Making Sense of China’s New National Security Law

by D. S. Rajan-July 20, 2015

It may not be wrong to say that China’s adoption of a New National Security Law on July 1, 2015 and a series of other laws in the making symbolize that the political milieu in the country, under the Xi Jinping regime, has become ideology driven.  Stifling dissent seems to have become the order of the day now in China. It is not coincidental that around the Law’s promulgation, at least 146 lawyers, activists and their relatives have been taken into custody or questioned by police in 24 Chinese cities and  provinces (China Human Rights Lawyers Concern Group, Hong Kong, July 14, 2015). The level of rhetoric against Western values and foreign influences over the society appear to have reached a new high. Making of the Law as an instrument to provide a legal framework to the party principles on National Security, is indeed an ideologically significant development.   

Making Sense of China’s New National Security Law by Thavam Ratna

At least six missing after clampdown on human rights lawyers in China

Hundreds were targeted in what state media described as ‘a legitimate law enforcement action’ – but activists fear detainees could face torture
 Zhao Wei. Photograph: You Minglei------------------------------------------ Li Shuyun. Photograph: Weibo

Missing legal assistant Zhao Wei and her husband You Minglei, who claims police have denied knowledge of her whereabouts. Photograph: You Minglei----Human rights lawyer Wang Yu was detained on 9 July. Photograph: Mark Schiefelbein/AP

Tom Phillips in Beijing-Tuesday 21 July 2015

Nearly two weeks after Beijing launched one of its most comprehensive crackdowns on civil society in decades, at least six people remain missing – believed to have disappeared into the custody of China’s security services.

At least 238 people have been detained or questioned since the clampdown began, according to the Hong Kong-based China Human Rights Lawyer Concern Group, which is keeping a tally of the operation’s targets.
At Least Six Missing After Clampdown on Human Rights Lawyers in China by Thavam Ratna

Chinese developer assembles 3D-printed house in 3 hours

Image via Facebook.

By Asian Correspondent Staff Jul 21, 2015

Residents in a Xi’an neighborhood in China looked on in amazement last week as a 3D-printed house was assembled on site in just three hours. It’s not the most lavish construction we’ve ever seen, but it looks sturdy and comfortable with some nice features inside and outside balconies upstairs.

The images below, from CCTV’s Facebook page, show a small crowd gathering as the home is assembled with a crane.

Each module (sitting room, bedroom, kitchen, etc.) is printed separately at the factory and then they are assembled into a complete home on site. The villa shown here consists of six modules. The whole process, including printing and assembly, can be completed within 10 days according to the manufacturer.

So, what’s the damage? About 2,500-3,000 yuan per square meter, bringing a 200 square meter home to 500,000 to 600,000 yuan (US$80,500-96,600). As the industry develops, prices are expected to only drop in the future.

Image via Facebook.

Image via Facebook.

Image via Facebook.

Image via Facebook.

Image via Facebook.

Saudi Arabia in the North Sea

The chilly waters of northern Scotland have become the testing ground for the next generation of green energy. If the engineers can pull it off.

BY DAWN STOVER-JULY 21, 2015

The tides that tear through the Pentland Firth are among the fastest in the world.

Saudi Arabia in the North Sea by Thavam Ratna

Infants use expectations to shape their brains

July 20, 2015

A series of experiments with infants ages 5 to 7 months has shown that portions of babies' brains responsible for visual processing respond not just to the presence of visual stimuli, but also to the mere expectation of visual stimuli, according to the researchers from Princeton University, the University of Rochester and the University of South Carolina.

That type of sophisticated neural processing was once thought to happen only in adults and not infants, whose brains are still developing important neural connections.

"We show that in situations of learning and situations of expectations, babies are in fact able to really quickly use their experience to shift the ways different areas of their brain respond to the environment," said Lauren Emberson, one of the researchers, who will join the Princeton faculty Sept. 1 as an assistant professor of psychology. She comes to Princeton from the University of Rochester, where she is a postdoctoral associate.

The research is described in the article, "Top-down modulation in the infant brain: Learning-induced expectations rapidly affect the sensory cortex at 6 months," published online June 20 in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. The other authors are John Richards of the University of South Carolina and Richard Aslin of the University of Rochester.

