time given to it by the UN is attempting to systematically eliminate traces of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. 

War crime evidence removed 
Evidence of torture was erased or destroyed by the army following reports that emerged where two houses located in land which was occupied by the military for over 25 years, had signs of previous use as torture cells. The Sri Lankan military has hurriedly burnt and destroyed the remaining traces of the newly discovered makeshift torture chamber within the recently released lands in Valikaamam North in Jaffna at a locality known as Pazhai-Veemankaamam. Tamil journalists had filmed the locality a few days earlier. After the photographic and video evidences were published, the SL Defence Ministry in Colombo has instructed its military at Palaali to remove any traces of the torture chamber. 

This act which perverts the course of justice is only one of many indicators that the Sri Lankan state will not investigate crimes by its military or its political leadership which hold command responsibility for the genocide of the Tamil People 

Responsibility of the International community 
It is essential that the International Community works to ensure that the promises made to the victims are delivered. Despite media comments by the new Sri Lankan regime much has not changed in Sri Lanka; and where actions are claimed to have been taken these have been minimal and mere PR exercises to deflect the attention of the international community. 

Only an international independent justice system can address war crimes, crimes against humanity and crime of genocide. Only direct economic assistance and development empowerment through investment can improve the living conditions of the Tamil people. A political settlement that recognises the right to self-determination of Tamil people in Sri Lanka is the only solution that can deliver freedom from systemic violations of their fundamental rights by a genocidal Sri Lankan state. 

We are also concerned by UK government’s recent announcement of £6.6 million aid to support Sri Lanka’s reconciliation and military reform, without any pre-conditions or requirements for compliance with the UNHRC resolutions. This was taken together with the unusually high allocation of defence spending for 2016 which exceeded 2014 defence expenditure of Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa’s government, by over 20 billion Sri Lankan rupees, raises questions about the integrity of the new Sri Lankan government. 

As an important stake holder who is genuinely interested in achieving peace and reconciliation in Sri Lanka based on truth, accountability and justice, British Tamils forum requests the British government, the international community and the office of the UNHRC to take immediate action to request the Sri Lankan government to comply fully with the UNHRC resolutions in sprit and its content. Until such progress is made, we request the UK government to, immediately suspend all military and economic assistance to the Sri Lankan government. We also request the UNHRC to immediately set up a close monitoring office in the north and east to constantly monitor the progress in complying with the UNHRC resolutions. If these developments are not addressed immediately, the fragile reconciliation process in Sri Lanka may be derailed. Tamil people deserve justice and the ability to live in peace in the land of their birth.

The Challenges Of Implementation Of The UNHRC Resolution

By Chandra Jayaratne –January 11, 2016

Chandra Jayaratne

It is most likely that the post OISL, transitional justice, reparations, reconciliation, and accountability, mechanisms and non-recurrence assurance systems and structures will be made up of the following initiatives:

* Public petitions be called for by the TRC and received possibly regionally and also centrally. It is not known as of now, whether the Commission members, spread out amongst regions, with their support teams will have a process of regional hearings, in addition to receiving petitions. Will such a structure of preliminary hearings identify prima facie, the key historical events, incidents, harassments, denial of rights, ethnic-religious discriminations etc, along with other war crimes complained of to have taken place. It is also unknown whether only impacted persons or groups collectively can submit petitions/complaints or whether Institutions of the state, including the armed forces and police, Public Institutions (like HRC, NGO, INGO’s) and civil society leaders and activists will also be allowed to submit petitions/complaints and or submissions. Further it is not sure as to whether the petitions received by LLRC, Paranagama Commission and those collected recently by Office of National Unity & Reconciliation, as well as evidence gathered by Darusman Panel, OHRC, UN, UNIWEG, Red Cross, recently published torture reports and others purported evidence will have any part within this process and will be included as complaints. The role allowed to Diaspora to petition is a further issue of uncertainty

* A support arm of the TRC to record, collate, classify, group, prioritise, the petitions, and separate them by incidents/ events and by types of IHL violations

* The investigative arm to investigate the specific prioritised petitions and incidents/ events and IHL violations and discriminations sent for investigation by the TRC

