ART, BEAUTY, PAIN AND HEALING

• by Dr. Radhika Coomaraswamy 
• - on 08/12/2015 

Keynote address delivered at the opening night of ‘Watch this space‘ exhibition at the Park Street Mews. The exhibition runs till the 16th of August. Details of the event and the associated public talks, keynotes and theatrehere.

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When Sanjana Hattotuwa asked me to give the keynote today on the topic “Beyond Violence and War- Imagining a Just Peace” and to center that topic around the question of art, I promised myself that I will not allow myself to slip back into UN jargon. As you know I have been to over 35 countries and armed conflict sites as the Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women and the Special Representative on Children and Armed Conflict. Instead I thought I would speak to you from the heart- what Art requires of us- and the gut- because the sentiments I feel and have yet to articulate continue to haunt me through my life

Art, Beauty, Pain and Healing by Thavam Ratna

Major general who sought to create the white Van fear psychosis again escapes with mild punishment !

(Lanka-e-News- 12.Aug.2015, 6.00PM)  Major General Prasanna Silva who was seeking to revive  the abominable white Van fear psychosis has been removed  from the post of commanding officer of the Commando regiment, and in his place Brigadier Ralph Nugera has been appointed.  It is a well and widely known fact that  the mysterious  white Van was associated with ruthless abductions and murders of  innocent citizens under the last regime.

The Army acting media spokesman Brigadier Jayanath Jayaweera told the media that although Prasanna Silva has been removed from the post of commanding officer , he still continues as senior co ordinating officer to  the defense ministry .

The white Van that was used by LTTE sea tigers leader Soosai was seized  by the  army. However  without  re- registering this Van it was  used  on the sly by Prasanna  Silva for five years.  On 22nd July , the  police took into custody  three security soldiers of Prasanna carrying official arms supplied by Prasanna with the white Van with a spurious number plate fitted to it  by Prasanna .The arrest was made near the Mirihana police playground  when the  white van  and the soldiers was sent on a secret mission by Prasanna.

The three suspects were produced before Nugegoda  courts ,and  they were released on bail, while the  CID is conducting investigations. Holding back  the vehicle secretly that was seized from the LTTE without re registering it is a flagrant violation of the army regulations.  

If  for instance  any army officer is facing threats  , he is entitled to use a civilian vehicle number plate instead of army number plate , but that number must be obtained from the department of registration of motor vehicles. Prasanna Silva on the contrary , fastening  a bogus number plate to the  white van in his custody and sending it on a secret mission has committed a  gross violation of army regulations.

Even when an ordinary soldier is enrolled to the service , and he is handed over arms , the advice given is , the firearms are not entrusted even to his wife or anybody else, and are most carefully safeguarded. When such caution has to be exercised in relation to weapons used , Prasanna Silva , despite being a major general by  giving his official weapon – the pistol to another has committed a very serious violation of army disciplinary regulations.

The security officials are thoroughly disillusioned over the leniency shown towards Prasanna Silva who acted in breach of army rules and laws committing  heinous crimes ,instead of  taking immediate   measures to interdict him under the army laws ,launch a preliminary investigation and punish him via the military court.

Prasanna Silva a notorious  contemptible lapdog and lickspittle of Gotabaya Rajapakse being allowed to continue as senior army co ordinating  officer to  the defense ministry in spite of all his criminalities and  brutal potentialities , has triggered suspicions among defense officials that  somebody out there  still has the need to create the white Van fear  psychosis  once again.

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by     (2015-08-12 12:45:35)

How Should Sri Lanka Marginalise Ethnic Parties?

By Ameer Ali –August 12, 2015

Dr. Ameer Ali

It has become almost an unwritten convention in Sri Lankan party politics since the introduction of the Jayawardena constitution that the national parties like the SLFP and UNP enter into pre-election pact with minor ethnic parties in order to enhance their chances of forming governments. Such marriage of convenience inherently weakens the functioning of the government because of the ‘hold-up’ problem. It is risible to see in the current campaign that theSLMC is contesting under the UNP party symbol in certain electorates and in their own party symbol in others. How can a national party rationalise such behaviour of its ally? It is one thing to have an understanding with independent and minor party members in the parliament after the election when a government faces tough opposition to pass its legislative measures. Such dialogues and compromises are normal in all democracies which only make democracy more transparent and strong in action; but it is entirely a different ball game to come to a pact before the election with minor parties who are driven by narrow ethnic interests and ministerial positions. This will only aggravate the hold-up problem.

