Ekneligoda probe suspended over military protest

Prime minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has called for an immediate halt of the CID investigation probing into the disappearance of Lanka E News journalist - Prageeth Ekneligoda, the 'Sath Handa' newspaper reveals, citing police sources.

15 August 2015

The order was made after military bigwigs have informed the Prime minister that further investigations could cause a stir within the military, it adds.

According to investigations so far, the direct involvement of several intelligence unit officers and high ranking military officers had been revealed. One officer is already under arrest and another high ranking officer is to be arrested soon.

The newspaper further reports as follows :

Firm stance of military

However, Army officers have already informed the CID that the officers cannot be handed over for questioning.

Should such arrested Army officers reveal all incidents that took place in the recent past, it could expose an entire special military intelligence unit that was set up during the war era for that express purpose.

This special contingent set up under the auspices of the then Army commander - Sarath Fonseka, had 650 officers attached.

After the war, this intelligence team was used to continue the 'military regime' of the Rajapaksa era.

The disappearance of Ekneligoda was one act.

Millennium City

Army officers are of the opinion that as the team was involved in many similar acts, disclosure of information would created a massive stir among the military and could lead to a controversy such as the 'Millennium City betrayal'.

Under the former Defence Secretary, many high ranking military officials including the former Army commander Jagath Jayasuriya and Brigadier W.D.G. Wanninayaka have been attached to the team.

Under this new series of events, the Prime minister has decided to halt the probe until the General Election is over.

(Sathhanda.lk)

Election polls close in Sri Lanka amid unanimous Sinhala rejection of Tamil demands

Tamils cast their vote in the North-East. (Photograph Tamilwin).   17 August 2015 Polls opened this morning local time for Sri Lanka's parliamentary election. Tamils awoke today to elect an expected maximum 18 MPs to seek constitutional change within a 225 seat Sinhala majority parliament where there has been a rejection of Tamil demands from across the spectrum of Sinhala majority political parties.

Election Polls Close in Sri Lanka Amid Unanimous Sinhala Rejection of Tamil Demands by Thavam Ratna

What next? Part 1: Pragmatism or principle, a false choice?

This is the first part of a three part series; you will be able to read part 2 here, and part 3 here when they are published over the next two days.

The Human Rights Council will discuss Sri Lanka in September

Pragmatism or principle, a false choice?

Aug 17, 2015

In just a few weeks the United Nations will publish its investigation into war crimes allegations in Sri Lanka – the “OISL” (Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights investigation in Sri Lanka) report. Given past reports by the United Nations and other NGOs this report will almost certainly demonstrate that the Government of Sri Lanka and the Tamil Tigers (LTTE) both committed war crimes and crimes against humanity.

The political landscape

As we know from Sri Lanka’s own history, and that of the aftermath of mass atrocities around the world, a meaningful process of accountability needs to be instituted to end Sri Lanka’s culture of impunity. Furthermore, the wishes and demands of survivors on both sides need to be taken into account.

In order to achieve this, it is critical that pressure be applied to the international community to pursue a strong resolution from the Human Rights Council that clearly sets out the need for accountability. However, given that Sri Lanka changed Government only nine months ago, and elected a new parliament today, only weeks before the report is published, the international community will be minded to be supportive of the new Government of Sri Lanka. This obviously limits what we can expect the Human Rights Council to achieve in September.

Survivor Expectations – to be met or managed?

Is there therefore a responsibility for the United Nations and human rights NGOs to manage the expectations of Sri Lanka’s survivor community? We believe not. We feel that to argue so would be to suggest that such expectations are unreasonable. They are not. They are grounded in a firm belief in the need for truth and justice, supported by a credible and wide-ranging set of evidence, and survivors well established right under international law. They are also grounded in the compelling need, recently confirmed by the UN Special Rapporteur on Transitional Justice,  for a victim centred approach to reconciliation.

In this light, it is the international community’s failure to meet these expectations which looks unreasonable. A strategy that says that they can simply be managed away will not do.

However equally importantly we must not deny the existence of a gap between what the international community is willing to do with respect to Sri Lanka and what is required for a sustainable peace. Nor should we attempt to bridge that gap with wishful thinking or through the self-indulgent act of presenting the international community with a list of demands which are likely to go unmet for decades. What we must come up with is a strategy for closing the gap.