* The investigation reports compiled by the TRC to be reviewed by AG’s department and classified by those for reference to

• TRC for hearing
• For Prosecution by the specially created courts
• Recommending amnesty
• No further action

*TRC may also call for and receive confessions from persons believed to be perpetrators, of any o crimes committed and seeking amnesty for any potential perpetrated crimes

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INGREDIENTS FOR NEW CONSTITUTION ARE IN PLACE--JEHAN PERERA

sunday times

 

Created on 11 January 2016

The government set the stage for the drafting of a new constitution when Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe presented a resolution to Parliament on January 9 that would convene it as a constitutional assembly. The timing was symbolically important as this was the date that marked the commencement of President Maithripala Sirisena’s second year in office. President Sirisena was also in Parliament to make a special address to Parliament. The president’s commitment to stripping himself of the extraordinary powers of the presidency from the very beginning of his first term is without parallel in modern history. Within five months of his presidential election victory he ensured the passage of the 19th Amendment which, as a first step, reduced the powers of the presidency which he would henceforth wield. Now with the convening of parliament as a constitutional assembly he is paving the way for the total abolition of the office he holds.

It is significant that the government did not press for a vote on the resolution that sets up parliament to be a constitutional assembly. Instead it heeded the views expressed by those in the opposition who wished to make amendments to the resolution presented by the prime minister. Constitutional reforms of the past were driven by governments that excluded those who were from the opposition, either purposely or because the opposition refused to cooperate. The past constitutional reforms were partisan exercises by the ruling party, both to impose their visions of the future as well as to gain petty advantages even while claiming they were engaging in reform in the national interest. However, this time around the government is trying to make the constitutional reform process to be a consensual one. Most areas of reform are indeed ones on which there is a great deal of national consensus.

The willingness of the opposition, which is greatly outnumbered in parliament, to present its amendments to the resolution presented by the prime minister is a welcome sign of participation in the constitutional reform process. Hopefully this will continue, and so will the government’s responsiveness to it, so that the process will be inclusive and less susceptible to being denounced at a later time as being partisan. The polarization of politics in many parts of the world has been responsible for the failure of many societies, including Sri Lanka, to fail to resolve their fundamental problems. Sri Lanka has seen two episodes of insurrection based on political ideology by those who felt themselves excluded from the mainstream of society. It also saw a protracted internal war due to ethnic-based rebellion by those who saw themselves excluded from the decision making processes that affected their lives. The government’s determination to include all political parties in its constitutional reforms is commendable this context.

CONSULTATION PROCESSES
The current initiative in constitutional reform is meant to address a multiplicity of problems that have beset the country. These include the over-powerful presidency, the abuse of power and impunity that flowed from it, the distancing that took place between the votes and MPs due to the use of the district as the constituency, the infighting within political party members themselves in the competition for preference votes and the subordination of the judiciary and other branches of government to the executive. In addition, the need for constitutional reform has arisen due to the need to find a long lasting solution to the ethnic conflict and the issues that have arisen from the resolution of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva.

The government’s decision to co-sponsor the Geneva resolution enabled it to broaden its focus, so that it would not be simply limited to the issue of war crimes. The UNHRC resolution has many other things in it as well, such as implementing better the 13th Amendment and devolution, returning land and restoring livelihoods and economic normalcy to the lives of the war affected. It also includes compensation and institutional reform that would ensure non-recurrence of war and violence in the form it took. A key component of the Geneva resolution is to ensure that there is no recurrence of the type of human rights violations and violence that took place for three decades. However, the government has only outlined its position on these issues. At the present time it is seeking to engage with the public as its report back time to the UN Human Rights Council is less than three months away.

Accordingly the government has put into motion two important public consultation processes. One is for constitutional reform. The other is in respect of the Geneva resolution. Those who have been appointed to lead these consultation processes have been provided with considerable leeway to obtain the views of the general public. This is in contrast to the previous constitutional reform process that took place in the period between 1996 when the “devolution package” made its appearance and the presentation of the constitutional bill to parliament in 2000. The government’s devolution package was a detailed and precise document which the government of the day took responsibility for. It sought to present this package to the people and win their acceptance for it. A special unit was set up for this called the National Integration Programme Unit which was staffed by leading academics and activists who operated under the government.