The researchers exposed one group of infants to a pattern that included a sound—like a honk from a clown horn or a rattle—followed by an image of a red cartoon smiley face. Another group saw and heard the same things, but without any pattern.

The researchers used functional near-infrared spectroscopy, a technology that measures oxygenation in regions of the brain using light, to assess brain activity as the infants were exposed to the sounds and images.

After exposing the infants to the sounds and images for a little over a minute, the researchers began omitting the image. For the infants who had been exposed to the pattern, brain activity was detected in the visual areas of the brain even when the image didn't appear as expected.

"We find that the visual areas of the infant brain respond both when they see things, which we knew, but also when they expect to see things but don't," Emberson said.

The finding could help shed light on the mysteries of neural development, the researchers said.

"Part of the reason I wanted to establish this type of phenomenon in infants is because I think it's a really good candidate mechanism for how infants are using their experiences to develop their brains," Emberson said. "There's a lot of work that shows babies do use their experiences to develop. That's sort of intuitive, especially if you're a parent, but we have no idea how the brain is actually using the experiences."

The findings offer insights that can shape future research in the area, said Janet Werker, a professor and Canada research chair in the Department of Psychology at the University of British Columbia who studies the roots of language acquisition.

"Most exciting to me is the evidence this work provides that from very early in infancy, the cortex is able to set up expectations about incoming events," said Werker, who was not involved in the research. "This shows that infants not only learn about their external worlds, but are ready—from very early in life—to make predictions about the co-occurrence of events on the basis of very brief previous experience. This work thus has the potential to transform future research on infant learning to focus not on just what infants can learn, but to look at learning as a more active process, focusing more on how learning begets subsequent learning."

Emberson is continuing to explore the topic by examining the phenomenon in infants who are at risk for poor developmental outcomes, specifically those who were born prematurely. She also is examining whether infants' visual expectations boost their visual abilities.

TNA says to push for political solution to Tamil issues

Desperate discarded Rajapakses plot and plan to re capture power via LTTE -The whole truth with evidence..

July 21, 2015
Sri Lanka’s main minority Tamil political party, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), on Monday said it will push for a permanent political solution to issues faced by the Tamils, following the August 17 parliamentary election.

TNA member and former legislator Suresh Premachandran said a resolution for the Tamil issue is what the Tamils have been calling for over a long period of time and that will be one of the key issues raised at the polls campaign.

Asked if the TNA will work with other political parties and independent groups ahead of the polls, Premachandran said that, since the TNA will be contesting alone it will not get on stage with any other political party.
“However, after the election, if any Tamil political party or group wants to work with us and accept our policies, they will be more than welcome,” he said.

The TNA has often claimed to be the sole representative of the Tamils, but the right to make that claim has been challenged in the past.

A group of former Tamil Tiger members are also contesting the August 17 parliament election and they are seeking the right to represent the Tamils in parliament.

The Crusaders for Democracy consists of former Tamil Tiger cadres who have been rehabilitated and are looking to live an ordinary life.

Leader of the Crusaders for Democracy N. Vidyatharan said the international community, including the United States, Britain and India, who have been calling on the LTTE in the past to renounce violence, must now accept the members of the Crusaders for Democracy as they have renounced violence and joined the democratic stream. (Xinhua)

Colombo's military red tape prevails over civil rule in occupied Tamil homeland

[TamilNet, Sunday, 19 July 2015, 22:36 GMT]
The Defence Secretary of the occupying military of genocidal Sri Lanka, B.M.U.D. Basnayake this week demonstrated to the secretaries of SL Minister D.M. Swaminiathan in Jaffna that it was the SL military commanders in Jaffna, Ki'linochchi and Mullaiththeevu, who were the ultimate decision makers on matters related to releasing back military-occupied lands to the civilians in the Northern province. The SL Defence Secretary, appointed by SL President Maithiripala Sirisena, was on his first visit to North on Saturday and Sunday. In the meantime, EPDP leader Douglas Devananda has gone on record stating that the pockets of lands released so far by Maithiripala regime were those already prepared for release by former SL President Mahinda Rajapaksa. 

