Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Saturday, August 8, 2015

How the Panama Canal helped make the U.S. a world power

Steam shovels load rocks blasted away onto twin tracks that remove the earth from the Panama Canal bed circa 1908. It took the United States 10 years to build the canal at a cost of $375 million (which equals about $8.6 billion today). Photo by Buyenlarge/Getty Images
The SS Ancon, the first Ship to pass through the Panama Canal on August 15, 1914. Photo by Getty Images
Steam shovels load rocks blasted away onto twin tracks that remove the earth from the Panama Canal bed circa 1908. It took the United States 10 years to build the canal at a cost of $375 million (which equals about $8.6 billion today). Photo by Buyenlarge/Getty ImagesThe SS Ancon, the first Ship to pass through the Panama Canal on August 15, 1914. Photo by Getty ImagesConstruction underway on new locks in the Panama Canal in 2011. Photo by Juan Jose Rodriguez/AFP/Getty ImagesThe first P&O Orient liner Oriana returns to Southampton after her maiden voyage to the Panama Canal in 1961. She was the largest vessel to pass through the canal since the German liner Bremen in 1939. Photo by Central Press/Getty Images

The first P&O Orient liner Oriana returns to Southampton after her maiden voyage to the Panama Canal in 1961. She was the largest vessel to pass through the canal since the German liner Bremen in 1939. Photo by Central Press/Getty Images
BY ANYA VAN WAGTENDONK  August 15, 2014
PBS NEWSHOURConsidered one of the wonders of the modern world, the Panama Canal opened for business 100 years ago this Friday, linking the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans and providing a new route for international trade and military transport.

Powerful storm hits Taiwan, millions without power, six dead

People walk against strong winds as Typhoon Soudelor approaches Taiwan in Taipei, August 7, 2015.
TAIPEI/YILAN, TAIWAN Sat Aug 8, 2015
ReutersA powerful typhoon battered Taiwan on Saturday with strong wind and torrential rain, cutting power to 3.62 million households as the death toll rose to six.
Four people were missing and 101 were injured, authorities said. Hundreds of flights were delayed or cancelled and more than 9,900 people were evacuated from their homes.
Television footage trees uprooted and power poles toppled over, a moped being swept into the air by wind and shipping containers piled on top of each other at a port.
"The storm will weaken but we expect more rain, particularly in southern Taiwan," said Wang Shih-chien, an official with the island's Central Weather Bureau.
The storm made landfall early on the island's east-coast counties of Yilan and Hualien, bringing more than 1,000 mm (39 inches) of rain in mountainous areas and wind gusting up to 200 kph (124 mph).
Although the eye of Typhoon Soudelor passed Taiwan, and was heading towards mainland China, rain was expected to lash the island until Sunday morning.
"This is one of the worst typhoons I have ever seen," said a sewage station engineer surnamed Jiang, who was inspecting pumping stations early on Saturday in eastern Taiwan.
"My car was shaking when I was driving. There are too many trees down, and I even saw six downed power poles."
In the capital, Taipei, large steel sheets and rods were blown off a half-constructed stadium and city authorities shut down much public transport.
"The metal roof of the house next door to mine was completely blown away," said resident Jack Lin. "I saw a car crushed to bits."
Authorities issued flood and mudslide alerts and television showed mud trapping people and murky water nearly covering the roofs of cars in some areas.
Among the dead was one person who drowned in his flooded home and another who was killed by a falling tree.
Earlier, authorities said one adult and one child had drowned at sea, while a foreign worker was killed by a falling sign and a rescue worker was hit by a car and killed while clearing downed branches from a road.
Taiwan Power, the island's main power company, said 3.62 million households had lost power. While some supplies had been restored, 1.5 million households were still without power on Saturday afternoon, it said.
Fears that Soudelor would be as devastating as Typhoon Morakot in 2009 were unfounded. Morakot cut a path of destruction over southern Taiwan, leaving about 700 people dead or missing and causing $3 billion worth of damage.
The Tropical Storm Risk website downgraded the typhoon to a category 1 storm by Saturday afternoon, on a scale of 1 to 5, and indicated it could weaken as it moves towards the Chinese province of Fujian, which it is due to hit late on Saturday.
Authorities there have evacuated people on the coast and begun cancelling flights and trains. Fujian has issued its highest typhoon alert, media reported.
Typhoons are common at this time of year in the South China Sea and Pacific, picking up strength from warm waters but losing it over land.

