Monday, August 3, 2015

Social Market Economy: Does It Provide A Solution For Sri Lanka?

By Sumanasiri Liyanage –August 3, 2015

Sumanasiri Liyanage

I think it is for the first time that the idea of social market economy is introduced into the Sri Lankan election discourse. Champika Ranawakaappears to have borrowed the concept of social market economy (SME) from Dr. Harsha de Silva and used it as it was his invention for the purpose of portraying the economic policy framework of the future UNFGG government for the next five years. As far as I know, the concept of social market economy has never been discussed in serious manner in Sri Lanka. In the early 1990s, a seminar was held at the Colombo Hilton in which a German professor had outlined the concept SME as it had been practiced in Germany especially in the post World War 2 period. What is social market economy? What are the main characteristics of the SME? How does it differ from Anglo-American notion of market economy? What the exact role the state plays in the SME? These are the sort of issues I intend to address in this article.

A brief history would not be out of order in contextualizing the concept of SME. Although the concept was theoretically advanced in the 1930s, one may even suggest that some of the features of SME were put into practice during the Bismarck regime in Germany in the late 19th century. Bismarck introduced a universal social insurance scheme in response to the increasing popularity and influence of the social democratic party in Germany. The following description by Wikipedia gives a fairly correct account of the SME as it was later advanced by Müller-Armack in the 1930s:

“Social market economies aim to combine free initiative and social progress on the basis of a competitive economy. The social market economy is opposed to laissez-faire policies and to socialist economic systems and combines private enterprise with regulation and state intervention to establish fair competition, maintaining a balance between a high rate of economic growth, low inflation, low levels of unemployment, good working conditions, social welfare, and public services.”

Wikipedia further explains: “The social market economy refrains from attempts to plan and guide production, the workforce, or sales, but it does support planned efforts to influence the economy through the organic means of a comprehensive economic policy coupled with flexible adaptation to market studies. Effectively combining monetary, credit, trade, tax, customs, investment, and social policies, as well as other measures, this type of economic policy creates an economy that serves the welfare and needs of the entire population, thereby fulfilling its ultimate goal.” Read More

Going beyond election manifestos in the national interest

By Jehan Perera-August 3, 2015, 7:01 pm

There are two attributes of election manifestos. One is for a political party to place its vision for the future and programme of action to achieve it before the electorate. Virtually all political parties have revelled in making excessive promises during election time. The election manifesto of President Maithripala Sirisena during the presidential election in January was different. As it focused on a 100 Day Plan, its promises were realistic. Many of the promises made have been implemented to a substantial degree. The main achievement was the passage of the 19th Amendment which reduced the president’s powers and strengthened the independence of institutions, such as the police, judiciary and public service, which are essential features of a well governed society.

The second attribute of an election manifesto is to provide the political party that forms the government to be able to refer back to its electoral mandate and justify its activities in the future. This would be especially applicable to those actions that are in the national interest, but are not so popular with the country’s people. Examples of this are hard to come by in Sri Lanka although there are examples from other countries. In Sri Lanka, on the other hand, apart from promises such as to even get rice from the moon to fulfil election manifestos, hardly any political party is willing to inform the electorate about the bitter medicine that is needed to resolve problems that adversely affect society.

The most relevant case in point in SrI Lanka is the ethnic conflict and its solution. So far it has been civil society groups who have made comprehensive assessments of what needs to be done to tackle this vexed issue. The political relationship between the ethnic majority and minority communities has been the most intractable problem in the country. It has divided the people and made them mistrustful of one another, and has dissipated the country’s energies away from the task of economic development and material prosperity which makes other problems easier to resolve. In this respect the JVP is to be credited for its willingness to tackle the issues of war-time accountability for human rights violations by proposing a Commission against Discrimination along with a Truth and Reconciliation Commission for the peace building process.