Read More

Sri Lanka Between Elections

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

12 Aug 2015

A half year after Maithripala Sirisena’s stunning defeat of President Mahinda Raja­paksa raised hopes for democratic renaissance, the complexities of partisan politics, and Rajapaksa himself, have returned to centre stage. Sirisena’s initial months with a minority government led by the United National Party (UNP) have opened important political space: robust debate and criticism have replaced the fear under Rajapaksa, and important governance reforms have been made, but much remains undone. By initial steps on reconciliation, the government set a more accommodating tone on the legacy of the civil war and the ethnic conflict that drove it. But divisions within government and Sirisena’s failure to take control of his Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) prevented deeper reform and allowed Rajapaksa and his supporters to mount a comeback. With Sirisena opposing Rajapaksa’s return, the 17 August parliamentary elections will test the continued appeal of the ex-president’s hardline Sinhala nationalism and give a chance for the fresh start that lasting solutions to the country’s social divisions require.

Before running out of steam in June, Sirisena’s first six months saw notable achievements. Most important was parliament’s April passage of the nineteenth amendment to the constitution. Largely fulfilling the central pledge of the joint opposition campaign, it considerably reduced presidential powers and established independent oversight commissions. Though the original draft was watered down, the amendment is a welcome move away from authoritarianism and could assist in re-establishing the badly-damaged rule of law. As promised in their election manifesto, Sirisena and his UNP partners also launched scores of investigations into alleged major fraud and abuse of power by officials of the former government. While the unprecedented scale of the anti-corruption drive raised public expectations, the lack of indictments thus far has fed rumours of backroom deals and growing doubts that the institutional and political obstacles to effective prosecutions can ever be overcome.

The bright hopes of the government’s initial months were increasingly tarnished by unclear, ad hoc policies, frequently contradictory policy statements and missed deadlines for pledged reforms. As parliamentary elections, originally promised for June, were postponed, the coalition that elected Sirisena began to fragment. While the UNP and smaller parties urged him to dissolve parliament and hold elections after passage of the nineteenth amendment, he spent months trying and failing to win over the SLFP, whose nominal leadership he assumed after winning the presidency, following a decade of Rajapaksa at its helm.

The SLFP, which has a large majority in parliament, resented Sirisena’s unprecedented experiment with a “national government” dominated by its arch-rival UNP. Many SLFP parliamentarians remain loyal to Rajapaksa; others see the ex-president as the party’s best chance to retain its majority in the next parliament, given his popularity among Sinhala voters. After months of resisting Rajapaksa’s selection as the prime ministerial candidate of the SLFP-led United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), lack of support in the party forced Sirisena to yield in early July.

Sirisena has since made it clear he opposes Rajapaksa’s candidacy and will not appoint him prime minister, even if the UPFA wins an unlikely majority. The ex-president’s opponents within the SLFP, along with smaller parties, have joined a new version of the UNP-led coalition that brought Sirisena victory in January, now re-energised by the threat of a Rajapaksa comeback. With the UPFA arguing the UNP threatens national security and supports Tamil separatism, the election will test the strength of Rajapaksa’s brand of Sinhala nationalism, as well as the depth of public concern over corruption and abuses of power. Even if he cannot become prime minister, Rajapaksa’s leadership of a large Sinhala nationalist bloc in parliament could make it harder for a UNP-led government’s to act as promised on reconciliation and accountability.

The Sirisena-UNP government set a new, less Sinhala triumphalist tone on ethnic issues and took some steps for reconciliation: releasing a number of Tamil political prisoners and limited amounts of military-occupied land in Tamil areas, while reducing the presence, though not size, of the military and its involvement in governing the north and east. Despite growing frustration among many Tamils, larger moves have been put off until after elections, as has action on alleged war crimes by both the military and the defeated Tamil Tigers. The government promises a credible domestic inquiry that meets international standards, but doubts about its willingness and ability to tackle institutionalised impunity and prosecute war crimes are widespread and well founded. Successful prosecutions require significant legal and institutional reforms and management of resistance from military leaders and nationalist parties.

The UN Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights (OHCHR) is due to deliver its long-awaited war crimes report to the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) before it meets in September. At that session, the newly-elected government should commit to the legal reforms needed to effectively prosecute serious human rights violations suffered by all ethnic communities, including war crimes; to pursue prosecutions with adequate witness protection and international involvement; and to consult widely with victims, survivors and community groups on its longer-term program of transitional justice, including a possible truth commission. To be effective, these processes will require consistent international scrutiny and participation, including OHCHR assistance to investigations and continued monitoring and reporting to the HRC.

The parliamentary elections offer voters the chance to renew the mandate for change they gave Sirisena and the UNP in January. A strong showing by the Raja­paksa-led UPFA, however, would complicate the president’s plans to form a broad-based “national” government between the UNP, smaller parties and the reformist wing of the SLFP and place obstacles to further progress on much-needed governance reforms and reconciliation. Sri Lanka’s chance to finally start on the road to a sustainable resolution of the country’s decades-long ethnic strife, including a negotiated political settlement, depends on the outcome.

Colombo/Brussels, 12 August 2015

Farming recovery in Sri Lanka's ex-war zone exposes water woes

BY AMANTHA PERERA VISUVAMADU, 

Sri Lanka (Thomson Reuters Foundation) - Since Sri Lanka's three-decade civil war ended in 2009, Nagarathnam Ganeshan has faced a major new uncertainty: how much water he will have to grow his crops.