SL military commander in Jaffna addressing the civil and military officials at Palaali on Saturday

 

Mr Basnayake categorically told the civil officials of the SL Resettlement Ministry, who met him at the SL military headquarters in Palaali on Saturday that the respective ‘SFHQ’ commanders in Jaffna, Ki'linochchi and Mullaith-theevu were the competent authorities having a final say on matters regarding the lands that had been seized by the SL military.

The Jaffna Commander of the SL military, Major General Nandana Udawatte, was asked to give a ‘presentation’ to military and civil officials at the presence of Mr Basnayake.

Nandana Udawatte, the ‘SFHQ-J Commander’ of the occupying SL military, refused to open the 2 km distant road needed by the resettling civilians at Vasaavi'laan.

When Swmaminathan's officials asked about the possibility of releasing the coastal road linking Tho'ndaimaanaa'ru, Palaali and Kaangkeasan-thu'rai, the SL Commander in Jaffna responded by questioning them why the people needed access to that road.

The SL commander in Jaffna also ruled out the possibility of allowing fishermen access to the major fishing jetty situated at Maiyiliddi.

Udawatte was telling that the jetty was destroyed by December 2004 Tsunami. But, the fishermen from Maiyiliddi say that the SL military has renovated the jetty and transformed it into a naval cantonment.

Jaffna commander of the SL military also refused to release further lands at Vazhalaay. He said that the people have not settled in the lands that have been already released in Vazhalaay.

The civil officials were explaining the concerns of the uprooted Tamils from Vazhalaay stating that the SL military was still controlling the fertile lands including access to potable water in Vazhaalaay and that a real resettlement is possible only if the SL military released the agricultural lands, access to road and potable water.

However, the SL commander was not prepared to take into account the ‘requests’ from Swaminathan's officials.

SL military's Chief of Defence Staff and commanders of the SLA, SLN and SLAF accompanied Mr Basnayake during his visit to the North.

The SL Defence Secretary also visited Ki'linochchi (SFHQ-KLN) and Mullaiththeevu (SFHQ-MLT) in Vanni on Sunday. 

Economic Sterility Of The UNFGG

By Sumanasiri Liyanage –July 20, 2015

Sumanasiri Liyanage

In good old days, debates in the Sri Lankan Parliament were rich not with nonsense, banality and filth but with substantive arguments, creative vision and humor. Also it is interesting to note that the debates were dominated by the left leaders. Speaking at the Budget debate in the late 1960s, the General Secretary of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka, Pieter Keuneman, said that this budget and the policies of the UNP government had demonstrated clearly its “economic sterility, political impotency and administrative incapacity”. In this column, I argue focusing more on the economic management that this description is more valid in portraying the policies and the performance of the government of the January 8 coalition than that of the UNP government of Prime Minister, Dudley Senanayake. It is interesting to note that Comrade Pieter Keuneman did not talk about corrupt practices of the Dudley Senanayake’s government as widespread corruption was not a phenomenon in pre 1977 UNP governments. Had a day time robbery like what had happened recently at the Central Bankof Sri Lanka occurred under his rule Dudley Senanayake would have resigned immediately from the post of PM. Of course, it is hard to expect that kind of moral behavior from the politicians in this neo-liberal phase.

Let me come to my main argument. The statements by the spokesperson of the January 8 coalition who were later responsible for economic management had demonstrated without any doubt that they were clueless on the issues and had not possessed a clear strategy for economic development of the country. Prior to the Presidential election, I wrote in this column about this sterility of development thinking in Maitripala Sirisena’s election program. This was what I wrote: “Champika Ranawaka has a formula and Candidate Sirisena has just copied it in verbatim in his manifesto. This formula has a close affinity with Narendra Modi’s program. Whether the economists of Modi government believes it or not, Modi gave a lot of publicity to the idea that bringing black money deposited in foreign banks would give substantial impetus to the economy.” Candidate Sirisena proposes: “By stopping mega corruption and wastage alone I will act to provide the country with development ten times that of the last six years and provide relief to the people”. Anybody who knows ABC of economics or one with just common sense may not accept this theory even though one assumes that corruption and waste are substantial. Modiconomics is not working in India, so will be the Sirisenomics.’ The UNP spokesperson, Eran Wickramathne also reiterated the same logic of finding necessary capital for development by eliminating waste and corruption.