UPFA MANIFESTO

The election manifesto of the UPFA sets out an impressive array of promises. The articulation of the UPFA’s manifesto can be attributed to its drafters who count well known political analysts, jurists and commentators. It promises to meet the most urgent needs of the general population through higher salaries and more jobs which will come through a massive development effort. However, the efforts of the drafters of the UPFA manifesto are foundering floundering on the track record of the previous UPFA government that was led by former president Mahinda Rajapaksa. With new exposes of huge levels of corruption during the period of the previous government hitting the news virtually every day, the question that arises in the minds of the electorate is why these plans and activities were not implemented during the previous years, especially after the war ended.

It appears that the leaders of campaigning for UPFA on the ground are aware that their manifesto is getting little traction from the electorate. Those campaigning against the UPFA have been pointing out that if the former government failed to implement these promises whilst dominating the national polity as they did during the previous decade, there is little likelihood of them doing any better this time around, especially when they will not be able to dominate the national polity. This is the most likely reason why the UPFA is once again resorting to divisive ethnic nationalism to attract the votes of the majority Sinhalese community. UPFA speakers are constantly raising the bogey of the revival of the LTTE, the TNA’s separatism and the adverse role of the international community in pressing for war crimes trials against the government leaders and the security forces who won the war.

The intention on the part of UPFA allies, such as the BBS to create incidents that can rouse the nationalism of the Sinhalese majority is a signal that they feel that this is the issue on which they can gain votes. They have been bringing lion flags which represent the Sinhala community to election rallies. But this flag is shorn of the orange and green stripes that are part of the Sri Lankan national flag, and which are meant to represent the Tamil and Muslim communities. In most countries mutilating the national flag is considered to be a punishable offense, outweighing the right to free expression. The BBS is however claiming that what they are waving at election rallies is not a mutilated version of the national flag but the lion flag of the Sinhalese. It appears that they are trying to create a situation where they can argue that the Sinhalese cannot express their identity today.

PROBLEM SOLVING

The UPFA manifesto states that a "National Harmony Commission" with broad powers and a district level mechanism will be established to uphold a "National Harmony Charter" which seeks to safeguard the fairness and equality meted out to each and every Sri Lankan citizen". It also says it will devolve powers of administration to the village level through the re-introduction of the Village Councils System for local government administration. These references to the village and district levels, as against the provincial level, appear to be messages that if the UPFA wins the election they will de-emphasise the province in dealing with the ethnic conflict. This would be a massive setback to decades of negotiation and compromise between successive governments and Tamil parties and is likely to set the stage for renewed inter-ethnic confrontation.

The clash of extremes is beneficial to those who wish to benefit from extremist politics. But it will not solve problems. What Sri Lanka needs today is not the mobilising of one form of ethnic extremism to counter another. Rather it is the taming of extremism by a process of fostering inter-ethnic understanding and trust-building so that there can be joint inter-ethnic problem solving. The lacuna regarding this issue in the manifestos of the political parties means that they will have to be dealt with after the general elections by the new government as these are not problems that can be left without a resolution. The JVP’s willingness to affirm that they will deal with the ethnic conflict and war-time accountability issues through commissions against discrimination and truth and reconciliation is welcome in this regard.

The truth of what happened during the three decades of the war must be known to the people, and accountability sought, with reconciliation rather than punishment as the primary goal. There needs to be appropriate compensation and reparation to enable the conflict affected populations a fresh start in their lives. There needs to be a fair sharing of power between the ethnic and religious communities through the devolution of power. This needs to also include mechanisms for power sharing at the level of the central government in a manner that recognizes the plural nature of our society. Speech that incites hatred or violence against those of other ethnic or religious communities needs to be prohibited by law. These problems need to be resolved but without the advantage of having explicitly asked for and received a mandate for such problem solving.

