Another Tamil woman arrested at Colombo airport

Police in Sri Lanka have arrested another Tamil woman who allegedly tried to reach Italy via Abu Dhabi.

BY ATHULA VITHANAGE-20 AUGUST 2015

Twenty three year old Jayanthini Siluvairasa, a resident of Ramanathan Road, Jaffna has been arrested by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) in the early hours of Thursday (20) while she was going through emigration procedures and security control at the Katunayake international airport.

Fifth person

She was produced before the Negombo Magistrate courts under charges of carrying a forged passport and has been remanded until 25th August.

Jayanthini has become the fifth Tamil person to be arrested in five days by the CID officers stationed at the Colombo airport.

This Victory Is A Victory For Soft Power

By M.A. Sumanthiran –August 21, 2015 

M.A. Sumanthiran

The Tamil National Alliance has achieved a resounding victory at the 2015 General Election, successfully overcoming the challenges and fierce opposition it faced.

For the second time this year, the Tamil People have shown a clear intention to strengthen the hand of the Tamil National Alliance. They have done so keeping intact the goal of their long term political struggle, and with hope that their lives will be restored. Our People’s clear recognition of the crucial nature of this election, and their overwhelming response in casting their vote and thus ensuring the victory of the Tamil National Alliance, once again reflects to the world the great political wisdom of the Tamil People. Let me take this opportunity to first humbly express my heartfelt thanks to all those who voted for us.

Let me also express my heartfelt thanks to all the people of my native Jaffna who placed their trust in me and cast the 58,043 preferential votes I received from the Jaffna electoral division. This victory is just the beginning for us.

My humble and affectionate thanks to all the Provincial Council Members and Local Council Members of the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi who stood by me and gave of their time and energy, working tirelessly for my victory, expecting nothing in return. I will need your continued help and cooperation in the future as well.

This victory also belongs to the youth who campaigned for me, going from door to door, introducing me to people who did not know about me, and clarifying the doubts and questions concerning my political stance. Their clear thinking and political understanding gives me great hope for the future of Tamil politics. I am also aware of youth who have a part in this victory by way of their work via facebook. My thanks to you as well.

I see my victory as the victory of my politics. I had decided that if I contested and lost this election, I would withdraw from the political arena. The People have chosen me despite the overwhelming false allegations and propaganda that targeted me. This strongly reflects their faith and dedication to my political stance – the politics of soft power. This victory is a victory for soft power. This victory is a victory for our future. This victory is the victory of our youth.

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Sri Lanka's nice-guy president channels his inner Machiavelli

Sri Lanka's President Maithripala Sirisena (front) stands for the national anthem during a ceremony to swear in Ranil Wickremesinghe, leader of the United National Party, as Sri Lanka's new prime minister in Colombo, August 21, 2015.REUTERS/DINUKA LIYANAWATTE

BY DOUGLAS BUSVINE- Fri Aug 21, 2015
A betting man would have demanded long odds a year ago on Sri Lanka completing a peaceful transition of power after years of international isolation under the authoritarian leader who brought a bloody end to the country's civil war.

But in Monday's parliamentary elections, the bespectacled Maithripala Sirisena, who came from nowhere to win the presidency in January, confounded the doubters, thwarting a comeback by predecessor Mahinda Rajapaksa, a civil war hero to many Sri Lankans but war criminal to others.

Rajapaksa, who changed the constitution in a bid to retain power in the Indian Ocean island of 21 million, had set his sights on becoming premier of a government led by his Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP).

But the unassuming Sirisena, who started out as a "positive fluke" selected by the broad-based civic movement that campaigned to end the Rajapaksa era, has surprised even close aides with a Machiavellian ability to win with a weak hand.

It was only on election day that Sirisena, who had succeeded Rajapaksa as SLFP leader, purged Rajapaksa loyalists who controlled the party's executive and for months had refused to bend to his will.