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Better governance helps Foreign Ministry cut costs, improve savings 

Tuesday, 21 July 2015
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has managed to slash costs by Rs. 790 million or 16.6% in the first six months of 2015 ending in June, with a huge chunk of that saving comprising reduced foreign travel by the President.
Cumulative costs incurred by the Ministry from January-June 2015 stand at Rs. 3.96 billion, down from 4.75 billion during the same period last year.
The Ministry could record a projected savings of up to Rs. 1 billion by the end of the year.
According to accounting documents obtained by the Daily FT, expenses incurred for foreign travel by the President from the Foreign Ministry budget has seen a reduction of Rs. 132.7 million in the first six months of 2015, to 46.8 million, down from 179.5 million in the same period for 2014 or a whopping 74% saving.
The Ministry has also managed to reduce fuel costs by 37%, down from 78.8 million in January-June 2014, to 49.5 million in the same period this year.
There has been a 15.2% or Rs. 109 million saving in rent allowances alone, down from 716 million between January-June 2014 to 607 million in the same period this year.
Significant reductions in expenditure have also been recorded in the postal and communications sections of the Ministry and domestic and foreign travel.
Conversely, the focus at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been staff training, with the accounts from January-June 2015 showing an increase of 141% in training expenses, up from Rs 1.01 million in 2014 to 2.45 million in the same period this year.
The significant drop in expenditure on rent allowances could be a result of the recall of additional postings created in foreign missions overseas for political friends and families. Many postings were created during the previous administration above the approved diplomatic cadre allocated for overseas missions, the Daily FT learns.
Every year in the past five years, expenditure has been highest in the months of September, when large entourages would accompany the ex President to the United Nations General Assembly sessions in New York.
Expenses registered in the unspecified ‘others’ column of the accounts has also seen a dramatic decrease in the six months ending June 2015. - See more at: http://www.ft.lk/article/448111/Better-governance-helps-Foreign-Ministry-cut-costs--improve-savings#sthash.lSH56wDH.dpuf

Between fear and hope

Dr Vickramabahu Karunarathne-Wednesday, July 1, 2015

If we go by orthodox Marxist analysis we may classify the political stage we are going through as a Kerenskyan period. In Russia when the Czarist regime was overthrown in 1917 February there was a dual power situation. On one side imperial state was trying to survive by reforms, headed by liberal bourgeoisie; on the other hand masses were demanding full freedom and democracy; and they were represented by people’s assemblies formed throughout the country. Kerensky was the most important liberal leader who tried to secure parliamentary democracy by integrating the leadership of the mass assemblies with the reformed state structure.

He was a member of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and was elected vice-chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, and simultaneously became the first Minister of Justice in the newly formed Provisional government. When the Soviet passed a resolution prohibiting its leaders from joining the government, Kerensky delivered a stirring speech at a Soviet meeting. Although the decision was never formalized, he was granted a de facto exemption and continued acting in both capacities. Thus he personally took steps to bridge the gap between the state and the soviet system of workers and peasants assemblies.

Different situation

Obviously, the situation here in Lanka today is very different, as we are living in 20th century in a country that has over 50 years of history in parliamentary politics. However we have almost lost that democracy and we were fighting against a regime as dictatorial and reactionary as the Czarist regime! Also we managed to over throw that reactionary dictatorship, not just by ballots, but also with a mass uprising spread throughout the country. Do not ask for the soviets; but mass organizations such as Movement for Social Justice, Samagi Balaya and Vipakshaye Virodhaya, Janatha Handa , Vidiye Virodhaya, Anti corruption front, People’s National Council, People’s Democratic Council , People’s Voice, National Trade Union Centre, and many others mobilized masses all over the country including Tamil homeland area.