Crossing the bridge

Tuesday, 4 August 2015

A Moral Principle met a Material Interest on a bridge wide enough for but one.
“Down, you base thing!” thundered the Moral Principle, “and let me pass over you!”
The Material Interest merely looked in the other’s eyes without saying anything.
“Ah,” said the Moral Principle, hesitatingly, “let us draw lots to see which shall retire till the other has crossed.”
The Material Interest maintained an unbroken silence and an unwavering stare.
“In order to avoid a conflict,” the Moral Principle resumed, somewhat uneasily, “I shall myself lie down and let you walk over me.”
Then the Material Interest found a tongue, and by a strange coincidence it was its own tongue. “I don’t think you are very good walking,” it said. “I am a little particular about what I have underfoot. Suppose you get off into the water.”
It occurred that way.
Ambrose Bierce, Fantastic Fables

Crossing the Bridge by Thavam Ratna

Rank absurdities and the absence of principle

Sunday, August 02, 2015

Expressing extreme exasperation late this week, a colleague of mine could not contain himself regarding the paucity of ideas emerging from competing candidates in Sri Lanka’s upcoming parliamentary elections.

Rank Absurdities and the Absence of Principle by Thavam Ratna

Why people vote for Thugs - Crooks - Film Stars

2015-08-03

t does not reflect well on the UNP, when rival underworld gangs clash in its election campaign. Now police suspect that shooting in Kotahena that killed one woman and injured 13 others was due to a longstanding rivalry between the two underworld gangs; The members of one gang were canvassing for Ravi Karunanayake, when the members of the rival gang opened fire.

But, why do politicians of all political parties hire the underworld to conduct their election campaign? Why do they prefer the services of Bloemendhal Sanka and Dematagoda Chaminda or some other thug who was recently granted bail over the expertise of the ‘intelligentsia’, who made weekly appearance at that ITN talk show, Doramadalawa.

Why People Vote for Thugs - Crooks - Film Stars by Thavam Ratna

Mahinda the Trampoline

Fragments.

Posted by Uditha Devapriya -Monday, August 3, 2015

Here's a question. Who’s worse: the person who cashes in on another’s victory by jumping over and then abandoning him or the person who doesn’t but still uses that other for his campaign? Not an easy question, we note. People are frail. Politicians are frail. They have no permanent friends and for this reason their preferred outcomes shift over time. (Dr) Mervyn Silva, for instance, would hardly have baked bread with Ranil Wickremesinghe or Arjuna Ranatunge this time last year. Yes, it’s a small world. Not that this makes it better. Or worse.

For Mahinda Rajapaksa however, there’s really no choice. He has no permanent friends, but he has his clique. That clique has been rooting for him. Still is. Its first “victory” (if you can call it that) was the Nugegoda rally. Extrapolating this to the UPFA’s decision to nominate him for the election is simplistic and ridiculous. But that's the "narrative" his faction continue to read. They’ve “won” what they want so far. Can’t blame them for believing they’ll “win” in future.

That’s why the former president has no option. He must stand by his clique. Always.

But the likes of Udaya Gammanpila, Wimal Weerawansa, Dinesh Gunawardena, and Vasudeva Nanayakkara will not be enough. That is why (for instance) Rajapaksa could not have (even with those four rioting throughout the country on his behalf) obtained the support of his party if it wasn’t for Susil Premajayantha and Anura Priyadarshana Yapa.

And now, those who chose to go dumb when Sirisena’s faction trashed their man's predecessor are coming out. One by one.

It happened two weeks ago. Three Deputy Ministers – Lasantha Alagiyawanna, Sudarshani Fernandopulle, and Eric Weerawardena – resigned from their posts. They were not Mahinda loyalists. Indeed, if it wasn’t for Maithripala Sirisena’s infamous “declaration” on July 14 they wouldn’t have made their move. They affirmed loyalty to the SLFP and UPFA. Their statement came right after the Mahinda Faction had made one in support of Rajapaksa at the same venue (the Opposition Leader’s office). Timely. Calculated.

There’s a problem here however. All three of them in effect “looked” the other way when the “Bring Back Mahinda” campaign was in full sway. If they ignored and even discouraged that through silence once, what explains their change of face now? Where do their loyalties lie?

Let’s not forget that they resigned during the election season, i.e. when ministerial posts are worth a dime a dozen and getting a manape is more important. In this context would it make sense to consider their decision(s) as an affirmation of loyalty to their former leader? Of course not. It doesn’t take a political scientist to conclude that they downplayed Rajapaksa’s campaign even during the presidential election. They were among the first to get on Sirisena’s platform after he won.