(Additional reporting by Taipei newsroom; Writing by J.R. Wu; Editing by Robert Birsel)

Diabetic Encephalopathy

Friday, August 7, 2015

Issues of Right and wrong - Dr. Vickramabahu Karunarathna

Issues of Right and wrong - Dr. Vickramabahu Karunarathna Aug 07, 2015
Lankanewsweb.netWe have warned that the election will be polluted with violence, because fascistic political movements do not know any other form of political engagement. Their method is to use mobilization of supporters on chauvinist basis to confront peaceful political actions. That is, undermining political debates and dispersing democratic campaigns using thugery and violence should be expected.
Many political leaders who are opposed to Mahinda regime were not happy with, calling Mahinda’s political moment as a fascistic power. However what they reveal about the activities of Mahinda regime strengthens our analysis of that political entity. Power and Energy Minister Patali Champika Ranawaka, who accused former President Mahinda Rajapaksa of bribing the LTTE at that time, challenged him to prove his innocence if possible. Addressing an election meeting, Mr. Ranawaka, alleged the Rajapaksas used the ‘white van culture’ to achieve their personal gains and all would be exposed before the people. He said the people would come to know who was responsible for the disappearance of journalist Pradeep Eknaligoda and the assassination of newspaper editor Lasantha Wickrematunga. This is the central issue when we pin the label of fascistic politics on any radical political movement. The creation and use of repressive instruments out side the constitutional state structure, secondly the use of chauvinist political campaigns to mobilize human resources for such repressive organs, are conclusive. Mahinda regime is guilty of such illegitimate repressive politics and even after the defeat on January 8th; they are continuing such activities without any hesitation.

The Nugegoda Rally demanding the return of Mahinda Rajapaksa to politics was the opening show in a planned series of political events. All corrupt elements that made money under the Mahinda regime backed by MNCs that benefited by the deals with Mahinda regime participated under the slogan “bring back Mahinda”. It was a political conspiracy with international connections. The organizers had carefully selected every step. The venue was on the outskirts of Colombo in proximity to the Sinhala majority electoral divisions of Maharagama, Kotte, Homagama and Kottawa where there was greater support for Sinhala chauvinism as opposed to the multi-ethnic Colombo city electoral divisions. They accomplished two things by the Nugegoda rally. They found some basis to launch the campaign demanding Mahinda’s re-entry to active politics. However the meeting did not change the mood of Maithree. On the contrary it strengthens the determination of Maithree to push out Mahinda from SLFP movement.
The movement of Mahinda is not just a local mass movement based on Sinhala merchants and traders guided by fascistic political elements. It is a movement backed by several power hungry multinational companies. Today the role of imperialism is played by the MNCs system. They work in many directions and global powers are influenced by their activities. With such backing Mahinda had ceded the leadership of the SLFP to Maithripala without resistance and appeared to embark upon a life of political retirement and religious contemplation. It was very necessary for the defeated ex-president to project an image of being disinterested in political office and politics. He should be seen as a statesman being re –drawn into politics reluctantly due to popular demand. It is very necessary to cover up the treacherous path tread by Mahinda with the backing of MNCs, who never looked into the development issues of Lanka. Their strategy was launched with much support from SLFP parliamentarians. While asserting the leadership of the SLFP by taking over the election campaign, Mahinda group had to face the strong opposition of the president,