"Civilised politics is a blend," a senior Sirisena adviser told Reuters. "If you don't use certain high-handed tactics, you cannot survive."

Armed with a strong mandate for a coalition headed by Ranil Wickremesinghe and his United National Party (UNP), Sirisena should now be able to push through reforms to open up government and simplify Sri Lanka's complex election rules.

Minority Tamils and Muslims have rallied behind the coalition.

Defeat for Rajapaksa will keep Sri Lanka on a non-aligned foreign policy course and loosen its ties with China, which during his rule pumped in billions of dollars to turn the island into a maritime outpost.

  

UNSTOPPABLE FORCE

As recently as last month, warning lights were flashing that Sirisena lacked the nerve to stop Rajapaksa capitalising on the parliamentary vote, which the 63-year-old president had called early to seek a stronger mandate for reform.

"There was a lot of worry that Mahinda was an unstoppable force," said Alan Keenan, a Sri Lanka analyst at the International Crisis Group.

But, in a July 14 speech, Sirisena vowed not to name Rajapaksa prime minister, even if the SLFP won. "That speech by Sirisena was able to turn the tide," said Keenan.

Although Wickremesinghe's UNP won by a margin of only 3 percent, Sirisena's rejection of Rajapaksa may have been enough to sway the result.

"If the president is saying he is not going to name your guy prime minister, why would you go out and vote?" said one Western diplomat.

   

COALITION BUILDER

Sirisena's presidency began inauspiciously; having walked out of Rajapaksa's government to run against him, he was forced into 'cohabiting' with a UNP minority government that controlled just a third of seats in parliament.

He managed to secure the passage of a constitutional amendment to weaken the powers of an executive presidency he believes enabled the excesses of the Rajapaksa era, but other reforms stalled. Corruption probes against two of Rajapaksa's brothers, who together had controlled 70 percent of the budget, went nowhere.

But, all the while, Sirisena was seeking to broaden support at home and abroad, courting U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry and British Prime Minister David Cameron.

"Sirisena went out there and built those relationships," another diplomat said. "He took Sri Lanka out of isolation."

That should set the stage for a discussion on how Sri Lanka can come to terms with the legacy of its 26-year civil war, which ended when Rajapaksa crushed Tamil insurgents in 2009 in an offensive the United Nations estimates killed 40,000.

A U.N. war crimes report is due ahead of talks in Geneva next month where Sri Lanka should commit to prosecuting perpetrators and establish some form of truth and reconciliation process under international scrutiny.

While these talks will be difficult under Sirisena, who has made tentative steps towards reconciliation, they would have been unthinkable before. In his campaign, Rajapaksa urged voters to oppose those who "would divide this country and take us to court in Geneva".

Rajapaksa and his inner circle may have more to fear from domestic prosecution in a series of criminal probes that sources say are likely to be stepped up. He and his family deny any wrongdoing.

Sirisena's political machinations may, however, test the SLFP to breaking point. Rajapaksa, 69, has ruled out retirement, increasing the risk of a more abrupt political realignment, or even a party split.

"Some MPs will recognise that the Rajapaksas are running helter-skelter under corruption allegations," said a senior government minister. "They will realise where the power is - with Maithripala Sirisena."

(Additional reporting by Shihar Aneez; Editing by Paritosh Bansal and Will Waterman)

UPFA-SLFP ‘Government of consensus’ : Sampanthan, opposition leader ; Karu, speaker; Wimal ,Vasu , Dinesh in opposition

(Lanka-e-News- 21.Aug.2015, 10.40AM)   For the first time in Sri Lanka ‘s (SL) history , the two main political parties- the UNP and the SLFP are to sign a memorandum of understanding (MOU) to form a ‘Government of consensus ’ thereby  opening a new chapter in SL’s political arena with the aim of resolving the country’s crucial and principal issues .