Is this a problem for the has-been president? Yes and no. Most of those contesting from the UPFA have no “leader” to turn to. Maithripala Sirisena has in effect given up party leadership (until the election’s over that is) and this means there’s no person to "hold up" the UPFA. Sure, the president did himself no favours by confessing (with pride) that he saved Ranil Wickremesinghe’s skin. But politics isn’t all about popular mandates and for this reason it won’t be surprising if he goes back to leading SLFPers while doing his best to castrate his own party after August 17.

Meanwhile, there’s Mahinda. He's different. His loyalty to party is uncontested. That wave gathering around him is irresistible. Makes sense to be on his side. Votes don’t come easily, after all. That’s why those who’ve renounced their ministerial posts (with chest-beating words) are claiming that they are “with” him. That they’ve realised their folly and have come to embrace him.

That’s just rhetoric however. They wouldn't be using Mahinda if they knew they'd win without him. What warrants scrutiny therefore is what they want with him.

What happens after August 17? Nimal Siripala de Silva says “I will be the first to announce him as prime minister”. That’s rubbish, as everyone who has read the Constitution will realise. Whoever's vying for the prime ministerial post (according to Article 43) shouldn’t only command the confidence of the Parliament. The president must choose him. That explains why a) Sirisena chose Wickremesinghe and a minority government and b) this was not unconstitutional (never mind what Sarath N. Silva can or will say).

Now here’s the pincer. If Sirisena decides to go for a National Government (he has indicated that), and he opts for Ranil over Mahinda, where will Alagiyawanna be? Fernandopulle? Weerawardena? Janaka Bandara Tennakoon? Will they continue their Mahinda-love? Or will they join this coalition, obtaining (as they did before) ministerial posts based on loyalty to the president?

All this is conjecture. Guesswork. But if those who win thanks to the former president abandon their de facto patron for ministerial portfolios, they've got nothing to lose. Nor has Rajapaksa, for that matter. If he rides on a sympathy wave again, it’ll accumulate. Based on how (un)popular the National Government will be, that’ll work in his favour. Someday.

In the meantime, he’ll have to wait. He’ll have to be a Trampoline. Tough, yes. Can't help.

Liberals & The Rajapaksa Familial Rule

By Kamal Nissanka –August 3, 2015

Kamal Nissanka

The internal crisis in the Liberal Party further worsened as eleven members of the national committee are in favour of the “yahapalana Program” of theUnited National Front for Good Governance. Dr Sarath Buddhadasa, senior Vice President of the party who was mediating between the two factions surprisingly tendered his resignation from the national committee and the party on 28, 07.2015. With this move only two committee members remain with Dr Rajiva Wijesinha, who has included his name in the national list of UPFA without a duly signed Memorandum of Understanding between the Liberal Party and the United People’s Freedom Alliance. There are 15 elected members of the national committee of the Liberal Party.

The committee met on last Sunday (26.07.2015) decided to confer authority to Mr. Ananda Stephen (Deputy Secretary General) to sign the “Yahapalana Program” that was organized at Sri Lanka Foundation Institute on 29. 07.2015. Hon Ranil Wickremesingheand Rev Maduluwawe Sobitha were the main signatories apart from over 100 organizations that endorsed the document.

(Lanka-e-News- 02.Aug.2015, 11.30 PM) Deposed people discarded president , Kurunegala district candidate Medamulana Mahinda Rajapakse who by now has realized beyond any trace of doubt that his defeat is writ large on the wall at the up coming elections, has decided, if by any chance he is elected , to abstain from taking oaths as an opposition M.P. . and give over his seat to the next UPFA Kurunegala district candidate who is leading on the preferential votes, and trek home empty handed - that is go back to Medamulana !