In particular we should think in terms of how human rights organisations, and the survivor community themselves, can help bridge that gap without waiting for, or becoming dependent upon, the international community or the Sri Lankan Government. Simply encouraging survivors in their push for an international justice mechanism is not enough; survivors need to be helped through the process of navigating through the options, opportunities, and tactics this process will throw up.

In our next piece we will look at how this can be achieved by breaking the processes Sri Lanka needs into their constituent parts.

Sri Lanka calls on international help to find former first family’s alleged foreign fortune

British financial crime experts give advice as Sri Lanka pursues corruption cases against former ruling clan, foreign minister tells The Telegraph on eve of elections

Former Sri Lankan president and parliamentary candidate Mahinda Rajapaksa Photo: Getty Images

By Philip Sherwell, Matara

Sri Lanka’s leaders have appealed to Britain, America and the World Bank to help to track down the overseas assets of the former ruling family as they accelerate plans for trials for rampant corruption after Monday's elections.

Sri Lanka Calls on International Help to Find Former First Family’s Alleged Foreign Fortune by Thavam Ratna

Google Loon: Test tube for Sri Lanka but promises massive dividends if successful 

Monday, 17 August 2015

ICT Agency CEO Muhunthan Canagey (second from left) exchanging the MOU with Google Vice President Mike Cassidy. Others from left are Highways and Investment Promotion Deputy Minister Eran Wickramaratne, State Minister of Defence Ruwan Wijewardene, Foreign Affairs and Telecom Minister Mangala Samaraweera and Economic Affairs Deputy Minister Dr. Harsha de Silva – Pic by Upul Abayasekara

Google Loon Test Tube for Sri Lanka but Promises Massive Dividends if Successful by Thavam Ratna

Necessary transition from personalized to system-based rule

By Jehan Perera-August 18, 2015, 1:19 am 

Elections in a democratic polity provide an opportunity to assess the mind of the people. They are superior in gauging public opinion in comparison to any opinion poll which is necessarily of a sample of society only. During the last phase of the election campaign, there were reports of opinion polls that showed a last minute surge for the opposition. This countered previous surveys that showed a comfortable lead for the government. These coexisted with still other surveys that claimed the opposite. The choice of the electorate at this general election would provide an invaluable insight into the priorities of the Sri Lankan voter, especially whether they are moved more by emotion than by rationality. This applies both in the North as well as the South.

Necessary Transition From Personalized to System-based Rule by Thavam Ratna

Two Or Three Things I Know About My Country

By Pradeep Jeganathan –August 17, 2015

Prof. Pradeep Jeganathan

We’ve never really had a father. We like to think we did, of course, be it D.S. Senanayake, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike or S.J.V. Chelvanayagam. But they never had a vision for Lanka that made sense, in the end. Unlike a Mahathir, Nehru or a Mandela, their vision was partisan, and the results plain to see. Senanayake’s great contribution was to disenfranchise the up country Tamils, and ignore the vernacular language question. Bandaranaike and Chelvanayagam were his children, fighting for the house that he never finished building.

We’ve gone along since, fatherless children that we are. So many have been killed, and so many have killed. Maimed. Seen the essence of inhumanity, lived with it, so it has become ordinary. Many of us like to think Rajapakse is our father, since it is said he rescued us from all this, took us over the mountains to the valley of peace. Certainly, he’s proclaimed himself father and king, and his sons princes. And he’s had his moments.

But Rajapaksa fell short by a long way; one example is enough for me. Right at the edge of the water, in the northern most tip of our country lies a stone plaque. It was placed there well after May 2009, and marks the spot as Dambakola Patuna, the place where Ven. Sanghamitta landed with a sapling of the sacred Bo tree. And yet, this beautiful place is desecrated by a Rajapaksa plaque, which, here of all places, calls him “Tri-Sinhaladesvara.” Perhaps he never had it, perhaps he lost it on the way, but this is no way to mark our common patrimony.

Read More

Over 15 million voters from 22 electoral districts to elect 225 MPs tomorrow

Over 15 million voters across 22 electoral districts will go to the polls tomorrow to elect 225 Members of Parliament (MPs) in the country’s 15th General election since 1947. The Colombo District will return the largest for a single district with 19 MPs, while Tricomalee will return the lowest number of 4 MPs.