UNPRECEDENTED ALLIANCE
However, the government at that time was not able to get the support of the opposition parties. The war with the LTTE was raging, and the Tamil political parties were eclipsed by the LTTE and living in fear of it. The LTTE assassinated one of the co-architects of the devolution package, Dr Neelan Tiruchelvam, who belonged to the largest Tamil political party, the TULF. The absence of Tamil representatives in the constitutional reform process affected the credibility of the negotiation process regarding devolution and the larger constitution that it was nested within. The government’s eventual failure to obtain the support of the opposition UNP proved fatal to the proposed constitution which was burnt in parliament when it made its presence as a constitutional bill. On the other hand, the most unique feature in today’s government is the unprecedented alliance between the UNP and SLFP, which have been traditional rivals.

The manner in which President Sirisena won the presidential election as the joint opposition candidate in which the UNP was the leading force has much do with the nature of the present alliance. Although the presidency is a very powerful institution, President Sirisena has been mindful of the voters who gave him the victory. At the same time the UNP leadership is aware that if not for President Sirisena becoming the joint opposition candidate it is unlikely that the incumbent President Mahinda Rajapaksa could have been defeated. This recognition underlies the mutual respect that President Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe have for each other. The President and Prime Minister have also taken care not to become political rivals.

The unity of the government is important for the unity of the country. The great challenge that Sri Lanka faces is to resolve its long standing ethnic conflict and find a lasting political solution so that the diversity in Sri Lanka can become its strength and not its fatal weakness. The issue of power sharing between the different ethnic and religious communities who, together, constitute the Sri Lankan nation is a key issue. There are wide differences on this count in the polity. Buddhist leaders belonging to the Buddha Sasana Karya Sadaka Mandalaya (SKSM) have issued a statement calling for the new constitution to ensure the foremost place of Buddhism and the unitary character of the constitution. In the north, the Tamil People’s Council headed by Northern Chief Minister C V Wigneswaran is preparing a document that calls for a federal constitutional arrangement. But the fact that the government is a national unity government, and has the two main parties within it provides an unprecedented opportunity for consensual decision making.

Two opposing forces blocking new constitution: JVP

2016-01-11

Two opposing forces are preventing the enacting of a new constitution which is more suitable for the country through a proper democratic process, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) said today.

 JVP Leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake told a media briefing that the government was trying to sweep important issues under the carpet by taking cover behind the new constitution while some forces in the opposition are opposing the enactment of a new constitution just to cover up criticism against them with regard to acts of large scale corruption committed by them when in power. 

He accused Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe of attempting to have his own way when enacting a new constitution by suppressing the other political parties. 

Mr. Dissanayake said the issue was not with the provisions preventing rulers acting against the nation’s interests but doing things underhand. 

Citing an example, he said the government was planning to give the chairpersons of district development committees’ similar perks given to cabinet ministers.

 “This is an act which goes beyond the constitutional provisions of limiting the number of cabinet ministers, state and deputy ministers,” he said and added that national reconciliation could not be brought with constitutional provisions. 

Mr. Dissanayake said the process of enacting the constitution should be one where the rights of all 225 members are respected unlike the resolution presented to Parliament. 

However, he said his party was still positive that a new constitution which was most democratic could be enacted through a democratic process and that his party would make sure that unhealthy proposals would not come inside chocolate wrappers. (YP) 

Sri Lanka’s historic opportunity

January 11, 2016

It is a moment of great hope and some fear in Sri Lanka. As it takes the first step towards drafting a new Constitution, there is renewed hope that the island nation will be able to reinvent itself as a modern state, one that brings economic prosperity and national unity. At the same time, it is also difficult to ignore the fear that yet another opportunity presented by history may fail owing to political opposition, ethnic extremism and an entrenched, if not systemic, resistance to change. President Maithripala Sirisena’s address to Parliament on the occasion of the tabling of a motion to create a Constitutional Assembly was bold in its invocation of past failures. His candid reference to the failure to implement past agreements as the origin of the protracted civil war showed deep understanding of his country’s situation. Laced with justified apprehensions about the likely impediments, Mr. Sirisena has warned his countrymen against attempts to raise the bogey of external pressure and an alleged threat to the special status of Buddhism in Sri Lanka. He is aware of the presence of extremists on both sides of the ethnic divide. He has asserted that a constitutional solution will be indigenous. The process of constituting the entire membership of the current Parliament as a Constitutional Assembly has begun. A steering committee will be tasked with drafting a new Constitution while inputs from outside the parliamentary structure will be in the form of a ‘Public Representation Commission’.