A paddy farmer from the village of Visuvamadu in Mullaitivu district, deep inside the former war zone in Northern Province, Ganeshan was able to go back to his original way of earning a living once peace returned.

Before he was cultivating only one acre (0.45 hectares) of rice, but he now grows the crop on all his four acres as markets are functioning again and he can sell surplus produce.

“My biggest problem is that I am not sure how much water I will get for cultivation,” Ganeshan said, taking a break from tending his fields. “In some years (since 2010), I have got more than I wanted – in other years, it has been way below my needs.”

The same is true for farmers in the island's Eastern Province, where the fighting ended earlier in mid-2007. In both provinces, the traditionally strong agriculture sector, which slumped during the war, has picked up again.

The amount of land under cultivation has expanded, and farmers are looking for more crop options, such as seasonal vegetables or tobacco.

In Mullaitivu district, 16,300 acres of paddy were planted during the main season in 2007, and by 2014 that had almost doubled to 31,632 acres.

In eastern Batticaloa district, the growth is even higher. In 2007, 47,000 acres of rice were planted, and that had more than tripled to 153,000 acres seven years on.

“We don't have any of the problems we used to have, like fighting breaking out or curfews when we are in the field - we can go and work in them any time we want,” said Mohamed Aneez, a Muslim farmer from Batticaloa.

“Our main problem has been that we are not sure of water availability,” he added.

TOO MUCH AND TOO LITTLE

Agriculture in the Northern and Eastern Provinces depends primarily on seasonal monsoon rains and irrigation water.

In the last five years, the monsoon has fluctuated, with the country experiencing alternating floods and droughts that have damaged harvests. Last year, a severe drought wiped out around 15 percent of the rice harvest.

The U.N. Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) warned this year that Sri Lanka's agriculture production was being affected by both too much and too little water.

“A combination of excess and lack of rain in different regions has contributed to pushing prices up,” it noted in its Asia Pacific Food Price and Policy Monitor in early August.

“On the one hand, a surplus of rainwater has created problems transporting food to markets; and on the other, a deficit of rainwater has delayed plantings in dry zone districts,” it said.

According to experts, during the two and half decades of conflict, agriculture in the Northern and Eastern provinces was largely subsistence farming.

There was hardly any access to outside markets, especially in the north, and land use was also limited by the fighting and security fears.

“With the end of the war, agriculture has become more commercialised, and much more land has become available for cultivation. But water availability has not gone up,” said S Shanmuhanathan, deputy director of irrigation at the Northern Provincial Council.

“Farmers are finding out the hard way that water is no longer a commodity that can be used without any inhibitions,” he added.

MANAGING WATER

Even with repairs to the region's dilapidated irrigation infrastructure, Shanmuhanathan warned the water supply was unlikely to be stable.

“What the farmers need right now is to pay attention to water management,” he said.

The irrigation expert said farmers should adopt simple measures that would go a long way to help conserve water.

First, leveling plots so the land is even would enable them to regulate water use better. Second, farmers should not use water as a pesticide or a way to control weeds, he advised.

In the north, farmers tend to keep six inches (15.24 cm) of water in their rice fields when only four are needed, in an effort to keep away weeds, but weeds can be controlled instead by maintaining fields regularly and using herbicides, Shanmuhanathan said.

Farmers should also look at using a mixture of varieties and other crops depending on water availability, including types of rice that need less water, he suggested.

L Chandrapala, director of the national meteorological department, said all farmers should make an effort to stay abreast of weather forecasts.

“There are a lot of indications on the intensity, quantity and duration of rainfall before the monsoon reaches our shores in early June - farmers can make use of these,” he said. “They should not wait for formal warnings (of extreme weather) to take action.”

Aneez, the farmer from Batticaloa, said agriculture was just getting off the ground again after a 25-year hiatus, and once farmers realised losses could be reduced or avoided with better adaptation measures, they would make the necessary changes.

"My father used the same variety of seeds all his life - I don't," he said. "I keep an eye on the water levels in tanks (small reservoirs) before deciding which variety to use for a particular season."

(Reporting by Amantha Perera; editing by Megan Rowling. Please credit the Thomson Reuters Foundation, the charitable arm of Thomson Reuters, that covers humanitarian news, women's rights, trafficking, corruption and climate change. Visit www.trust.org)

My Take On Election

Both major contenders in the election have addressed economic development without linking it to the elimination of poverty and inequality.  These are two different things altogether.  For instance, in the United Sates there is economic development, but there is also rampant inequality and poverty.   

by Dr. Ruwantissa Abeyratne

“It’s the Economy, Stupid.” ~ James Carville, campaign strategist for Bill Clinton