Postal voting underway in Puttalam last week. Pic by Hiran Priyankara

Colombo -19 MPs -1,586,598 registered voters -15 polling divisions namely: Colombo North, Colombo Central, Borella, Colombo East, Colombo West, Dehiwela, Ratmalana, Kolonnawa, Kotte, Kaduwela, Avissawella, Homagama, Maharagama, Kesbewa and Moratuwa.

Gampaha – 18 MPs – 1,637,537 registered voters – 13 polling divisions namely: Wattala, Negombo, Katana, Divulapitiya, Mirigama, Minuwangoda, Attanagalla, Gampaha, Ja-ela, Mahara, Dompe, Biyagama and Kelaniya

Katutara – 10 MPs – 897,349 registered voters – 8 polling divisions namely: Panadura, Kalutara, Bandaragama, Horana, Bulathsinhala, Matugama, Beruwela and Agalawatte.

(Kandy) Mahanuwara – 10 MPs – 1,049,160 registered voters – 13 polling divisions namely: Galagedara, Harispattuwa, Patha-dumbara, Uda-dumbara, Teldeniya, Kundasale, Hewaheta, Senkadagala, Mahanuwara, Yatinuwara, Udunuwara, Gampola and Nawalapitiya.

Matale – 5 MPs – 379,675 registered voters – 4 polling divisions namely: Dambulla, Laggala, Matale and Rattota.

Nuwara Eliya – 8 MPs -534,150 registered voters – 4 polling divisions namely: Nuwara Eliya-Maskeliya, Walapane, Hanguranketa and Kotmale.

Galle – 10 MPs -819, 666 registered voters – 10 polling divisions namely: Balapitiya, Ambalangoda, Karandeniya, Bentara-Elpitiya, Hiniduma, Baddegama, Ratgama, Galle, Akmeemana and Habaraduwa.

Matara – 8 MPs – 623, 818 registered voters – 7 polling divisions namely:
Deniyaya, Hakmana, Akuressa, Kamburupitiya, Devinuwara, Matara and Weligama.

Hambantota – 7 MPs – 462, 911 registered voters – 4 polling divisions namely: Mulkirigala, Beliatta, Tangalle and Tissamaharama.

Jaffna – 7 MPs – 529,239 registered voters – 11 polling divisions namely: Kayts, Vaddukkodai, Kankesanturai, Manipay, Kopay, Udupiddy, Point Pedro, Chavakachcheri, Nallur, Jaffna and Kilinochchi.

Wanni – 6 MPs -253,058 registered voters – 3 polling divisions namely: Mannar, Vavuniya and Mullaitivu.

Batticaloa – 5 MPs – 365,167 registered voters – 3 polling divisions namely: Kalkudah, Batticaloa and Padiruppu.
Postal voting 9,842 applications.

Digamadulla – 7 MPs – 465,757 registered voters – 4 polling divisions namely: Ampara, Sammanturai, Potuvil and Kalmunai.
More than 20,000 voters eligible to cast postal votes.

Trincomalee – 4 MPs -256,852 registered voters – 3 polling divisions namely: Seruwila, Trincomalee and Mutur.
11,451 applications for postal votes, of which 387 were rejected.

Kurunegala – 15 MPs – 1,266,443 registered voters- 14 polling divisions namely: Galgamuwa, Nikaweratiya, Yapahuwa, Hiriyala, Wariyapola, Panduwasnuwara, Bingiriya, Katugampola, Kuliyapitiya, Dambadeniya, Polgahawela, Kurunegala, Mawathagama, and Dodangaslanda.

Puttalam – 8 MPs – 553, 009 registered voters – 5 polling divisions namely: Puttalam, Anamaduwa, Chilaw, Nattandiya and Wennappuwa

Anuradhapura – 9 MPs – 636,733 registered voters – 6 polling divisions namely: Horowupotana, Anuradhapura-east,Anuradhapura-west, Kalawewa, Mihintale and Kekirawa.

Polonnaruwa – 5 MPs – 307,125 registered voters – 3 polling divisions namely: Minneriya, Medirigiriya and Polonnaruwa.

Badulla -8 MPs – 620,486 registered voters – 9 polling divisions namely:
Mahiyangane, Wiyaluwa, Passara, Badulla, Hali-ela, Uva-paranagama, Welimada, Bandarawela and Haputale.