For those familiar with the peace and reform processes of the last quarter century, it may appear that all talk of national unity and a non-discriminatory system is not new. It is a measure of how much the events of the recent years had turned the clock back on the discourse to resolve the national question that each time an incumbent President or Prime Minister spells out a new vision, it is accompanied by new hopes and fears. The broad contours of an alternative constitutional framework are known. To many, it lies in abolishing the executive presidency and reforming the electoral system. In recent years, promoting good governance by strengthening democratic institutions, a comprehensive rights regime and substantive power-sharing arrangements involving all ethnic minorities have been understood to be necessary elements. The path is clear, and the pitfalls are known. The process may be long and the effort to secure a two-thirds majority in the Assembly, followed by a similar special majority in Parliament and approval in a referendum, will require political will and hard work. The emergence of a new order since 2015 under President Sirisena and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe provides a setting conducive for positive change, after the first few years in the post-conflict phase were lost in triumphalist and nationalistic rhetoric. It is a historic opportunity for all stake-holders, including Tamils, Muslims and plantation Tamils, to participate in the process. It is time all sides left their nationalist rhetoric of the past behind.

 Sri Lanka turns to mystery investor in bid to defend rupee

A vendor prepares Sri Lankan notes to bundle them at a shop in Colombo July 3, 2013.

BY SHIHAR ANEEZ-Mon Jan 11, 2016

An unidentified investor has promised to park $1 billion in dollar deposits in Sri Lanka to help the island nation defend its currency, the finance minister told Reuters, in an unusual move that highlights the country's precarious finances.

Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake declined to reveal the identity of the investor. But he said the investor was Belgian and was working with a Sri Lankan partner.

The investor has promised to transfer the money in two equal tranches from banks in Brussels and Luxembourg, the minister said.

"Instead of going for bonds and other borrowing, we are permitting it to take place," Karunanayake said.

"This is better than negative returns in Europe", for investors, he said.

The deposits, which pay an interest rate of 2 percent, are part of the ministry's plans to raise $3 billion to $4 billion to shore up reserves and defend the rupee, which has hovered around record lows since the central bank floated it on Sept. 4.

Sri Lanka has run up a large budget deficit, forcing the government to borrow heavily and putting pressure on the rupee.

It is now also battling a growing balance-of-payments crisis.

Remittances from expatriate workers, worth about $5.8 billion in the first 10 months of last year, are expected to dry up because of the political turmoil in the Middle East.

Foreign reserves, which stood at $7.3 billion on Dec. 31, are under pressure as $5 billion is expected to be repaid on foreign loans in 2016, according to central bank data.

Financial experts said bringing in so much money from an individual investor was fraught with risks. Karunanayake has already liberalised dollar remittances from foreigners into the country. "This allows room for money-laundering. Black money could easily come through this," said Sirimal Abeyratne, an economics professor at the University of Colombo.

"Also, this money could go out quickly creating further volatility," Abeyratne said.

Karunanayake said anybody who felt black money was coming in could take up the matter in the courts.

'GIVE CONFIDENCE'

A senior finance ministry official said it was the responsibility of the remitting bank in Europe to check the source of funds and know their customers.

"Sri Lanka will not question any investors who want to remit the money," the official said.

The first tranche of $500 million from the Sri Lankan investor's partner was deposited on Dec. 26, and the second is expected to arrive some time this month, Karunanayake said.

So far, the country has got $1.5 billion from such deposits, Karunanayake said.

He said the deposit has no lock-in period and the government would allow withdrawals at any time.