In addition to such national movements there were local and regional mass organizations that participated in this anti dictatorship, democratic struggle. In many areas people faced deadly threats and came out to show protest and to organize demonstrations. Every attack by the fascistic thugs was countered by a stronger mobilization that repelled the intimidators. Oppositional presidential candidate was organized and protected by secret ways and means. The oppositional candidate, Maithree emerged and said he came out to face a deadly enemy.

Unlike in Russia instead of one person we got a combination to lead the struggle for liberal democracy in the form of the duo Maithri and Ranil. Will they continue to lead the struggle for democracy? Will these leaders continue the struggle wining the confidence of the people? That has become a serious problem, with the emerging emerging problem in the political spectrum. Masses expect a radical solution; but they are still bound by the struggle that created the January 8 victory.

Russia’s story

In Russia, Kerensky was pushed by the radical masses to carry out radical changes. Furthermore, Kerensky adopted a policy that isolated the right-wing conservatives, both republican and monarchist-oriented. In order to appease the masses who are dissatisfied he claimed he has no leftist enemies. But there were very strong agitations by workers and soldiers leading to a demonstration in July that was mercilessly suppressed. Mass discontent following the July Days increased many fold.

The Russian populace grew highly skeptical of Kerensky Government's abilities to alleviate the economic distress and social resentment among the lower classes. In this situation Kerensky appointed Kornilov, commander-in-chief of the Russian army in July 1917. Kornilov considered that the Petrograd Soviet responsible for the breakdown in the military and commanded an assault on the Petrograd Soviet. However because the Petrograd Soviet was able to quickly gather a powerful army of workers and soldiers in defense of the Revolution, Kornilov's coup was an abysmal failure and he was placed under arrest. This later led to the October revolution.

Local situation

In our situation here, we did not encounter any July days yet nor do we see any Kornilov. Instead the fascistic ruler we deposed is haunting the political arena backed by some section of the SLFP led alliance. Of course the ‘revolutionary council’, National executive council, is no more and elections are declared for the Parliament. Still all mass organizations participated in the January revolution are live and active. Mahinda is preparing a come back through the parliamentary elections. His supporters believe that he could become the Prime Minister if supported by the powerful fascistic section of the SLFP. They have resources and trained uncompromising men. MNCs that backed corrupt mega projects, investigated for corruption and suitability, are behind the latent Mahinda regime. They are determined to fight back.

So, we are not going to face a Kornilov, as we have not gone through the JULY days! We are facing the second coming of the deposed Czar, Mahinda backed by fascistic movement ready to kill even liberalism. We have to address the leaders of January revolution as to what their preparations for the coming second encounter with the same but regenerated enemy. We are told by Marxist teachers, particularly Trotsky, that liberals are unable to carry out the democratic revolution in a country like ours because there is no radical social base to support the liberal leadership.

The only social power that could do the job is the proletariat. In addition, the masses of oppressed nationalities, nearly 30% of the population, are irreconcilable enemies of the Mahinda movement. But unfortunately Lankan proletariat is largely divided between opportunist and sectarians. We have to overcome all these set backs and prepare the people for the coming struggle and move towards victory. 

- See more at: http://www.dailynews.lk/?q=features/between-fear-and-hope#sthash.YmPSuoJe.dpuf

Don’t Let MR & RW To Insult Your Intelligence

By Nagananda Kodituwakku –July 20, 2015

Nagananda Kodituwakku

Why Mahinda Rajapaksa is deserved to be dumped again

MR destroyed people’s watchdogs to rob the wealth of the nation.

In 2001, a Constitutional Council (with five members appointed on the nominations of both the Prime Minister and Leader of Opposition) was setup by CBK’s 17th Amendment to ensure the independence of the watchdogs (Judiciary, Auditor General, Attorney General, Election Commission, Human Rights Commission, Corruption Commission, Finance Commission and The Delimitation Commission etc). These institutions were set up to ensure sovereign rights of the people transferred to the Executive and Legislature on a social contract, are duly exercised by them according to the Rule of Law.