So far in the present context , there is no consensus to describe the government as a national government. Instead of ‘national’ , another name has been  preferred , and at the discussions it has been suggested that it shall be identified as ‘Government of consensus’  

In any event , it is agreed by both sides that Ranil Wickremesinghe shall be appointed as the prime minister (P.M.) , and Deshamanya Karu Jayasuriya is appointed as the speaker.

In all probability the duration of this  government of consensus will be about 2-3 years. During this period permanent solutions are to be found to the national issues, and thereafter the whole parliament shall function as a legislative enactment  council , and the primary goal will be to get a new constitution passed.

Under the new government , the leader of the opposition will be from the TNA (Tamil National Allliance) ; and that most probably will be senior politician R. Sampanthan.

Weerawansa and his party , Dinesh Gunawardena and Vasudeva Nanyakkkara representing  other parties who contested the elections under the UPFA jointly with the SLFP will be occupying  the opposition benches , according to unofficial reports . 

The JVP had already declared that they  will be in the opposition 

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by     (2015-08-21 06:11:48)

The Political Demise Of SLMC

By Ameer Ali –August 21, 2015

Dr. Ameer Ali

If members of a political party surrenders that party’s original manifesto and symbol and embrace those of another party to win entry to the legislature, and possibly to the cabinet, what does it convey to that party’s dedicated supporters and to the supporters of the party that now accommodated them? Aren’t they a bunch of traitors to their own party and birds of passage to the accommodating party? Who can trust these instant-party-switchers or turn coats?

These are questions that now arise regarding the position of SLMC now and towards its future. With one or two exceptions almost all SLMC candidates who won in this week’s elections did so under the UNP symbol. In doing so did these contestants embrace only the UNP symbol and not the manifesto of the UNP? If they had only embraced the symbol for the sake winning the contest then UNP should not accommodate any of them in the new cabinet because they have no commitment to UNP manifesto. On the other hand if these birds of passage had accepted the manifesto of UNP and its symbol then they had treacherously betrayed the trust placed on them by those Muslims who believed in SLMC as the only hope for the community’s political survival.

The time has come to take a serious stock of the current status, costs and benefits of SLMC. I did call before for the outright dissolution or wholesale rejection of this ethnic political monster. Just before this week’s election I also appealed to the national parties to marginalise SLMC. To a certain extent the results of the election has vindicated my stand. The behaviour and performance of the SLMC candidates at this week’s elections has left no doubt in my mind that in the larger interest of the country and in the interest of the Muslim community in particular SLMC as a political party should disappear from the national scene. There is no problem for that entity to continue operating as a lobby group for Muslims.Read More

Rejects are rejects

Editorial-August 20, 2015,

The National List (NL) mechanism was created to help eminent persons enter Parliament without contesting elections which they detest. But, sadly, it continues to be abused to appoint defeated candidates to the national legislature.

Those who vote for a particular political party at parliamentary polls, endorse its NL. Therefore, using the mechanism to appoint as MPs the candidates rejected by the voters is tantamount to a distortion of the will of the electorate.

The UNP’s decision against appointing political rejects to Parliament via the NL is to be highly commended. Even the worst critics of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe will praise him, albeit grudgingly, for that. It may be recalled that he did not appoint even his trusted lieutenant, Vajira Abeywardene, who lost the 2010 general election, to Parliament through the NL, in spite of pressure from the party and his loyalists. Vajira has won this time.

Regrettably, moves are reportedly being made to appoint some of the defeated UPFA candidates in the good books of President Maithripala Sirisena to Parliament through the NL. True, there is a constitutional provision for making such appointments, but the fact remains that everything that the Constitution provides for does not necessarily conform to democratic norms and the principle of good governance. The 18th Amendment was a case in point. Thankfully, it was abolished. The Constitution is full of such draconian features and those who champion good governance must not make use of them to further their interests. President Mahinda Rajapaksa was hauled over the coals—and rightly so—for using those provisions.