Some believed that President Sirisena had acquired the nominal leadership of the SLFP but real power has gone in to the hands of Mahinda Rajapaksa who was quite content to let Maithripala lull himself into the false belief of being the undisputed SLFP leader. Did Sirisena made a political blunder by taking over the leadership of the party that had fought against him fiercely at the presidential polls? Sirisena however was hopeful that he would be able to oust Mahinda permanently from politics and establish full control over the party. This belief was bolstered by the vision of Asiatic democracy. On the other hand Ranil went ahead with a democratic programme mobilizing all popular forces under his political coalition. Above all it appeared that a peaceful democratic election is taking place in the country after several decades, and the credit was give to PM Ranil. Then came the shooting; SP Ruwan Gunasekera said the police are attempting to verify if the incident involved two underworld figures. The shooting incident took place near the St. Benedict grounds at Blumenthal Road in Kotahena. The CMEV election monitoring group said that 500 individuals were present when the incident took place. Even the stupidest under world leader knows an attack of this kind to a large group assembled by Ravi is a gravest political action. Also, it will be an action to tarnish the image of peace and good governance created by PM Ranil. Who wanted this to happen?

Sri Lanka’s Indophobia

Protestors holding placards during a demonstration against CEPA in 2010 (File Photo)

07 August 2015

The long-delayed signing of the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) between India and Sri Lanka will be “actively opposed” by local entrepreneurs, the Chamber of Young Lankan Entrepreneurs (COYLE) said on Thursday.

CTC calls upon Tamils in the North and East to strengthen the TNA at the negotiating table.

LogoAugust 7, 2015
CTC calls upon Tamils in the North and East to strengthen the TNA at the negotiating table.
The Canadian Tamil Congress (CTC) strongly urges Tamils and all citizens of Sri Lanka to exercise their right to vote at the upcoming Parliamentary elections.
The presidential election of January 8th, 2015 was a turning point in the recent political history of Sri Lanka. Voters turned up in large numbers and voted for change and a new beginning. While Canada and other members of the international community acknowledged and welcomed these changes it is the duty of all responsible Sri Lankan citizens to ensure that these tenuous beginnings are consolidated without giving any chance for their reversal.
Although many issues of the Tamil people including land rights, political prisoners and disappearances were not addressed as expected, the election did bring about early signs of goodwill, as reflected in some actions that were taken by the current government. CTC believes that these positive developments, together with new-found political optimism, can be further strengthened after the August election.
The resolution of the Tamil problem will invariably involve meaningful negotiations between the Government of Sri Lanka, the elected representatives of the Tamil people, and other relevant stakeholders. In this context, Parliamentarians elected by the Tamil people will have a major role to play. One strong united voice speaking for Tamils will have a significant impact at these negotiations.
The Tamil National Alliance (TNA), under the responsible and experienced leadership of Mr. R. Sampanthan, has earned the recognition and respect of not only the Tamil people, but also other community representatives in Sri Lanka and international community members like Canada, USA and India. He has carefully and consistently articulated the concerns, grievances and aspirations of the Tamil people.
CTC works closely with TNA, and our partnership has been crucial in some of the diplomatic achievements made in Canada as well as at the UNHRC in Geneva. TNA’s Secretary for Legal and Foreign Affairs, Mr. M.A. Sumanthiran’s advocacy skills, experience and expertise has been beneficial to both CTC and TNA when meeting various government officials in Canada, Geneva and other parts of the world.
CTC firmly believes that a strong mandate given to the TNA to represent Tamils in Northern and Eastern Sri Lanka will strengthen our position during negotiations. Together with a victory for the progressive forces that advocate democracy and good governance in the South, the chances of achieving a negotiated political resolution, accountability and sustainable reconciliation in Sri Lanka will more likely become a reality.
For further information, please contact (416) 240-0078 

Published on: 08/06/15 21:28

Social Market Economy or Political Manipulation of Market?

If we make a slight diversion from the main discussion, it is interesting note the utter failure of the Rajapaksa regime to sustain a viable tax system. Even the proposed tax reforms were not implemented. No need to say that their investments in education or health were most pathetic. That is how the university teachers’ demand for 6% GDP investment in education emerged.
by Laksiri Fernando
( August 7, 2015, Sydney, Sri Lanka Guardian) It is always better if political parties explain to the people on what basis that they plan to manage the economy if they come into power. If they don’t, then it is up to the people to uncover their policy frameworks. This can be done on the basis of analysing their manifestos or past practices. Of course there can be a difference between what they say and what they actually (intend to) do.
From hardline radicalism to moderate statesmanship


2015-08-07
I was watching an interview featuring Patali Champika Ranawaka on a private television channel on Wednesday night and it made me realise the extent of change that had happened to this one-time ultra nationalist hardliner. 