In 2005, for the first time, Rajapaksa sought a mandate to become the Executive President. And he promised to abolish the Executive Presidency in the event elected to the office. But after he was elected to office what he did was completely the opposite. He established a firm grip of all the watchdogs with the replacement of the Constitutional Council with Parliamentary Council where all the members were MPs for the namesake. He simply became tyrant with all appointments to the watchdogs (including the judges to the Superior Courts) appointed, purely according to his whims and fancies.

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DERAILING FORMER PRESIDENT RAJAPAKSA’S COMEBACK BID--JEHAN PERERA

 20 July 2015

Shortly after his unforeseen defeat at the presidential elections of January 2015 by an alliance of opposition parties, former president Mahinda Rajapaksa began to campaign for a comeback that was backed by more and more members of the UPFA. Although President Maitripala Sirisena made clear his unhappiness, and initially resisted the comeback bid, he finally yielded on the grounds that it was the only way to prevent the division of the former ruling party. President Sirisena’s decision to go along with the former president’s nomination to the UPFA was viewed as a betrayal of all that the joint opposition, civil society and the president himself had campaigned for at the presidential election. They had all highlighted the corruption and abuse of power that they pointed out had become a norm under the leadership of the former president and his government.

President Sirisena faced a difficult choice. If he had not given nomination to the former president, he would have fed a perception that the former president was being unfairly kept out of the UPFA and that the UPFA was being unfairly weakened. It would have enabled the former president and his allies to claim that he continued to be immensely popular and beloved of the people and that the decision to keep him out of the electoral contest was injurious to the interests of the former ruling party. This would have given an opportunity to political forces that failed to obtain representation or power at the general elections to use the former president’s name and fame and seek to get him back to a position of power through other means.

President Sirisena’s rationale for agreeing to the grant of nominations to the former president was to preserve the unity of the former ruling party. By acquiescing in the UPFA’s decision to include the former president and almost all of the members of his government, even those accused of corruption and abuse of power, President Sirisena appeared to give to the UPFA virtually everything it wanted. By following the democratic process and acceding to the wishes of the majority within the UPFA President Sirisena also effectively negated the role of undemocratic forces. Instead he permitted the former president to contest from within the UPFA and to prove his popularity and the extent to which he is beloved of the people.

UPFA BREAKUP
It is ironic that by granting the former president nomination, President Sirisena also created a situation in which it became impossible for sections of the UPFA to continue to remain within it. During the presidential election in January they had campaigned against the former president and for President Sirisena who sought election on an anti-corruption platform. By granting of nominations to the former president has set in motion a train of events is likely to doom the efforts of the former president and his allies to regain power. Former president Rajapaksa’s entry into the electoral fray led several leading members of the UPFA who had opposed the former president and his allies on the grounds of corruption and abuse of power to leave the party. They have now joined the UNP to form the United National Front for Good Governance. This has not only deprived the UPFA of formidable allies but also turned them into formidable opponents.

The UPFA expected, and is likely to continue, to use a mixture of Sinhalese nationalism and arguments on national security to mobilise the ethnic majority vote to their side. This was evident at the first campaign rally of the UPFA at Anuradhapura where party speakers brought up the issue of the impending UN report on war crimes to allege that more than 40 members of the security forces and government members would be implicated by name and be at risk of being taken for war crimes trials. However, with the departure of the JHU from the UPFA in protest at the nomination of the former president and those accused of corruption, the government alliance, the United National Front for Good Governance has equal credibility to claim the defence of the country. Further, the emphasis in the past seven months since the end of the Rajapaksa government has been on issues of economy, corruption and good governance, and not on nationalism. It will be difficult to bring the latter back to the centre stage for purposes of mobilising voters.

The day after nominations closed, President Sirisena undermined whatever prospects that former president Rajapaksa had to get back to power. In an address to the nation President Maithripala Sirisena explained his controversial decision to go along with the grant of nominations to the former president as due to his bowing to the wishes of the majority in the former ruling party. In his address to the nation he explained the circumstances under which he felt compelled to accede to the demand from within the rank and file of the UPFA to grant the former president nomination. He said he was forced to give the nomination as this was what the majority within the party wanted. As a democrat he had no choice but to accept the verdict of the majority.