"This is to give confidence to the investors," Karunanayake said.

The money from the investor – and others - appears to have helped. Dealers said the central bank was selling dollars.

The Sri Lankan rupee closed steady at 143.75/85 to the dollar on Monday. It hit an all-time low of 144.30 hit on Dec. 30.

"What I feel is the authorities have the dollars to control the market since the last week of December," a currency dealer said.

(Editing by Paritosh Bansal, Robert Birsel)

Taking stock of a desperate first year in power

January 10, 2016, 
Summing up President Maithripala Sirisena’s first year in power, Minister Arjuna Ranatunga said at a Ports Authority function that he (Sirisena) formed a government and has had no peace thereafter; and that he has not seen another leader as beset by problems as President Maithripala Sirisena. Minister S.B.Dissanayake speaking at the SLFP’s first press conference for the New Year described the past one year as a period during which no decisions could be made or a proper programme of work implemented - a government in a ‘gandabba’ state. He further stated that the UNP and SLFP are two different parties with different ideologies and that they can’t run a government together for long and that if they do stay together for a long time, extremist forces will emerge as political alternatives. That was the assessment of the first year of yahapalanaya by ministers of the government.

Taking Stock of a Desperate First Year in Power by Thavam Ratna

Sinhale Campaign Raises Alarms

by Easwaran Rutnam-Monday, January 11, 2016

It started with vehicles having stickers saying ‘Sinhale’ but that soon spread to walls of Muslim-owned houses in Nugegoda being spray painted with the same words.

The police said they are investigating the spray painting incident and will take appropriate action on those accused of being involved.

The ‘Sinhale’ or Sinhala blood campaign is being promoted by opposition UPFA Parliamentarian Udaya Gammanpila and the Sinhale National Movement.

The campaign has drawn mixed reactions on social media with many opposing what could result in fresh tensions erupting between the Muslim and Sinhalese community.

The issue had been discussed among members of the cabinet last week and concerns were raised that the campaign may lead to communal clashes.

Human rights groups, which have been pushing for a stable and peaceful Sri Lanka where the rights of all communities are protected, have also raised concerns over the ‘Sinhale’ campaign.

“Reports of new campaigns that may seek to sow hatred and incite discrimination, hostility or even violence against minorities in Sri Lanka are deeply concerning. The past years in Sri Lanka have seen a disturbing trend where some political leaders have sought to manufacture religious tensions. This has resulted in a jump in attacks on religious minorities like Christians and Muslims. Sri Lanka’s political leaders must do more to stop this trend, not try to add fuel to the fire,” Olof Blomqvist, Press Officer Asia/Pacific at Amnesty International told The Sunday Leader.

He noted that while recently proposed legislation against hate speech was too broad and replicated language from the PTA that has in the past been used to restrict freedom of speech and punish dissent, the government of Sri Lanka needs to send a very clear message that it will not tolerate incitement to violence.

“Ending impunity for past attacks on minorities would help drive that message home,” he added.

The Muslim Council of Sri Lanka urged the government to arrest those responsible for the spray painting of the word ‘Sinhale’ on the walls of Muslim residents in Nugegoda.

President of the Muslim Council N. M. Ameen told The Sunday Leader they were monitoring the developments arising from the ‘Sinhale’ campaign.

Gammanpila meanwhile says no one can challenge the fact that Sri Lanka is ‘Sinhale’ and that even historically, pre-independence, Sri Lanka was recognized as a Sinhala nation.

The campaign has spread so fast that even some police motorbikes were seen last week carrying the ‘Sinhale’ stickers.

The Sinhale National Conference says the Tamil, Sinhala and Burger communities in Sri Lanka lived together in the past.

A gate in Nugegoda spray painted with the word Sinhale

The Venerable Yakkalamulle Pawara Thero said that all communities accepted the Sri Lanka national flag and lived in Sri Lanka recognizing it as a Sinhala nation.

However, he claims minority political parties divided Sri Lanka from being a Sinhala nation to a nation recognizing all communities.

He said that monks had in the past fought for the nation and some even sacrificed their lives to protect the Sinhalese identity of Sri Lanka.