Moneragala- 5 MPs – 339,797 registered voters – 3 polling divisions namely: Bibile, Moneragala and Wellawaya

Ratnapura – 11 MPs – 810,082 registered voters – 8 polling divisions namely: Eheliyagoda, Ratnapura, Pelmadulla, Balangoda, Rakwana, Nivitigala, Kalawana and Kolonna.

Kegalle – 9 MPs – 649,878 registered voters – 9 polling divisions namely: Dedigama, Galigamuwa, Kegalle, Rambukkana, Mawanella, Aranayake, Yatiyantota, Ruwanwella and Deraniyagala.

Poll completed without any serious incidents 

By Shamindra Ferdinando-August 17, 2015, 11:53 pm

Additional Elections Commissioner R. M. A. L. Ratnayake said yesterday’s general election had been conducted wtihout single serious incident. Comparing the just concluded polls with the last presidential election in January, Ratnayake said that the parliamentary election had been the most peaceful electoral contest during the past couple of decades.

Ratnayake said that the release of results on the electoral division basis as well as preferential votes could be finalised today (18).

As the countrywide counting of ballot papers commenced under heavy police guard hours after the conclusion of the Aug. 17 parliamentary polls, the UNP led caretaker government and the SLFP-led UPFA launched negotiations to secure a working majority in the next parliament.

both coalitions admitted the difficulty of securing 113 seats to obtain a simple majority.

The 19th Amendment to the Constitution has restricted the Cabinet to 30 and deputies to 40, though a national government could pave the way for a bigger Cabinet, UNP National List MP Dr. Jayampathy Wickremeratne told The Island.

At the last parliamentary election, the UPFA secured 144 seats, including 17 National List slots, the UNP 60 with 9 NL slots, Democratic National Alliance 7 including 2 NL and the TNA 13 with one NL slot.

Voting had been brisk in almost all electoral districts yeterday, including Northern Province, Ratnayake said. There hadn’t been a single instance of the police having to use force during yesterday’s voting, Ratnayake said.

In the run-up to Aug. 17 poll, Elections Commissioner Mahinda Deshapriya warned troublemakers of dire consequences. He threatened to call for fresh polling in case political parties disrupted voting at any polling booth.

Ratnayake said that the peaceful environment had made their task much easier.

Although the police headquarters alerted the military in the run-up to the polls of possible need to call for support, there hadn’t been any such requirement, army headquarters said.

Police headquarters deployed 63,000 personnel. The countrywide police deployment was backed by over 4,000 police commandos as well as over 7,000 Civil Defence Force (CDF) personnel. Fearing violent confrontations between supporters of the two major coalitions, the police also positioned anti-riot squads at possible trouble spots.

The Best Outcome I Expect From Today’s Election

By Jude Fernando –August 17, 2015

Jude Fernando

“In this society, the representative institutions, democratic in form, are in content the instruments of the interests of the ruling class. This manifests itself in a tangible fashion in the fact that as soon as democracy shows the tendency to negate its class character and become transformed into an instrument of the real interests of the population, the democratic forms are sacrificed by the bourgeoisie and by its state representatives’’ Rosas Luxemburg.

The best outcomes of today’s election result would be a resounding defeat of theMahinda Rajapaksa led UPFA and the UNP succeeding in forming a coalition government with the help of the ethnic minority political parties and the JVP. The country could expect a better future only if the stability of the coalition is forced to being vulnerable to the pressures exerted by the JVP and the ethnic minority political parties. This is necessary in order to hold the UNP, as the lead partner of the coalition, accountable for its promises. Ideally, the JVP’s support for the UNP should be conditioned on it being in charge of at least two ministries, preferably the Ministry of Ministry of Agriculture and the Ministry of Irrigation. Similarly, the minority parties should demand a firm commitment to transitional justice as a necessary prerequisite for meaningful reconciliation and a political settlement for the ethnic conflict.