 With his erudite arguments and thoughtful opinions, Patali Champika proved  that he has converted from ultra-nationalism, or rather hardline radicalism to moderate statesmanship.  

If one analyses the journey from the Janatha Mithuro to the present day Jathika Hela Urumaya, this change is a paradigm shift. Together with his “Sansara-buddy” Athuraliye Rathana Thera, Champika, to my mind, rewrote the definitions of Sinhala nationalism while successfully engaging in changing the political history of Sri Lanka on January 8.

  During long conversations I used to have with him in the early 90s over endless cups of plain tea at the Open University canteen where he was a visiting lecturer, I realised this ‘rubber-slippered loner’ had a long way to go. I also got an idea that he had a better understanding of politics than the engineering related subjects he taught at the university. 


 Nationalism is not a bad connotation. Neither is radicalism. Only radicals who would think and act differently would come up in life and make a change in society. If you google for the definition of radicalism, it would provide plenty of results but the most common one would be: ‘radicalism is a noun that means political orientation of those favouring revolutionary change’. In political science, the term radicalism is the belief that society needs to be changed, and that such changes are only possible through revolutionary means.” 

 Radicalism has now become a menace mainly in the Muslim world but now, it is slowly spreading to Buddhist societies as well. The emergence of the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) in Sri Lanka could not be considered in isolation where the ‘969 Movement’ in Myanmar led by the radical monk Wirathu who was identified as the Bin Laden of contemporary Buddhism by the Times magazine and several other similar institutions in Thailand. The commonality in many of these radical movements is the direct or indirect blessings from the state. 

Strategically Champika – Rathana led JHU moved away from this ethno-religious radicalism mainly after the completion of the war in May 2009. One could argue that the emergence of the BBS was to target the Muslim minority in Sri Lanka in the absence of Tamil militarism as the then political leadership sought a path to become the sole saviour of Sinhala Buddhists. Though it was a strong coalition partner of  former UPFA regime, JHU was tactical in moving out of this trap and emerging as an acceptable force in a multi-dimensional political platform – mainly in the rainbow coalition.  

This should be discussed in the context where federalism has again entered into the Sri Lankan political discourse. Many hardliners are of the view that this is the revival of Tamil terrorism and the Mahinda Rajapaksa camp especially, is strongly advocating the opinion it is a sign of the LTTE raising its head.  But I was happy to see one-time hardliner Champika explaining it as an election strategy of the TNA.But the irony of it is that the TNA is still playing its own nationalism card for elections, which could be justified from their own political point of view.  

On the other hand the ultra-nationalist camp of Mahinda Rajapaksa is also spreading similar sentiments in its election campaign. Saving the country from an emerging Tiger threat has become the main slogan, not only of Rajapaksa, but his supporters as well. At a meeting the Buddhist clergy had with Rajapaksa last week, a leading monk in his speech claimed that not only Tamil extremism, Muslim fundamentalism too is raising its head in Sri Lanka and urged the Sinhalese to be vigilant.  

Champika had a solid argument to this issue. He compared the Tamils in the North with those in the Upcountry. He said; “The effects of the war had made the once academically and socially thriving North into a vacuum whereas the Upcountry Tamils gained much development through political means during the past thirty years. And that the ultra-nationalist political leadership of both sides should understand this reality and unite to develop the war-affected Sri Lanka as one nation.” 

 Nationalism is commonly viewed as a double-edged sword: it can unite or fragment a country, says Pakistani writer Dr Moonis Ahmer. Nationalism seeks to identify a behavioral entity i.e. the nation and then to pursue certain political and cultural ethos, goals on its behalf, according to Dr Ahmer. 