President Sirisena remained neutral at Monday’s election, to all intents and purposes, in spite of being the leader of the SLFP and the UPFA and, worse, his party suffered an ignominious defeat in his home district, Polonnaruwa. Above all, his speeches and letters through which he sought to settle personal scores with his erstwhile boss, Mahinda Rajapaksa, and queer the latter’s pitch, proved inimical to the interests of the UPFA in the run-up to the August 17 election. Therefore, the question is whether he has any moral right to decide on the UPFA NL appointments.

President Sirisena and other champions of good governance condemned Mahinda Rajapaksa for trying to make a comeback after being rejected at the Jan. 08 presidential election. A reject was a reject and he had to gracefully retire, he was told. So, how can they justify their attempts to appoint some of those rejected by the people at the recent general election, to Parliament via the NL? Is it that they think some political rejects are more equal than others?

There has been a campaign against the preferential vote or manape which is blamed for intraparty disputes, election violence and preventing decent men and women entering politics. Even the Rajapaksa loyalists subscribe to this view. What would have happened to them if the August 17 election had been conducted without the preferential vote mechanism? Party leaders including the President would have been able to appoint MPs from the lists of candidates according to their whims and fancies!

A candidate fails to get elected at a general election because voters do not consider him or her fit enough to enter Parliament. Last year, university teachers, the media and the then Opposition raised hell, claiming that a girl who had failed to qualify at the GCE A/L examination for higher education had been admitted to a state university on the basis of a letter issued by MP Namal Rajapaksa. They were justified in letting out a howl of protest.

There is no difference between admitting a student who fails to obtain enough marks at the GCE A/L to a national university and appointing to the national legislature via the NL a candidate who loses an election. Therefore, anyone who claims to be a proponent of good governance cannot endorse the appointment of political rejects to Parliament through the backdoor.

A word from an academic to the new Government

by Thrishantha Nanayakkara 

- on 08/21/2015 

Let me first congratulate President Mr. Maithripala Sirisena and the elections commissioner Mr. Mahinda Deshapriya for bringing such an honor to Sri Lanka from across the Globe for the high standard of the General Election 2015.

A Word From an Academic to the New Government by Thavam Ratna

Continue investigations and purge SLFP of the criminal and corrupt : Dr. Amunugama - Mr. and Mrs. Weerawansa , Cabraal , Gammanpila questioned again

(Lanka-e-News- 21.Aug.2015, 11.50AM)    ‘Continue with the investigations into the frauds and corruption of the previous government members who have been elected at the recent elections , without interruption , and duly punish them , with a view to purging the SLFP of the undesirables and criminals ,’ Dr. Sarath Amunugama has requested to president Maithripala Sirisena. Amunugama made this request when the Central committee of the SLFP met yesterday morning, chaired by the president.

It is to be noted that nobody obstructed or objected to Amunugama’s request .

Menwhile , the FCID (police financial crimes investigation department ) and the CID resumed their investigations . 

During the elections in compliance with a request made by the Elections commissioner , the investigations were put on hold. Ajith Nivard Cabraal the Central bank governor an accused who heaved a sigh of relief  during the elections and thought he has found an  escape route  was summoned to the FCID  for questioning again.  Wimal Weerawansa’s wife charged with fraud and forgery too was summoned for further questioning by the CID . Udaya Gammanpila who parades as a Buddhist sentinel and savior of Buddhism had also to face the CID over a complaint made by an Australian national . All of them were summoned for questioning yesterday.

Wimal Weerawansa arrived at the Financial Crime Investigation Division (FCID) this morning(21) to give a statement regarding his assets

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by     (2015-08-21 06:48:45)

Sixty-month challenge in the House

Rajapaksa party falters; voters preferred the UNF and  a Maithri-Ranil Government

2015-08-21 01:15:32

In his latest book on political marketing, a timely release during the electioneering process, Dr. Sunil Jayantha Navaratna argues that a vote by a person to a particular political party or to a candidate is a temporary loan based on a package presented through propaganda and promotion during the campaign. That package consists of seven Ps: Person , Party and Logo, Policies & Plans, Promises, Performances, Perceptions & Predictions and Payback.