( August 12, 2015, Montreal, Sri Lanka Guardian) In just a few days’ time, the results of the event we have anxiously awaited will be released.  Many well-reasoned ideas and perspectives have been offered on various angles of this complex election.  If current trends in the rest of the world are anything to go by, an emerging preference resonating the voter’s priority can already be seen.  The Scots did not want to secede from the United Kingdom for historic and nationalistic reasons but above all for economic reasons.  The Brits wanted to stay with the Tories for the economic benefits they were offered under the status quo, which the rival Labour Party was perceived as unable to offer.  More compellingly, one sees an emergent trend in the approaches taken by candidates seeking nominations of their parties to contest the presidential elections in the United States in 2016.  Two hopefuls of the Democratic Party nominations – Hilary Clinton and Bernie Sanders are projecting the view to the American public that they are representatives of the American people who will fight for the peoples’ interests.  These two candidates have shed the outworn image of the lofty, elitist politician and instead have donned a cloak of commonality that reflects a manifesto calculated to achieve economic opportunity and equality among the people in education, employment and the overall pursuit of happiness.

The United National Party, which many believe to be the front runner at the Sri Lankan elections, reportedly promises in its manifesto a “competitive economy” and an assurance that the equal rights of the people will be safeguarded, while hastening to assure the majority Sinhala Buddhists that Buddhism “would be given its foremost place.”  On the face of this general statement the implicit promise is to ensure equal rights from a religious perspective. The UNP election manifesto, which was launched in Sinhala only, outlined a five-fold development plan, entitled “Our Solutions to Your Problems” that promises to  create a new country in 60 months.

The UNP manifesto promises a more competitive knowledge based social economy that would create 1 million employment opportunities, establish various super development zones and bring about villages which will be governed by the locals rather than politicians and officials. Among other promises are to fight corruption by legislation; introduce devolution of power through a new Constitution; invest in infrastructure; and create a more educated and knowledge rich generation.

There is no clear statement in the UNP manifesto that addresses  fighting inequality and poverty, nor is there any direct reference to bringing about equal education opportunities for the people of Sri Lanka.

It will  be remembered that, Mahinda Rajapaksa who was defeated in January 2015 in his bid for a second presidential term, then  laid out a 14 point programme which  promised “A brighter future’ where he pledged  to put Sri Lanka in a prominent position in Asia and the world and work towards a political solution to the ethnic question within a united Sri Lanka.. This manifesto prioritised the enhancing of the profile and stature of the nation with focus on new areas of development, with emphasis on economic progress.  The people clearly rejected this approach, presumably based on the fact that the abject poverty and inequality that prevailed in the country had to be addressed first, as the intrinsic and integral priority.

 The United People’s Freedom Alliance (led by Rajapaksa) in its election manifesto for the upcoming general election titled “A Guarantee For The Future” has a 12 point programme focusing on various areas such as national integrity, anti-corruption policy, economy, education, foreign policy, health and infrastructure.

Both major contenders in the election have addressed economic development without linking it to the elimination of poverty and inequality.  These are two different things altogether.  For instance, in the United Sates there is economic development, but there is also rampant inequality and poverty.

To defeat poverty and inequality a contending Party at the election should promise to enable and empower citizens to learn trades that are needed in today’s society, recognise the potential of its people, give them the opportunity to develop meaningful connections with other people in society, give their children equal opportunity in education and above all, adopt liberal trade policies that promote trade. No individual must he denied the opportunity to benefit from development. The equal rights and opportunities of women and men must he assured. National challenges must be managed in a way that distributes the costs and burdens fairly in accordance with basic principles of equity and social justice. Those who suffer or who benefit least deserve help from those who benefit most. There must be responsibility and accountability for managing economic and social development, defeating corruption, as well as threats to peace and security.  Mere adoption of legislation will not do.

The poor need to be empowered. A good approach would be to have better dissemination of information on the benefits to consumers and service providers alike and encouragement of technological innovation. Jeffrey D. Sachs, former Director of the Earth Institute at Columbia University and onetime Special Advisor to former United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan on the UN Millennium Development Goals and Economic Advisor to Governments around the World, in his book, The End of Poverty – Economic Possibilities of Our Time (Penguin: New York, 2005)   states that the eradication of poverty is a distinct possibility, citing  the likes of Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King who did not wait for the rich and powerful but went ahead helping the cause of the poor and downtrodden.

Also needed is sustainable development by harnessing scientific and technological advancement. The last frontier is of course individuals – all of us as separate beings, contributing to the cause and supporting our governments.

What both the UNP and UPFA may wish to consider when they face each other at the final debate is one fundamental fact – that if political success and good governance is assured, the economy will prosper.  Joseph E. Stiglitz, winner of the Nobel Prize in Economics in 2002, in his book The Price of Inequality (Norton &Company: New York, 2012) says: “Politicians give speeches about what is happening to our values and our society, but then they appoint to high office the CEOs and other corporate officials who were at the helm in the financial sector as the system was failing so badly.  We shouldn’t have expected the architects of the system that has not been working to rebuild the system to make it work… A political system that amplifies the voice of the wealthy provides ample opportunity for laws and regulations – and the administration of them – to be designed in ways that not only fail to protect the ordinary citizens against the wealthy but also further enrich the wealthy at the expense of the rest of society”.