 Pakistan is considered one of the leading breeding grounds for Islamic Fundamentalism that led to Islamic radicalism and terrorism. But Jinnah’s Pakistan never had any features of fundamentalism; it was totally opposite. It was a secular state and a thriving nation with multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-religious landscapes. His successor Zulficar Ali Bhutto, too, continued on the same path, but it was military dictator General Zia Ul Haq who changed the Pakistani doctrine into religious fundamentalism. Having captured power in a military coup and hanging Bhutto through a kangaroo court, General Zia wanted to become the saviour of Islam for his own political survival. Thus he changed the entire country from secularism to Islamic fundamentalism even through changing school text books. Sri Lanka just escaped from a dictatorship; otherwise we would have followed the same path, probably in the name of Buddhism. 

 Politically incompetent leaders use religion or ethnicity for their own survival. We have seen it in many parts of the world. Hitler tops that list. There are some here, too.    - See more at: http://www.dailymirror.lk/82563/from-hardline-radicalism-to-moderate-statesmanship#sthash.oauXdRPY.dpuf

Social Market Economy Vs. Social Market Socialism

Colombo TelegraphBy Hema Senanayake –August 7, 2015
Hema Senanayake
Hema Senanayake
Social Market Economy may be a familiar term or concept but the other concept might be new. As I perceive it, both concepts have very similar economic components but there is one significant difference. What is it?
Social Market Economy will continue to link the distribution of distributable output significantly to the ownership of means of production. On the contrary “Social Market Socialism” will separate the distribution of distributable output significantly from the ownership of means of production. This difference is not just theoretical; instead it has very far reaching practical impact. The impact is related to the efficiency of the economy. Let us discuss this matter further.
The UNFGG (United National Front for Good Governance) proposes an economic model which they define as “Social Market Economy.” If you are an interested reader of this subject, you may easily browse internet to read many scholarly articles written on the subject. Yet, my purpose here, in this article is to direct this discussion towards a possible application.
Ravi HarshaIn regard to the concept of Social Market Economy, the word “Market” intimates in achieving economic efficiency through market mechanism and the word “Social” should stand for “public services and the state’s intervention in the economy.” In other words the efficiency of the economy would be primarily attained through “market mechanism” and the efficiency of fair distribution of distributable (or consumable) output would be attained through the intervention of the state or the government. Is this the economic model what UNFGG proposes? I guess it is. Then, what was the model existed under the previous regime? Priorities and components might vary, but previous regime too stood for Social Market Economy; no economist can deny it, even if so called corruption and nepotism existed under the previous regime. If this is the case, then this type of economic system must be properly defined not as “Social Market Economy” but as “Social Market Capitalism.”


Discarded left out garbage Leftists devise a new ploy: Vote for JVP to make Mahinda victorious


LEN logo(Lank-e-News- 07.Aug.2015, 10.00PM) The discarded defeated Leftists alias  ‘left garbage leftists’ say , what is necessary at this moment is not defeating Mahinda Rajapakse, rather sending more JVP members to parliament. However in the JVP publications there is nothing mentioning  this. In other words there is a  deceitful motive behind this theory: divide the anti  Rajapakse votes as much as possible (as this  will be favorable to Rajapakse). Of course that will favor the JVP too.

Governance and Development

Good Governance 23 


article_image
By Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha-August 6, 2015, 12:00 pm

The last conference I attended was in the North East of India, where the topics encapsulated in the title of Prof. Hettige’s book loomed large. The same issues that bedevil development questions in this country were apparent there, and could be summed up perhaps in one word, namely consultation.

I was asked, earlier this week, to speak on the ‘Nexus between Development and Governance; a Sri Lankan Perspective’ at the launch of Prof. Siri Hettige’s latest book, ‘Governance, Conflict and Development in South Asia: Perspectives from India, Nepal and Sri Lanka’. This is in fact a collection of essays, co-edited by Prof. Hettige, bringing together the proceedings of a series of discussions on the subject.

I must confess that I went through only the essays on Sri Lanka, which is a shortcoming, but I should add that I thought it best to concentrate on this country, given the crisis we are going through. Prof. Hettige made some admirable points, though he did so with the detached dignity of an academic, whereas in the current context there might have been a case for a more aggressive approach. But since the essays were written some time back, and the book was a record of what had taken place, I must grant that it would have been difficult to be creatively topical.