Sixty-month Challenge in the House by Thavam Ratna

From perseverance to premiership!

Saturday, 22 August 2015

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• Ranil Wickremesinghe takes oaths as 23rd Prime Minister 
• Fresh elected term after 14 years, 4th stint overall
• Mahinda attends rival’s oath-taking ceremony
• Cabinet of ministers to be appointed next week?

Ranil Wickremesinghe takes oaths as the Prime Minister before President Maithripala Sirisena yesterday as former President and UPFA’s failed Prime Ministerial candidate Mahinda Rajapaksa looks on along with others. By Dharisha Bastians

Ranil Wickremesinghe, Leader of the United National Party (UNP) which bagged the most seats in Monday’s Parliamentary race,took oaths as the 23rd Prime Minister of Sri Lanka and head of its newly-elected Government yesterday.

From Perseverance to Premiership by Thavam Ratna

Are We Ready For Change?

By Godwin Constantine –August 21, 2015

Dr Godwin Constantine

This is a great moment for Tamils, for Singhalese, for Muslims. This is a great moment for the country. Ultimately there is a feeling of relief, a hope that human dignity and democracy will be restored in this country.

The 2015 parliamentary elections were significant in many ways for Sri Lanka. Notably it is a watershed election where people from both sides of the ethnic divide have decisively rejected extremism. In the North, the Tamil National People’s Front (TNPF) which campaigned with an extreme Tamil nationalist stand, challenging the moderate Tamil National Alliance was unable to secure a single seat. In the South, the Mahinda lead UPFA campaign capitalized on communal hate politics and fear—such as fears of the re-emergence of the LTTE under the UNP government—but failed to maintain even the support they obtained in the Presidential election. More importantly the controversial Bodu Bala Sena, contesting the polls as Bodu Jana Peramuna, failed to win a single seat.

If the Sri Lankan general public is saying, “enough is enough; let’s move away from communal politics and get along with life,” will the present government listen to the faint voices of its people? If one considers the events that led up to the Presidential elections and its aftermath, and up to the parliamentary elections, we could sense that a democratic atmosphere, where people’s voices would be taken into account, was setting in. Of course there were hiccups in ‘yahapalanaya,’ with corrupt politicians raising their ugly heads once in a way, and wrong people being appointed for important positions. Nevertheless, President Mithripala’s efforts to put principles before politics need to be commended.

                           Read More

The "jathika" and "vijathika" of coalitions

The "jathika" and "vijathika" of coalitions

Fragments.

Posted by Uditha Devapriya-Friday, August 21, 2015

NOTES ON AN ELECTION

On August 24, 1931, the then prime minister of Britain Ramsay MacDonald attempted to resign over a disagreement with his own party with how the country's finances should be handled. His king, George V, advised him to form a coalition, one which would obtain representation from all parties, including his own (Labour).

That coalition, referred to as the "First National Ministry", was dissolved just two months later, only to be resurrected following a General Election. The reason was simple. The economy was in a slump, in no small part due to the Great Depression. There was a need for a coalition and a good one too.

By 1945, more than 20 years later, Britain saw or rather underwent five more coalitions, the most crucial of which was headed by Winston Churchill during the Second World War. Characteristically, every party involved played a role.

What's notable here is that these coalitions weren't formed for nothing. There were reasons and all too often a national interest was at stake. In none of these instances were democracy deficits and good governance issues. Crucial outcomes were warranted and for this all parties needed to get together. Even if it meant the absence of that cornerstone of any functioning democracy, an opposition.