As Einstein is supposed to have said: stupidity is doing the same wrong thing over and over and expecting a different result.  In the electoral context, I am sure Einstein meant these words of wisdom for the voter and not the politician.

Election promises and the youth vote

Currently there are 2.4 million or so youth between the ages of 18-24. The oldest among this group turned 18 during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s first presidential term

 Wednesday, 12 August 2015

The youth vote is crucial in this election.  
Currently there are 2.4 million or so youth between the ages of 18-24. The oldest among this group turned 18 during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s first presidential term.  
This group witnessed the cruelty of the LTTE and the war that brought devastation to both sides. They also experienced the relief that came with the demise of Prabhakaran, the LTTE leader. During the 2010-2015 this group also learned to accept, by choice or otherwise, Mahinda Rajapaksa as the uncrowned but seemingly unassailable king of the country. They watched as the Government’s payroll swelled to 14 lakhs and even may have been a beneficiary.
But, how do our youth really feel about the state of affairs in their country? 
There is a widely held belief that this age group was instrumental in turning the tide against President Rajapaksa in the 2015 presidential election, but, we have little concrete evidence. Other countries such as UK, Australia and Malaysia carry out regular youth surveys but we don’t. We can get some indication of the lives of our youth through the quarterly labour force survey of Sri Lanka. 
The unemployment rate in Sri Lanka has remained at 4-6% in the last 10 years or so but, the unemployment rate for the 15-24 age group has remained high at 19-20%. Interestingly, the rate drops to 8-9% when this cohort reaches the 25-29 age group. 
One explanation could be that the 15-24 age period is a transition phase during which our youth wait for a job in government or in the formal sector, but settle for a job in the informal sector which accounts for60% of or more of the jobs in the country. These jobs in the informal sector are unattractive for many reasons including the lack of job security, lack of benefits, inability to secure loans, etc.  
The challenge for any government is to make the age 18-24 transition period more productive for our youth, increase the availability of jobs in the formal sector and make the jobs in the informal sector more attractive. 
Judging by their manifestos, all three major parties strive to do just that, but, in three totally different ways.

UPFA: State as the opportunistic spender
The UPFA manifesto is divided into 12 components from national reconciliation, curbing corruption and economic growth to women and children and investments and infrastructure, but, each section is essentially a listing of give-aways such as low-interest loans, pensions or insurance schemes, duty-free vehicles and cash transfers, repeated for each sector. Even within a sector, certain groups are included and others excluded with no apparent policy rationale. 
For example, the groups who are lucky enough to receive the pension or insurance schemes from a benevolent State include: “Emigrant workers, university teachers, artists and media personnel, garment sector workers and drivers of private buses, three-wheels, taxis, school vans and tourist vehicles.”   
Three wheel drivers are an especially lucky category who have been designated as receivers of not only of State-subsidised retirement and insurance schemes, but are also earmarked for duty free allowances for purchasing a car and low interest loan. 
Not to forget the youth, every young man or woman is assured of a low interest loan to purchase their first vehicle and youth from low income families are awarded 200,000 rupees per couple. The total package of these and other haphazard ‘gifts’ is estimated to cost 400 billion tax rupees to be pocketed out mostly by the same recipients.. 

JVP: State as the all-knowing
The JVP is on target regarding the real problem in the employment scenario for our youth. To quote:
“Previous regime created jobs in the State sector for the narrow political gains. These jobs have benefitted neither the State nor those receiving employment. Even private sector jobs have been created outside of a proper economic planning by the State and the practice of contract employment has reduced workers’ rights and subjected them to severe exploitation as a result.”
The implication is that State should provide better jobs and also provide a plan within which the private sector would operate. Specifics of proposed State enterprises are listed elsewhere. Here there is heavy emphasis on the chemical industry for some reason, with a JVP government set to establish factories to produce super phosphate from Eppawela apatite deposits, calcium carbonate from chalk deposits of Balangoda to meet the demands of toothpaste makers, carbon products from graphite and sulphuric acid to meet the needs of various manufacturers and so on. 
What if our manufacturers find it they can be more competitive using imported sulphuric acid inputs, but an all-knowing State has already invested in a plant? 