The government lead by the UPFA would be disastrous for the country, as it would see the resurgence of the previous regime’s political culture, derail the reforms initiated under Maithripala Sirisena’s regime, and let those responsible for corruption and abuse of power during the previous regime escape accountability. In particular, the rather limited but noteworthy progress of President Sirisena’s regime in creating conditions for an independent judiciary, law enforcement agencies, and the civil service will be undermined if a UFPA government is elected into power.                                                    Read More

Election Violence: Interim Report, Parliamentary General Election 2015

17/08/2015 (CMEV) Profile of Major Incidents At the end of the campaign on August 14th, 2015, CMEV received 810 complaints of which 143 were classified as Major.  Of the latter category, Murder was recorded at 04, Hurt at 05, Grievous Hurt at 03, Assaults at 46, Threat and Intimidation at 08, Misuse of State Resources at 47, Robbery at 01, Arson at 16, Abduction at 02, Damage to Property at 10 and an incident of Bribery. In 12 incidents the use of firearms was recorded. Of the latter, the UNP was identified as the alleged perpetrator in 03 incidents, the SLMC in 01 and in the rest, the alleged perpetrator has not been identified. Of the Major Incidents, 07 occurred in the Batticaloa Polling Division, 05 in Mannar, 05 in Jaffna and 05 in Minuwangoda.  In the incidents where the perpetrator has been identified, the UPFA has been named in 49 incidents, the UNP in 38, ITAK in 08, EPDP in 06, the SLMC in 08 and the AITC in 01. Trends Four (04) Murders have marred the election campaign, which has otherwise recorded incidents of violence of a relatively low scale and intensity in comparison to the past.  As shown in the graph below the percentage proportion of Major Incidents of the total of those reported throughout the campaign is 17% as opposed to 45%, 56% and 54% in the 2010 Presidential and General Election campaigns and the 2015 Presidential Election campaign, respectively. CMEV monitors have reported on the enabling political environment for campaigning and political discussion and about the space and freedom for action without interference on the part of the Election Commissioner and the Police. Both have acted to ensure adherence to the election laws, though there have been complaints about the lack of clarity and consistency with regard to implementation and in some cases the ad hoc nature of such.  CMEV notes too that the strict adherence to existing election laws in respect of posters, could in practice work to the disadvantage of first time candidates and those with less resources to resort to advertisements on the electronic media.  According to the Police, 790 suspects have been arrested with regard to election violence and violations of election laws. CMEV has details of 382 arrests as follows: District No. of Arrested Persons Police Division No. of Arrested Persons Colombo 40 Galle 33 Kaluthara 32 Matara 20 Gampaha 26 Hambantota 10 Mahanuwara 05 Monaragala 01 Matale 05 Badulla 31 Nuwaraeliya 08 Digamadulla 30 Ratnapura 18 Batticaloa 03 Kegalle 19 Trincomalee 08 Anuradapura 11 Jaffna 05 Polonnaruwa 20 Vanni 02 Kurunegala 21 Puttalam 34 *Kurunegala Police Division did not revealed information related to arrests

Election voices: Sri Lankans' hopes for their nation

Voting for new parliament closes, in virtual referendum on former leader Mahinda Rajapaksa's comeback bid.

Prime Minister Wickremesinghe said he is confident of consolidating his government following Monday's polls [Maurya Gautam/Al Jazeera]

Arpit Goel | 17 Aug 2015

Voting has closed in Sri Lanka's general election, a poll widely regarded as a referendum on the political future of former president Mahinda Rajapaksa. 

The main contest is between Rajapaksa's Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and outgoing prime minister Ranil Wickremesinghe's United National Party (UNP), which formed a minority government after Rajapaksa was defeated in January's presidential election. Both are vying for the post as prime minister. 

Election Voices Sri Lankans' Hopes for Their Nation by Thavam Ratna

Three ifs and four buts about Sri Lanka election

COLONEL R HARIHARAN @colhari2- 17-08-2015

Forecasting elections is hazardous in Sri Lanka. And the general election held on Monday makes the job even more difficult. Three seasoned political stalwarts - former president Mahinda Rajapaksa, president Maithripala Sirisena, his foe within the United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA), and Ranil Wickremesinghe leading the United National Front for Good Governance (UNFGG) - are jockeying for power.

Though poll forecasts had predicted Wickremesinghe's coalition having an edge over Rajapaksa's UPFA, at least twice in the past they were proved wrong. Rajapaksa won the presidential poll in 2009 and lost it in 2014, belying the predictions. The possibility of both the UPFA and UNFGG coalitions ending up without a majority in the 225-seat Parliament looms large now. Much depends upon Rajapaksa regaining public credibility for his coalition to win.