And perhaps the worst aspect of this is that it might well have been asked, to what purpose? For the saddest aspect of our national polity now is the absence of conceptualization, the failure to apply established principles with regard to governance after consultation of both theorists and those with a practical understanding of politics. We are stunningly without think tanks, a factor I have repeatedly drawn attention to with regard to foreign policy. But we are also lacking in think tanks with regard to domestic policy, on the lines for instance of the Centre for Research in Rural and Industrial Development, an Indian organization whose deliberations I have been privileged to contribute to over the last couple of years, thanks to an introduction from the seminal thinkers at the Gandhi Centre in Sri Lanka.

The last conference I attended was in the North East of India, where the topics encapsulated in the title of Prof. Hettige’s book loomed large. The same issues that bedevil development questions in this country were apparent there, and could be summed up perhaps in one word, namely consultation.

That I believe is the key word with regard to Good Governance. The reason we are now suffering so much, despite the high ideals of January, when we had democratic change, was that Governance went out of the window. When I realized the enormity of what was happening, I asked a leading member of the UNP why his leader did not consult others, and was told laconically that that was not his style.

His is a style that could prove immeasurably dangerous to the country. It is a great pity that the public tradition of the UNP, as exemplified by the Senanayakes and by President Premadasa (with his catchwords, Consultation, Compromise and Consensus) has now given way to the top down approach of J R Jayewardene – which led to the lid being pressed down so firmly on the country that it exploded, in both North and South.

Consultation however must be serious, and cannot depend just on the willingness of the leadership to listen. Systems of consultation need to be entrenched, and this must also be accompanied by mechanisms for feedback. This must include not just responses, but the rationale for those responses. That is what is meant by accountability, which should not be only about finances – vital though that aspect is – but also about ensuring understanding with regard to policies and practices.

I hasten to add that this does not mean derogation from the responsibilities of governance. After listening to the perspectives of stakeholders, it is up to the elected or appointed executive authority to take decisions. But such decisions must be conveyed to stakeholders with reasons. So, when I proposed amendments to Standing Orders, with regard for instance to the oversight functions of the Finance Committees, I suggested with regard to reports that ‘The report shall be laid before Parliament and sent to the Minister in charge of the subject of Finance who shall within one month respond to the Report and indicate which recommendations may be accepted with a time frame for implementation. Explanations will be provided with regard to recommendations which cannot be implemented with a description of what remedial action will be taken instead to deal with issues raised.’

This made clear the distinction between the Executive and the Legislature, which the Secretary General too noted was important. Parliament should not make decisions about what is to be done, but since it is responsible for financing the Executive, it must monitor its activities and ensure that they are in accordance with law as well as budgetary provision. The recommendation, I am happy to note, was unanimously accepted, but unfortunately Parliament was dissolved before a Report was made to the House by the Standing Orders Committee and our changes ratified.

The same principles should apply to development activities Often I was told, at the Reconciliation Meetings I chaired in Divisional Secretariats in the North and East, that projects the people had agreed on at various meetings were forgotten. Of course not everything everyone wants can be done, but it should be the duty of the decision making authorities to take all proposals into consideration, to explain why they have selected some, and also to indicate the alternative solutions they propose for any pressing problems they cannot deal with as requested.

Going hand in hand then with the basic need to consult is the requirement for feedback, for explanations that make it clear governance is a matter of partnership not of patronage. Included in this then must be transparency, a sharing of information. This is vital with regard to financial information, but there should be transparency too with regard to advice sought and received, and also about potential conflicts of interest. Development must be based on confidence, the belief that decisions are made in the best interests of stakeholders, not through extraneous consideraations.