The Ven. Pawara Thero said that their organization will not allow the ‘uprising’ that they are taking forward to be politicized.

He said that youth in several parts of the country are supporting the campaign to protect the Sinhala nation.

Monks have in the past pushed for a Sinhala only nation and this led to violent communal clashes. The Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) was the most prominent organization which led a campaign against some Muslim beliefs when the former government was in power.

However once the new government took office, the BBS went silent. The Sihala Ravaya, another group of monks who were known to be responsible for attacks on churches, has also taken a back seat after the new government came to power.

However now the emergence of the new group led by the Venerable Yakkalamulle Pawara Thera has raised fears of fresh tensions in what has been a rather peaceful atmosphere after January 8 last year. Cabinet spokesman Rajitha Senaratne said that intelligence reports on the activities of those attempting to promote ‘Sinhale’ have been gathered and it has been found that a journalist was also involved.

The minister said the government has no issue with anyone campaigning against the government but there is an issue if anyone attempts to create communal clashes.

He said that stern action would be taken in the near future to prevent any attempt to destabilize the country.

President, PM differ on agricultural planning!

Jan 11, 2016

The president is of the view that the upliftment of agriculture should be prioritized when planning economic affairs for the next five years, but the prime minister wants to abandon agriculture and instead focus on an industries and services based economy.

Here, the president sees the importance of achieving growth in agriculture, industries and services sectors.

The economic programme of the president based on the first year in office was to be launched under the title ‘A Maithri rule, stable country, macroeconomic development’. Also, a presidential task force has been established to develop agriculture, and its head is Rohana Dissanayake, additional secretary to the president.

Meanwhile, the Sri Lanka Economic Forum, held recently in Colombo on a concept by prime minister Ranil Wickremesinghe discussed the global economic outlook and strategies for uplifting Sri Lanka’s economy. The focus was on developing industries.

Participating in the forum was the world renowned, former chief economist at the World Bank, Nobel laureate Joseph E. Stiglitz.

SC rejects Abrew’s FR case

BY STANLEY SAMARASINGHE-2016-01-12

The Supreme Court, in a unanimous decision yesterday, refused to grant leave to proceed with the Fundamental Right Application filed by former Supreme Court Judge K. A. Sarath de Abrew challenging the High Court case against him.
The FR Application was considered before the Bench comprising Chief Justice K. Sripavan and Justices Priyantha Jayawardana and Upali Abeyratna.

Petitioner Abrew filed this FR Application stating that the Attorney General has indicted him in the High Court of Colombo for sexual abuse under Sections 365B of the Penal Code. 

The petitioner further stated that Attorney General's decision to indict him was illegal, unlawful arbitrary malicious, unreasonable, politically motivated and violation of his Fundamental Rights.
The petitioner, in his petitions, stated that he was not against an investigation being conducted into the complaint made against him, but the circumstances revealed in this petition indicated that no fair and proper investigation had been conducted by the respondents, HQI of Mount Lavinia, OIC, CID, Director CID, Inspector General of Police, Complaints Unit of CID, ASP of CID and the Attorney General.

The petitioner further said that his wife was suffering from advanced dementia, and his 27-year old daughter was a mentally unstable patient suffering from Epilepsy and frequent seizures from her childhood.
Therefore, the petitioner requested the Court to declare the Attorney General's indictment as null and void and to stay the proceedings in the High Court and declare his FR was violated.

The Supreme Court, in it decision, stated that indictment was not unreasonable, arbitrary or malicious.
Additional Solicitor General Yasantha Kodagoda PC appeared for the Attorney General and police officers.
Manohara de Silva PC appeared for petitioner.
J.C. Weliamuna appeared with Pulasthi Hewamanna for the victim. 

Field Marshal and Justice Minister lock horns again

... trade damning allegations on TV

By Shamindra Ferdinando-January 11, 2016, 10:14 am 

Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka has urged President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickrem-esinghe to take punitive action against Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, PC, whom the war veteran accuses of still serving the interests of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa.