A number of ifs and buts, however, make the post-election environment hazy.

Three "ifs"

1. If the UPFA gets a majority in Parliament, pressure on Sirisena would increase to nominate Rajapaksa as the prime minister. He may not be able to prevent it if his constituency within the coalition loses out.

2. Even if the UNFGG gets a marginal majority, Wickremesinghe has said he would form a national alliance government of all parties. This could tempt winners from the UPFA to join the government as they did earlier.

3. Sri Lanka has no anti-defection law. So if neither coalition wins a majority, whoever can do political horse-trading better can count on forming the government. In the past, Rajapaksa has proved to be a past master in such "under the table" deals.

Four "buts"

1. Both Rajapaksa-loyalists and Sirisena-loyalists of the UPFA are working to undermine each other's candidates. This is likely to reduce the coalition's chances of winning. This could, moreover, give a free run to Wickremesinghe's coalition, particularly with the added attraction of a national government.

2. The last presidential election showed that a massive turnout of minority voters could decide the winner. But parliamentary election in the 22 electoral districts that elect 195 members is different from the presidential poll; there are a number of local issues which will come into play in this election. How many of them would be drawn to the polling booths now? The electoral system has also been modified for this election. Both Wickremesinghe and the minority parties appear to be aware of this and have been focusing on national issues. But how much will that excite the minority voters to exercise their franchise?

3. Rajapaksa has been plugging Sinhala nationalism in his campaign. He was defeated in 2009 despite diluting the nationalist credentials because allegations of corruption and misuse of power had clouded his image. Has he regained the credibility of Sinhala voters who had generally supported him? More importantly, would the swing voters prefer his reincarnation as prime minister?

4. The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) has always managed to win most of the seats in the northern and eastern parts of the country. However, it always had internal differences regarding the struggle for preserving the Tamil identity. With the exit of the Tamil Tigers (LTTE), the goal of the Tamils recovering from the post-war trauma is to survive rather than pursue their quest for a Tamil Eelam. The TNA had not been able to deliver its election promises in the past owing to both Colombo's inaction and its own inability to articulate a common agenda. TNA's internal differences have now become deeper. How much it would affect its performance? Wickremesinghe has said that he supported a federal solution for the Tamil issue which is one of the articles of faith of the TNA. But the moot question is how much the TNA can push it through even if it wins most of the seats. In the past, it failed because it had not developed the fine art of political opportunism. In a Parliament without either coalition winning a majority, can it change its style of politics?

By Tuesday afternoon the picture will clear on who is winning and who is losing. And the great game of horse-trading may well begin after that.

MS-MR Saga: Injunction On Friday Evening Before Court Vacation

By Sarath Wijesinghe –August 17, 2015 

Sarath Wijesinghe

Is Democracy and Judiciary in crisis under Good Governance?

A Government should be democratic and Independent under Good Governance which is the standard expected by the IMF World Bank and similar worldwide NGO’s as a condition to provide funds to be utilized to promote development. They require accountability for the funds they provide and Independence of Judiciary in States they have chosen to monitor to have direct and indirect control over. Sri Lanka is a model democracy in Asia enjoying democratic rights and ideals since 1935. The JVP insurrection that killed over 60 000 youngsters and the LTTE Issue that claimed the lives of over 27000 soldiers and substantial number of of LTTE cadres and civilians are unfortunate black spots in the history not to be repeated at any cost. LTTE killed more Tamils than Sinhalese and conflicting reports are given as to the loss of lives- Some say it is around 100,000 including the civilians and soldiers. It is time for us to avoid any more conflicts and blood bathes as the country is now resolved and ready to embrace and practice democratic ideals which are not alien to us.

Election held on January 8th under Rajapaksa regime has been extremely peaceful and the transformation of power was exemplary. Rajapaksa came to know of the election results at midnight and left the official residence peacefully at 5.30 in the following morning. Sirisena promotes a new political culture based on reconciliation and harmony with all political groups. Rajapaksa is mooting development, national security and national pride and a political culture based on nationalism and love for the Nation. Good Governance will promote a good political culture to the citizens to lead a peaceful and prosperous life in dignity. Do we enjoy good governance today is the main moot issue to be decided at the main decision day of the century on 17th of August.

Power Struggle and Cold War between Rajapaksa and Sirisena   Read More