Finally, or rather to return to a point I made earlier, we need to ensure that planning is holistic. That requires expertise, whereas now decisions are taken on the basis of desires and political convenience, not professional and practical considerations. That is why I have long advocated a senior management consultation process at Divisional level, so that issues can be discussed from all perspectives, and decided on with full information available about the situation that is being addressed. Consultation, it cannot be stressed enough, must be thorough and based on informed and rational argument. For that purpose we need to train not only those who give professional advice, but also administrators in general, in problem solving and decision making skills on the basis of evidence, not just predilections.

A new dimension in Muslim politics in Sri Lanka

Suppose what would the fate of Singapore or India, if people of those countries begin to think in this communal line? India would be divided into many countries. Singapore would have been one more poor country in Asia.
by A Special Correspondent
( August 7, 2015, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Dr Ameer Ali in his article argues that Muslim congress and its offshoots of Muslim political parties should be dismantled in Sri Lanka for good. It is a contentious political issue. Dr Ameer Ali can put his rational arguments for his claim to dismantle small Muslim political parties. Yet, will Muslim politicians listen to him at all? Is it possible to dismantle them all at one go?
I too agree with him that Muslim political parties have done more harm to Muslim community in Sri Lanka than more good. It is my humble opinion that Muslim congress or any other Muslim political parties should function in N& E of Sri Lanka. They could either work independently as Muslim political parties in N& E or otherwise, they could work hand in hand with some other Tamil political parties to develop the entire regions of N& E. I do not think any separate Muslim political party is viable in other part of Sri Lanka at all. It is a disaster for the future of Muslim community outside N& E.   One could argue if Thondaman can have his own political party with less than one million voters why cannot Muslims have their own political parties outside of North and East. I think that Upcountry Tamils are mostly concentrated in Nuwara Eliya district, his party could do better in that district and yet, Muslims in outside N& E are scattered in all districts. Percentage of Muslim population is less than 10 % in each district outside N& E. it would be unwise and unviable for Muslims to create their own political parties on their own. It would be like a political suicidal for Muslim community to support any Muslim political party outside N&E.
We could examine this issue from another perspective. What are the achievements of Muslim congress outside N&E? What did they offer for Muslims outside N&E? I’m very sorry to say that Rauff Hakeem and Rishard Badi have done very little for Muslims outside North and East? So, what is the point in supporting all these pity political parties in Sri Lanka? This does not mean that they should not operate in N&E. They should in that areas but not in outside N&E. consider for instance, what would be the result of this general in Ampara district this time for Muslims? I think that completion between Rauf Hakeem and Rishard Badi in Ampara is a political waterloo for both parties. It competition could reduce Muslim representation into less than three. So, where is the political wisdom of these two so called leaders of Muslim community?
   For the last 25 years, Muslim of North have been languishing in displaced camps and yet, these so called Muslim political parties have done nothing to help these people. I would argue if we did not have communal parties like these, Muslim MPs in UNP and SLFP would have done something for these Muslim people. This is hypothetical question and yet, they could have done something more than this pathetic condition of displaced Muslims.   In the same way, Muslims have been facing many challenges in recent time from BBS but these Muslim parties could not do anything to stop BBS and its aggression. So, what is the point in having all these Muslim political parties?
   Muslim political party members may have gained some political mileage with their own party and yet, Muslim public have attained nothing from these parties. As Dr Ameer Ali noted in his article Muslim public have many burning issues and problems but these Muslim parties have done nothing to help Muslim public except they use their parties to get some personal benefits for them, their families and friends. Moreover, Muslim MPs of UNP and SLFP have done some great service to Muslim community in Sri Lanka than these people in Muslim congress and other Muslim political parties. You do not need to name them and it is well known to everyone.
Sri Lanka is a multi-ethnic and religious country. In this country communal politics would not work. Rather political leaders should be national political leaders. Elected member of any MP from any community should be a national politician rather than a communal politician. Yet, Elected Tamil MP has always been a member of Tamil communal MP to serve only for his community. In the same way, elected Member of Muslim MP from Muslim congress has been working only for Muslim community alone. This can apply to some Sinhalese MPs as well. This communal politics would not work for Sri Lanka in a long run. It would be dangerous trend for national unity and integrity of this nation. In the past, some politicians did not think like this in communal lines rather they worked on national level without any communal limitations. For instance, consider late R. Premadasa, JR, SRIMA.B all were committed to work on national interest beyond communal interests and limitations. Take for instance, ACS Hameed, Abu Sally, and MH Mohamed all were elected with the majority of Sinhalese votes. They worked in the greater national interests beyond communal limitations. Today, some Tamil, Muslim and Sinhalese are trying to do communal politics. This communalization of politics in Sri Lanka is very dangerous for Sri Lanka. Yet, unfortunately, politicians and community leaders do not envisage the risk of this political trend. This trend has been increasing in Sri Lanka since independence.
Suppose what would the fate of Singapore or India, if people of those countries begin to think in this communal line? India would be divided into many countries. Singapore would have been one more poor country in Asia.
Take role of model of President Abul Kalam. He is regarded as a national leader of India. Indian Hindus, Christian, Muslims, Sheikhs, and all other ethnic groups in India regarded him as national leader. Why is that? It is simply because, the President   Abul Kalam worked in the national interest of all Indians beyond the limited communal interests. Do we have such a leader among Sri Lankans today? A leader who can win the hearts and minds of all communities in Sri Lanka? It is pathetic, We Sri Lankan greatly failed to create a Lankan identity among all three communities. When Sri Lankan cricket team plays cricket we see only a handful of Tamil youths support Sri Lankan team. Why is this different attitude towards our national team? It is because some of them have not yet, considered Sri Lanka cricket team as a national team for all communities?
Our national flag, national anthem, national geography, and national outlook are not profoundly rooted in the minds and hearts of all communities. No doubt some extreme Sinhalese have been trying to marginalise minority communities. They have indeed, tried to isolate minorities from the main stream politics and interaction into national life in Sri Lanka. I do not blame any community for this pathetic political conditions in Sri Lanka. Something went terribly wrong in Sri Lankan politics. It is high time to mend this political blunders. Today in this modern world, there is no place for internal fighting among communities. Today, peace, cooperation, communal unity and co-existence are future trajectories for development and progress. Otherwise, this beautiful nation (May God forbid) will descend into blood bath and follow the path of destruction.
In this context, all minority political parties should reconsider their political stands and political philosophies in light of national interest not merely on communal interest. They should think what we have given to Sri Lanka before they think what to take from Sri Lanka. We have always been fighting for our rights in Sri Lanka but we have failed to know what we owe to this nation? What types of duties and responsibilities we have towards this nation?