The analysts of the UPFA party based on their studies have revealed that UPFA can only secure about 70 seats , UPFA sources say. Even when the SLFP ranks were questioned on this , 98 % are of the view that UNP will win at this election. In the circumstances even if Mahinda becomes an M.P. ,without doubt he will have to be contented with a backbencher seat, because Nimal Siripala De Silva is not going to sacrifice his opposition leader post on any grounds.

It is learnt that Mahinda has decided to take this course of action of not accepting the M.P. post ,not so much because he will not get the opposition leader post , but rather because of his potential loss of privileges and perks.

The formation of a government being impossible , Mahinda’s hopes of becoming prime minister is a day dream menaing that he will be entitled to privileges of just an ordinary M.P. In much the same way as no individual can secure two salaries from the government , he cannot also enjoy double privileges. When that is the true position , Mahinda will be entitled only to the privileges attaching to an M.P. and not the previous privileges attaching to a president.

There is no precedent established in relation to this . Hence a Supreme court (SC) verdict would be necessitated . Since the SC is no longer Rajapakse Kangaroo court , MR will face impediments and he will be stymied in his diabolic efforts. In this context , if the SC returns a verdict that MR is only entitled to the privileges of an ordinary M.P. , Mahinda will have to be satisfied throughout his life time with the perks and privileges of an M.P. Therefore Mahinda has decided that even if he is elected to parliament, to refrain from taking oaths.

An ex president will enjoy the ordinary privileges of a cabinet minister, and when he dies , his wife will be entitled to them but on a diminished scale , that is , the privileges equivalent to those of a deputy minister. This means, if Mahinda takes oaths as an ordinary opposition M.P. he will be depriving himself of all these privileges.

Meanwhile another media reported that Gotabaya has requested the incumbent president to afford the opportunity to Mahinda Rajapakse to retire honorably. Though Gotabaya had made a request to grant Mahinda a senior minister position like what was accorded to Lee Kwan Yu of Singapore and Mahathir Mohomed of Malaysia , the president has not given a favorable response. The president has replied , those leaders contributed towards steering those countries to the top slots in the world whereas ,Mahinda Rajapakse is a State leader by robbing national wealth and public funds in billions and transferring them to foreign countries tarnished the country ‘s international image while plunging the country into an economic abyss.

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by (2015-08-02 23:36:30)

Shocking sky-high Extravagance: Rajapaksas’ Billion-rupee Travel Bills

03/08/2015

Eye-watering amounts of public money have been splurged on former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s visits abroad, documents obtained by the Sunday Times show.

Between 2012 and 2014, the Presidential Secretariat spent Rs. 2,344,228,641.68 (more than Rs. 2 billion) on expenses incurred by Mr. Rajapaksa and his various delegations. The money was routed through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to foreign missions for settlement of bills.

We analysed a breakdown of the 2014 figures. That year alone, Rs. 643,250,689.84 was exhausted on Mr. Rajapaksa, former First Lady Shiranthi Rajapaksa and their delegations. The bulk of this went towards foreign travel. But it includes items such as “Contribution Student Event at North Dakota University” (Rs. 264,000) and “Payment of Consultancy 2013″ (Rs. 46,732,602.00).

Additionally, SriLankan Airlines has billed the former President’s office Rs. 305,004,031 in 2014. That is a grand total of Rs. 948,254,720.84 or nearly Rs. 1000 million in 2014 alone.

The figure would rise considerably if the cost of chartering a SriLankan Airlines A340 aircraft for Mr. Rajapaksa’s visit to the 2014 UN General Assembly is included. However, that information was not immediately available.

Curiously, official expense accounts show that money also went towards the purchase of camera equipment on two occasions. Equipment to the amount of Rs 5,280,000.00 was bought in 2014 in New York. Another Rs. 9,119,141.39 was spent on camera equipment in Singapore. It is not known whether these were acquired for official or personal use.

In October 2014, Rs 67,722,245.34 was spent on a visit to the Vatican, Rome and Milan in Italy. Separately, the President’s office has been billed Rs. 44,195,550 for his A340 ride to Rome and Malpensa. This fee has not yet been settled with the airline. The grand total of that junket was Rs 111,917,795.34 or more than Rs. 100 million from State coffers for a mere three-day journey.