UNP: State as the regulator
The UNP distinguishes itself from the competition by clearly stating that the role of the State is to be the watchful facilitator of a free and competitive market place, to ensure equitable distribution of social benefits. To quote:
“Our new economic plan is anchored on a competitive social market economy which is knowledge-based. It is a more humanistic approach than classical capitalist economics or leftist economics. Attention to the welfare of the disadvantaged, unemployed or those weakened by age, and, protection for the environment are defining characteristic of a social market  economy. Our proposed social market economic system emphasises the broadening of the beneficiary base of the open economy and democratising the economy.”
The UNP is not shy about matching their political counterparts with goodies but these promises are made within a broad policy framework. Strategies for creating jobs in the formal sector include attracting large foreign direct investments such as automobile manufacturing plants, re-obtaining the GSP+ concessions, revoking the ban on fisheries products and furthering links to the regional economies through Free Trade Agreements.
Insurance safety nets are offered selectively starting with farmers, fishermen, estate workers, garment workers and other in export processing industries. An unemployment insurance scheme is to be offered for all salaried employees in the first instance and extended to non-salaried workers or informal sector workers gradually. 
The choices are clear.  May our youth choose wisely.

The writer is a former Director General of the Tertiary and Vocational Education Commission of Sri Lanka. Currently, she is the team leader of the Human Capital Research Program at LIRNEasia

Who gave permission to ‘Anthare’ to go in procession in violation of election laws?

(Lanka-e-News -12.Aug.2015, 11.30PM) This is the period of elections in the country and only funeral , religious and cultural processions are allowed. Hence , under no circumstances there can be protest processions since they constitute election law violations. This prohibition attaches not only to political parties but even those people’s organizations affiliated to them .

However the Inter University Students Federation (Anthare) went on a protest procession yesterday in Colombo. This student federation is known to all as one that is not representative of an ordinary official University student organization , for it is a body that is servile and subservient to the Frontline party (Peratugami party) , and a tool in their hands.

Frontline party is a political party that is contesting the upcoming elections. Its leader, Kumar Gunarathnam was in hiding after violating Immigration and emigration laws .If a student body that is a tool  of such a political party is allowed to go in procession, then other organizations affiliated to other political parties must also be able to go in processions during the election period.

It is one set   of laws that applies to every citizen in this country including students over 18 years of age sitting the GCE adv. Level .Hence  ’Anthare’ group has transgressed the election laws.

How is the election monitoring organizations that keep count of election violations during the election period going to view this ?

The group that is identified  as Anthare went in procession yesterday not in regard to their justifiable demands, if any ,  but instead to demand that the rights of the other students following higher education be violated.That is , their primary demand was : ban  private Universities. Their slogan was ‘Can’t pay . Will not pay. ’ 

These protestors who are following government University education free are not paying any money, and they are paid by the government. In such circumstances these students protesting  ‘they will not pay’ is most ridiculous and ludicrous. Who is saying ‘cannot pay’ and to whom? 

Learning is part of an individual’s  liberty. Disseminating knowledge and sharing it are also parts of an individual’s  liberty . Hence to ask the government to transfer that ‘right to liberty’  is an outmoded  doctrine and has no sense or meaning.

Knowledge has spread and is spreading , not because of any group of officers of a government. Where such efforts were made education had stalled, and those countries had only nosedived and crashed.

In Sri Lanka, private schools sector had been there all along historically. To these students there is no room  in State universities . Are those students therefore to go to the homes of the leaders of the Frontline party , and secure their education?  Or else , are they to  go to the home of Najith Indika the Anthare students leader ? In the circumstances , a private University system must  exist .

Hence what must be done is not just  opposing the private University system , rather like in advanced countries , just as  private schools exist , have private Universities under the purview of independent commission. In advanced countries of the world , just because money is there , a company or a wealthy person cannot start a University.

Above all ,let us not forget that in the world the most renowned higher education seats of learning are all private Institutions . They have a solid history of existence  extending over centuries. Instead of developing the private higher education modeled on those lines, while enjoying the free education provided by the government and trying to sabotage the higher education of other students by demanding to ban the rights of those students is most deplorable and reprehensible.

And if that sabotage activities are carried out violating the country’s laws , certainly those responsible for that they must be meted out the puishment they richly merit.

It is imperative that children with  emotion and selflessness  be spawned out of  these students who are inexperienced,  not knowing the ways of the world , and who have still not properly finished their higher education.

Self centered opportunistic bald headed  scoundrels with perverted primitive ideas  suffering from senile decay should not  be allowed to destroy the precious lives and future of the younger generation.

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by     (2015-08-12 18:23:45)

An Appeal To The Nation

By Gamini Jayaweera –August 12, 2015

Gamini Jayaweera

On 17 August we will have the opportunity to elect our parliamentary representatives in the general election to change our political landscape to ensure that as a nation we will be governed by politicians who value and maintain the Rule of Law, working towards enhancing the freedom and democracy which we enjoy since 8 January 2015, actively working in partnership with all political parties to bring different communities together without creating racial tension among different sections in the society for cheap political gains, working towards creating a stakeholder business culture, and collectively taking prompt & decisive actions to remove MPs who are engaged in illegal activities irrespective of their status or affiliation to the ruling party. In order to select suitable candidates, we need to understand what kind of qualities these candidates should possess to represent us in the parliament.