The Political Emancipation Of Sri Lanka

Colombo TelegraphBy Dayapala Thiranagama –August 7, 2015 
The current parliamentary election presents a clear division between democratic forces and anti-democratic forces. A victory for democracy would offer a generational chance of resolving some of the fault lines in Sri Lankan society. The Rajapaksa regime won the war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) but they used this victory to defeat the legitimate democratic aspirations of the Tamil people. When the Muslim community was attacked the law was not applied and the perpetrators got away scott-free. The war victory was also used to plunder state resources, cover up frauds and corruption and augment personal wealth. Their authoritarian rule maintaining the white van culture brazenly violated the right to life and ’disappeared’ 
ranill-anura- colombotelegraphjournalists as well as political opponents. Their shrewd use of intimidation and violence against innocent people was unprecedented in perpetuating their dominance in the democratic political history of this country despite decades of war and emergencies. Members of the traditional left parties ended up being implicated in these misdeeds.
Prior to the announcement of the Presidential election last year the United National Party (UNP) looked a deeply divided party over with various factions fighting on the streets in the South. With the decision to backMaithripala Sirisena, they suddenly appeared to regroup with an almost steely determination. The UNP and the civil organizations that supported him looked the antithesis of the Rajapaksa regime – and gave civil society a genuine choice. That is how the long night of the Rajapaksa regime ended and the democratic will of all those who suffered and millions and millions of people were awoken to their democratic rights. The Rajapaksa regime is reluctant take any responsibility for the grave mistakes they have committed and have used the divisive rhetoric of religion and language to arouse the anxieties and fears of the Sinhalese Buddhistpeople in an attempt to return to power in the current parliamentary election.