The amount spent in September 2014 for Mr. Rajapaksa’s visit to New York for the UN General Assembly is stated as Rs. 127,052,113.52 (excluding the fee for the aircraft). Costs of Rs. 5,724,005.61 were incurred even on a flying visit to Abu Dhabi in January 2014.

Time spent by Mr. Rajapaksa and his delegations in transit also cost the Ministry a pretty penny. For instance, Rs. 5,076,427.90 is mentioned as “Allocation for H.E. the President visit to Bolivia-transit”. Another Rs. 5,687,789.58 is mentioned under “Additional Allocation for H.E. the President and delegation transit in Dubai”.

A trip by Mr. Rajapaksa’s youngest son, Rohitha, to Japan in 2014 has cost Rs. 2,086,000.00. He did not hold official position in the administration. The former President even used public funds (and a chartered SriLankan Airlines A340 Airbus) for his private visit to Tirupati, India, in December 2014. Not long after calling a snap presidential election, he flew there to offer prayers at the famous Lord Venkateswara Temple.

The cost for the flight was Rs. 3,916,836. The bill remains unsettled. He also used up Rs. 4,457,625.00 from State coffers — a total of Rs. 12,291,297. He lost his reelection bid not long afterwards.
Sunday Times

Island reconvicted criminal also aboard rebel hijacked UPFA train

Promises galore: Former President Rajapaksa shares a joke with SLFP General Secretary Anura Priyadarshana Yapa at the unveiling of the UPFA manifesto

Sunday, August 02, 2015

‘Innocent till proven guilty’ sham rogue defence blastedThe United People’s Freedom Alliance’s shocking decision to nominate an island reconvicted criminal as a fit and proper person to contest the forthcoming election was revealed last Thursday by UNP heavyweight John Amaratunga, shattering to smithereens the UPFA facade that whilst nominations would be given to those having criminal allegations against them for they had not been proved guilty, the line would be drawn at giving nominations to those who had been.

Island Reconvicted Criminal Also Aboard Rebel Hijacked UPFA Train by Thavam Ratna

Bloemendhal Road shooting: Another victim dies

August 1, 2015, 7:29

A police sniffer dog at Friday’s scene of the deadly shooting. (Pic by Saman Ranaweera)

Another victim of Friday’s drive-by shooting on a United National Party (UNP) polls campaign group died, pushing the death toll to two, police said.

Unidentified assailants opened fire on a group of supporters of Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake in close proximity to St. Benedicts’ College playground at Bloemendhal Road killing a woman, Siththi Maheema (46) and injuring 11 others.No arrests have been made so far.

Police investigators are also probing the suspected involvement of an underworld gang in the shooting. The car used by the assailants was later found abandoned near the Bloemendhal Flats.

Reports that two black cars were used to open fire with automatic rifles on the Minister’s supporters are also being investigated by the police.

The condition of two of those injured is still reported to be critical.

Ranil Hits Sixers Off Full-Tosses Bowled By Fraudster

August 4, 2015

UNP Leader and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe played Master Blaster in the softest of interviews on the State-owned television Rupavahini.

The interviewer, Chairman and the former Editor of Ravaya, Victor Ivan who at the outset said that he was representing Rupavahini sent down dollies to Wickremesinghe who duly dispatched them to the fence.

*Ivan interviewing Ranil

Ivan, a senior journalist who celebrated 25 years in the profession just the other day, was either totally unprepared or was complicit in a puerile exercise deliberately designed to help Wickremesinghe shake off serious charges levelled against him.

To begin with Ivan, read out a prepared question about the controversial Central Bank Bond Issue from a piece of paper, much like a cub reporter. Ranil proceeds to bat for a full eight minutes.

This is quite uncharacteristic of Wickremesinghe who is known to respond to tough questions with questions of his own. For example, he could easily have questioned Ivan’s moral authority to level corruption charges at him, Ranil.