It is generally accepted that the elected Members of Parliament have responsibilities to the Parliament, their constituents, and their political parties. They are in a privileged position because they have the opportunity to positively contribute to enhance the quality of lives of the fellow countrymen and women who elect these politicians to the parliament with high expectations. As honourable members of the Parliament, generally they are expected to be knowledgeable of subject matters which contribute to the advancement of social, religious, cultural, economic, legal and technological developments in the country. They represent their political parties in and out of Parliament demonstrating that they possess qualities such as honesty & integrity, competency, thorough knowledge of local and international issues, dedication, excellent behaviour, and ability to lead if required.

Bearing in mind the above roles and responsibilities of MPs, it is important that we apply these essential qualities to our former Ministers, MPs, and Newcomers who are canvassing and asking our votes to become elected MPs in the forthcoming general election. Members of Nomination Boards of all political parties had a duty and a greater responsibility to ensure that they had selected their candidates who possessed the above qualities to contest this general election. This is a very important factor that should be considered by the voters whether the Members of these Nominations Boards have acted responsibly to reject nominations for such candidates who have tarnished their political image during the last parliament. As reputation and integrity of the Members of Sri Lanka Parliament are at very low level, it is our duty to elect candidates who could restore the good image of the highest institution in Sri Lanka by rejecting the candidates who are not fit to represent us in these privileged positions as Members of Parliament to serve our nation.

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General election 2015: UNP pushes for 

steady MS-RW partnership

‘Debt crisis’ during MR’s time compared with hand grenade about to explode  

By Shamindra Ferdinando-August 11, 2015, 9:46 pm

Finance Minister and Colombo District UNP candidate Ravi Karunanayake yesterday said that the national economy had been in such a bad shape with the then government experiencing a severe debt crisis at the time of what he called the Jan. 8 revolution.

Minister Karunanayake compared the debt crisis caused by the previous regime to the Maithripala Sirisena-Wickremesinghe administration getting a hand grenade without its safety pin.

Karunanayake was addressing business forum at the Cinnamon Lakeside.

Briefly explaining key points in the UNP’s manifesto for the August 17 parliamentary election, Minister Karunanayake stressed the pivotal importance of continuing with post-Jan. 8 arrangement between President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe.

Minister Karunanayake was joined by Minister and Colombo District UNP candidate Patali Champika Ranawaka and Deputy Ministers, Dr. Harsha de Silva and Eran Wickremaratne to explain the UNP-led coalition’s strategy to revive the national economy. Both Dr de Silva and Wickremaratne are also contesting from the Colombo District.

Minister and National List nominee Karu Jayasuriya addressed the gathering on behalf of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was unable to be present due to a busy campaign schedule.

Jayasuriya alleged that the previous government had been rapidly moving towards the establishment of North Korea style authoritarian state when political parties rallied around the then SLFP General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena to bring it down. Jayasuriya, once a Cabinet Minister in the Rajapaksa government, recollected the circumstances under which the previous government had used excessive force to quell protests at several places in the country during the former President’s second term.

"Those who demanded clean water were slaughtered at Weliweriya. The Free Trade Zone workers at Katunayake received a massive beating with one killed during a peaceful protest. In Chilaw the fishing community was suppressed during protests against the increase of fuel prices. Journalists, too, were killed."

He reiterated the UNP’s commitment to what he called private-sector led growth. Jayasuriya, too, asserted that the Maithripala Sirisena-Wickremesinghe combination was good for the country.

Commenting on the proposed electoral reforms to be adopted by the next Parliament, Jayasuriya said that the country couldn’t afford to increase the number of MPs. The UNPer said that the UNP remained committed to a mixed electoral system to elect 225 members comprising 140 elected on the first -past-the-post system and 70 on District Proportional Representation and 15 appointed through the National List.

Jayasuriya compared the life styles of the Rajapaksas with that of President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and their spouses.

Deputy Minister Wickremaratne stressed the need to attract investment from Europe and the US. The former banker pointed out that there had been hardly any investment from the US and Europe over the past ten years. Wickremaratne explained the on-going efforts by the Maithripala-Wickremesinghe administration to attract foreign investments from various parts of the world and recent visits undertaken by two Chinese delegations.

Wickremaratne warned that the government couldn’t ignore the requirement to throw its weight behind the export sector. Wickremaratne asserted the growth of the national economy depended on the government’s readiness to back exports.

Both Wickremaratne and Dr. De Silva discussed the importance of empowering the people. The much touted development meant nothing unless those who had been struggling to make ends meet received relief with the gradual expansion of the economy, they asserted. Dr De Silva quoted a recent research to highlight the failure on the part of the previous government to ensure a boost for the poor.

Dr De Silva alleged that the previous government had got its priorities mixed up.

The economist said that the previous government could have secured Chinese help to establish a ‘Chinese Technical College’ like the ‘German Tech.’ Those who had received training at the ‘German Tech’ could find employment anywhere in the world, the UNPer said. Similarly, the country could have benefited if the previous government sought the Chinese help to expand training facilities as it wasn’t in good terms with Germany at that time.