Appearing on live Sirasa political programme ‘Satana’, Democratic Party leader alleged that the Justice Minister had been working for the Rajapaksas in spite of switching his allegiance to the UNP years back. Claiming that the Justice Minister had been engaged in a lucrative controversial enterprise and exploited his position to pursue business interests,FM Fonseka strongly condemned the Justice Minister for alleging that Maharaja Organization had sought to take over the operations previously carried out by the Avant Garde Maritime Services (AGMS). Instead of being grateful to Sirasa for facilitating Maithripala Sirisena’s victory at the presidential poll last January, Minister Rajapakse was seeking to score political points at the expense of the media, the former Democratic National Alliance (DNA) MP said.

Fonseka levelled a spate of allegations including one pertaining to the Justice Minister making an attempt to deceive the public regarding campaign funds received by the former Army Chief during the 2010 presidential polls.

Justice Minister Rajapakse joined ‘Satana’ over the phone towards the end of the programme to castigate the former Chief of Defence Staff. Rajapakse alleged that Fonseka had been angry with him for not facilitating the release of funds amounting to Rs. 88.8 mn seized from a bank vault belonging to the mother of Fonseka’s former son-in-law, Dhanuna Tillekeratne. The Justice Minister alleged that the money had been accumulated through illegal means during Fonseka’s tenure as the Army Chief. Rajapakse said that such funds couldn’t be released to appease Fonseka.

Justice Minister reiterated that his refusal to comply with Fonseka’s demand to arrest former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, too, had contributed to the situation. Responding to allegations pertaining to his involvement in private enterprise, Rajapakse said members of parliament as well as ministers were not barred from acquiring shares of private enterprises.

The Justice Minister expressed disappointment that the media had given Fonseka an opportunity to make unsubstantiated allegations.

At the onset of the programme, Fonseka alleged that Rajapakse had been a close associate of AGMS proprietor retired Maj. Nissanka Senadhipathi, whom the DP leader described as one of those who had immensely benefited from the Rajapaksas over the years. Fonseka alleged that Rajapakse had maintained his relationship with Senadhipathi even leaving the UPFA/SLFP at an early stage of Rajapaksa’s first term.

The Sinha Regiment veteran said that the funds recovered from the vault belonging to Danuna’s mother was part of the funds received from well-wishers in support of his presidential candidature in 2010. The minister had deprived him of an opportunity to recover the money.

Fonseka claimed that the Justice Minister had influenced the Attorney General’s Department in a bid to save the Rajapaksas. The Justice Minister had asserted that Gotabhaya Rajapaksa couldn’t be arrested under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) whereas he in spite of being the former Commander of the war winning Army had been subjected to the same law, Fonseka said.

The DP leader and Justice Minister had traded accusations regarding funds belonging to Danuna Tillekeratne held by the state. Fonseka placed the amount in question at Rs. 8 mn whereas Rajapakse placed the sum at Rs. 16 mn.

Fonseka alleged that Rajapakse had been continuously working against him and his party. The retired army commander alleged that the Justice Minister also worked against their efforts to regain rebel MP Jayantha Ketagoda’s seat.

Activist and Lawyer Arrested Over Garbage Dumb Protest

11/01/2016

Convener of the movement against Meethotamulla garbage dump Keerthiratne Perera and its organizer Attorney at law Nuwan Bopage have been arrested last night (10) .

They have been arrested for violating court orders issued against the protest, and over an assaulting incident.

The suspects will be produced before the Colombo Magistrate’s Court today (11)

Earlier, a court order was issued which prevented the holding of protests against Meethotamulla garbage dump.

An abrogation was organized by the movement against the Meethotamulla garbage dump on December 27.However it was attacked by a group led by the Mayor of Kolonnawa which injured several protesters including Keerthiratne Perera and Attorney at law Nuwan Bopage.

Around 700 metric tons of waste is disposed daily at the 16-acre garbage dump site in Meethotamulla threatening the homes and lives of the people living in the area.

The mountainous garbage dumps have slipped causing damages to a large number of houses while villagers also complain of health risks.

Villagers have continuously protested calling for the removal of the site, however, claim their pleas have fallen on deaf ears.

( Original caption : Nuwan Bopage and Keerthiratne Perera arrested over Kolonnawa protest )
Daily News