Well, it's confirmed. A National Government will be set up here. We don't know who's to be represented and who's to opt out. A true National Government can only come with the participation of every party and ideology, including those who espouse federalism, nationalism, capitalism, communism, and yes, even anarchism. For that to happen though, two questions need to be asked: is there enough provision in the Constitution for that and if so, do we really need to go ahead?

Two commentators debated on this on MTV's Newsline the other day. Bandula Jayasekara, diplomat and writer known for his outspokenness, was more accommodating. Rusiripala Tennakoon, trade unionist and political analyst, was more critical. He named names and flipped unturned stones. More importantly, he went on to answer the above two questions and that with tact and objectivity.

His take was based on two premises.

The first. Constitutionally speaking there are provisions and guidelines for forming a National Government here. Specifically, Article 45 states that the president, having consulted the prime minister if necessary, can appoint non-Cabinet Ministers from the Parliament and that these Ministers are then answerable to the Cabinet. This amounts to a National Government or coalition.

The second. Such a coalition can be effective only if the constituent parties (including the head of the alliance) subordinate themselves to a national interest. Such an interest is birthed by a national crisis, including financial meltdowns (as with the MacDonald era) or a war (as with the Churchill era). An interest which "sweeps off" party politics, therefore, can only arise through a crisis. Such crises are rare.

Having laid these out, Tennakoon asked a question: do we really need a National Government?

Consider this. There's no war. The economy's doing fine, at least relatively. We have a serious democracy deficit but then again so does almost every other country. We are not in Lebanon and for this reason we don't really need consensual politicking which robs an opposition from the people. Sure, we've been told that there's to be rhetoric-less good governance in the days and months to come, and judging by the people elected into Parliament that seems to be true.

Do we need a coalition for that though? On the face of it, maybe. Maithripala Sirisena is president and also leader of the SLFP. Ranil Wickremesinghe, his foremost backer in the January election, is prime minister and leader of the UNP. Forget other parties. Forget other party leaders. For the time being, an alliance between these two means, as a sine qua non, a coalition.

But what's it all about? As Tennakoon rightly pointed out, a National Government must subordinate itself to a national interest. What do we have here? For the past six months, all we saw was one party playing second fiddle to the other! A farce? Well, almost. Not surprisingly, how both parties conduct themselves in relation to each other for the next 60 months will be judged on this basis.

Right now, here's what counts. Coalitions aren't just formed. There are forces that breed them. More importantly, history shapes and chisels the right moment for their formation (and of course their split). It's ridiculous therefore to expect them to be made for a (perceived) need to ensure good governance.

Put it this way: those who script in a "jathika" into a coalition while castrating a headless opposition and thereby perpetuating party-politics are actually "doing" a "vijathika".

No, I am not suggesting that this is where Sri Lanka is heading. There's every reason to pin faith on the UNP and the program it's carrying. Then again though, do we really need a National Government for this? Let's not forget, after all, that without a viable and strong opposition (the UPFA meets this easily) neither good governance nor democracy can be sustained for long.

If such coalitions are formed to ward off crises, which need unconditional and across-party-line support, then a virtual absence of those crises would ruin democracy if we still opt for a coalition government and what results is an opposition-less parliament. History has shown what happens in that context, both here and elsewhere. Best not to tempt it.

Rusiripala Tennakoon has made a point, hence. A very good point. So good that it merits assessment.

Uditha Devapriya is a freelance writer who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com

Video: Ranil sworn in as PM


2015-08-21
UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe sworn in as the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka at the Presidential Secretariat a short while ago. 

He was elected for the fourth time as the Prime Minster in the 2015 Parliamentary Elections. He topped the UNP Colombo district list with 500,566 votes; the most number of preferential votes at a parliamentary election obtained by a candidate. 

He served as Prime Minister for eight months when President Maithripala Sirisena appointed him following the victory of 2015 Presidential Election. 

Mr. Wickremesinghe had also served as Prime Minister from May 7, 1993 to August 19, 1994 and December 9, 2001 to April 9, 2004.