Dr. De Silva warned that the country was faced with the daunting task of increasing exports. Warning of dire consequences unless the country bettered its performance in the exports sector, he said the UNP-led coalition had the wherewithal and the will to transform the country to what he called the most competitive country in this part of the world.

Rajapaksa’s racist brand of politics should be defeated - UNP

August 12, 2015

Minister Joseph Michael Perera says that it is very necessary to continue with the newly established atmosphere of communal and religious harmony in the country. 

The former UNP Parliamentarian stated that the UPFA is unfortunately engaged in spreading racism and religious extremism by making false statements. 

“Therefore, on the 17th of August Mahinda Rajapaksa’s racist and extremist brand of politics should be defeated in order to prevent the re-surfacing of an uncivilised era against the present day civilised society, an era where a single family holds the reigns of the government instead of an administration of people and the re-emergence of a society of Ethanol, drugs and Casino as against the righteous society that we live in today.” 

“We should not pave the way for the re-establishment of the corrupt administration which ruled for 10 years damaging the dignity and integrity of the nation preserved throughout the 2500 year old history of our country,” the Minister of Home Affairs and Fisheries said.

He stated that the Yahapalanaya Government within its 100-Day program has implemented the most number of welfare measures for the people which no other government has ever done since the independence. 

“If anybody disputes this statement, it is nothing but utter callousness and political cynicism,” he said. 

The UPFA is engaged in belittling the relief measures and privileges granted to the people through the 100 Day Program; by making various statements daily at media briefings and public rallies, he charged.

Full Statement Issued by Joseph Michael Perera:

The Yahapalanaya Government within its 100-Day program has implemented the most number of welfare measures for the people which no other government has ever done since the independence. If anybody disputes this statement, it is nothing but utter callousness and political cynicism. The UPFA is engaged in belittling the relief measures and privileges granted to the people through the 100 Day Program; by making various statements daily at media briefings and public rallies. The people of this country on the 8th of January expected a complete transformation through changes in political, economic and social spheres.

The abolition of the executive presidency, change of the electoral system, establishment of independence commissions were the prime changes that the people asked for. These expectations were fulfilled to some extent when the 19thamendment to the Constitution was enacted. The aspirations of the people would have been completely fulfilled if the subsequent amendment had not been thwarted by Mahinda Rajapaksa followers in Parliament who obstructed the proceedings of Parliament and passage of legislation; by sleeping overnight in the Chamber, consuming liquor. Maintaining the supremacy of law is the prime characteristic of an administration committed to Good Governance. This government has ensured that the above situation prevailed under its administration. It is amply demonstrated in the ruling given on the 19th amendment which portrayed independence of the judiciary made possible through the appointment of the senior most judge of the Supreme Court as the Chief Justice. This move also resulted in meeting with justice to the former Chief Justice who was removed on the findings of Wimal Weerawansa after amazingly producing a report of more than 1000 pages overnight.

The actions taken by the Commissioner of Elections during this period also indicate the independence of the public servants in performing their duties. Today, the public servants are able to work freely without any pressure and with a sense of relief in their minds. The police act in accordance with the law. Officers of the three armed forces are no more engaged in road cleaning and similar activities which are duties of the Local Government authorities.  

The salaries of the public sector employees were increased and added to the basic salary which was only confined to mere statements and utterances during the 10-year rule of the Kurunegala district candidate Mahinda Rajapaksa. UPFA has been always talking of rectifying the pension anomalies of the retired public servants as a trump card during their election campaign. This government removed the pension anomalies and made arrangements to make payments commencing this month itself.

The government within the 100-Day Program had taken several measures to upgrade the living standards of the people. Reduction of fuel and gas prices, payment of a guaranteed price for paddy and rubber, reducing the price of vehicles under 1000 cc capacity which benefitted to  the youth of this country (in contrast to the relief measures given by Mahinda Rajapaksa to his sons to import Lamborghinis for motor racing within the precincts of Dalada Maligawa) are some of the people’s friendly measures this government has implemented within a short span of three months.

Today the civil society activists, artistes, university academics, trade unionists have come forward to establish a new government committed to pursuing policies of good governance, because of their sincere feeling to preserve and continue with programs implemented by the United National Party even though it had only a minority representation in Parliament.

It is very necessary to continue with the newly established atmosphere of communal and religious harmony. The UPFA is unfortunately engaged in spreading racism and religious extremism by making false statements. Therefore, on the 17th of August Mahinda Rajapaksa’s racist and extremist brand of politics should be defeated in order to prevent the re-surfacing of an uncivilised era against the present day civilised society, an era where a single family holds the reigns of the governmentinstead of an administration of peopleand the re-emergence of a society of Ethanol, drugs and Casino as against the righteous society that we live in today. 

We should not pave the way for the re-establishment of the corrupt administration which ruled for 10 years damaging the dignity and integrity of the nation preserved throughout the 2500 year old history of our country.