Ranil could have asked Ivan about tax evasion, for example. In 2008 during a meeting with the slain Editor of the Sunday Leader Lasantha Wickrematunge, then Convener of the Free Media Movement Uvindu Kurukulasuriya and then Chairman of the UNP Malik Samarawickrama, Ranil said he had all the information about this issue.

Until the Presidential Election of 2005, i.e. during the reign of Chandrika Kumaratunga, every month without fail the Ravaya would get a notice from the Department of Inland Revenue, requesting payment of an outstanding amount of Rs 14 million.

*Lasantha interviewing Chandrika

(Lanka-e-News- 03.Aug.2015, 9.00PM) The comments made by Mr. Dullas Alahapperuma at a recent Press Conference on the construction of the proposed central expressway from Kadawatha to Kandy, proves his poor knowledge in Arithmetic. He has got confused about the length of the proposed highway. The actual distance from Kadawatha – Kossinna, Kossinna- Meerigama is 36.5 km and not 32 km. He has totally ignored the expenditure on the number of flyover bridges, constructions over conserved marshy lands thus disregarding the engineering factors.

When an estimate is prepared for a project, it is an accepted form of procedure, to prepare a basic minimum cost and call for tenders accordingly. The 120 billion Rupees mentioned here is the calculated amount based on the required engineering format. The accepted methodology is to calculate the cost of the construction from thereon. The first 4 km of Kadawatha – Kossinna, Kossinna- Meerigama highway construction does not involve any cost to the government because the contractor had agreed to bear the cost of this stretch from the savings of the construction of outer Colombo circular highway. The balance 32.5 km of the Highway has been awarded to the Chinese company which the previous Government also had selected. The benefit that the country gained from the Yaha Palanaya Government is that it need not pay for the construction of the first 4 kilometers of the highway.

If Mr. Dullas Alahapperuma needs further information, he has only to inquire from the Chinese company to whom the contract was awarded by the previous government of which he was also a Minister. Instead, Dullas has only resorted to applying the fundamentals of his brand of politics aimed at misleading and deceiving the public.

Dullas Alahaperuma should actually speak on the expenditure relating to the construction of Stage II of the Colombo outer circular road under Mahinda Rajapaksa. Rs. 5.3 billion had been spent on the construction of a distance of 9 km which is an increase of Rs. 550 million per km as against the construction of a Kilometre of Kadawatha-Kossinna-Meerigama highway. It is regrettable that Dullas Alahapperuma who was dumbstruck on the allegations made in Parliament and in media about the variations of project cost, on account of the reduction of traffic lanes in express highways constructed during the time of his government, now has suddenly got out of slumber and makes absurd comments.

The estimated cost per kilometer of the Southern Express Highway had been Rs.348 billion but Mahinda Rajapaksa Government spent Rs. 741 billion per kilometer. The estimated cost of the construction of Katunayake Express Highway was Rs. 38 billion but actual cost had been Rs. 47.5 billion. We hope that Mr. Dullas Alahapperuma would clarify matters regarding this excess expenditure at his next press conference. Also he will have to explain (as he is so much concerned about the construction of roadways) the manner in which funds collected from the people under Uthuru Mithuru account was spent on the construction of the Northern railway track. It would be also pertinent to explain to the public about the railway power sets and carriages imported for use on this track but now dumped in the Dematagoda railway yard as those are not roadworthy. Mr. Kumara Welgama who succeeded Mr. Alahapperuma had stated that he would not bear responsibility for the corruption involved in the import of these power sets and carriages.

We also would like to remind Mr. Alahapperuma that people who purchased forward booking tickets to travel to Jaffna under the Uthuru Mithuru fund still await their turn. It will also be appreciated if he explains at the next Press Conference about the monies forcibly collected as day’s pay contribution to the Uthuru Mithuru fund from the public servants. This proves beyond doubt that Dullas Alahapperuma has played the best acolyte role to Kurunegala District candidate Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa who states that the Best Head of State – the Best rogue.

A statement issues on today by Kabir Hashim

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by (2015-08-03 17:04:48)