MAIN ISSUE
In his address to the nation, the president went on to say that he had been given a mandate to usher in a new era and a culture of good governance and democracy, social justice, accountability and transparency. Accordingly, he would not appoint the former president as prime minister, even if the UPFA obtained a majority in parliament as there were other suitable leaders within the party. He also said that he would not permit anybody to turn back the change brought about since he took office. The last term of former president Rajapaksa was notable for the weakening of the rule of law, as it saw the impeachment of the chief justice in a manner that violated due process and the passage of the 18th Amendment to the constitution that legally eroded the independence of institutions that play an essential check and balance role in society.

The president’s words are bound to evoke a strong resonance with the general population who can see the weakening and collapse of institutions taking place as a result of mis-governance over the past several years. Corrupt practices have become institutionalized and it is difficult to get anything done in a government office without resorting to bribes. The general public had become resentful of this at all levels of society. There is also a fear of the impunity enjoyed by those who have political connections, where those even accused of rape are difficult to arrest or charge due to political interference that comes from the highest levels.

With his address to the nation, President Sirisena has dealt a devastating blow to the electoral prospects of the former president and to the UPFA itself. The belief of the general public in President Sirisena’s commitment to the country, even at the expense of his role in the party, has been established. The president’s address to the nation will influence voters to give priority to issues of corruption and abuse of power when they make their decision about which party and for whom to vote. It is also to be hoped that the campaigns by civil society organisations for good governance, including the March 12 Declaration that calls on political parties to only nominate candidates who fulfil the good governance criteria for electoral office, will influence the way the voters behave.

The president's colourless hue

by Uditha Devapriya-Monday, July 20, 2015

Maithripala Sirisena knows timing. He knows when and where to declare and defend position. He knows how to mince words. How to keep to the point. That doesn't make him a statesman however. That makes him a politician. A clever and crafty one.

At present though, he's facing a problem. A big one. He isn't leading a party anymore. Doesn't appear to be. He's leading a "headless cadaver".

Gunadasa Amarasekara used that term to describe what and where the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) is now. He is correct. The party is led by a man who's shown himself to be absolutely incapable of defending it.

To be fair, Sirisena has shown again and again that he can come out if pressured. That's what he did last Tuesday. To be sure, what he said about his decision to nominate his predecessor didn't sound too good. It ruffled feathers on one side and left many of his critics in the dark. As of now, however, one shouldn't worry about his stance on Mahinda Rajapaksa. There are other things. Other matters.

There's his choice of words for instance. It wasn't long ago that he made accused people of wanting to go back to slavery (under the Rajapaksas). What jarred was the accusation. It indicated bias against those who support the former president, not just the politicians but those among the 5.8 million pro-Rajapaksa voters who still rally around him.

If he accuses them of wanting to revert to the Dark Ages that's his problem. But Sirisena is not president of 6.2 million people only. He's president of the country. That includes the 5.8 million who didn't vote for him and those who supported other candidates. That also includes those who can't vote due to disability and disqualification.

Those who see green in everything seem to think he has a moral debt to pay. In certain respects, they are right. He couldn't have won without them. That this should mean unconditional obeisance to the UNP is ridiculous however. Sirisena is no puppet. He owes neither the UNP nor the SLFP, technically speaking. Favouring those who voted for him and lashing at those who didn't isn't statesmanship. That's what the Rajapaksas were once known for.

His statement on Tuesday echoed all this. Sadly. Sure, he defended the nomination of Rajapaksa by saying "for party unity". 99% (the proportion of his party he claims were with his predecessor) indicates a majority. Not to have heeded their call would have indicated anti-democratic tendencies on his part. What's interesting however is his justification for dissolving parliament. He claims it was to stop the pro-Rajapaksa motion against the Prime Minister, alleging there was a conspiracy to install his predecessor as Prime Minister through the National List.

First of all, a conspiracy is a conspiracy. Unproved and unsubstantiated. It can be alleged and targeted at someone to suit political preferences. The decision to dissolve the parliament was made on the day the COPE Report was to be released. It was also around the time the motion was to be presented. The Mahinda Faction can insinuate the former as reason for dissolution. Those who oppose them can quote the latter. Either way, the president did himself no favours by dissolving parliament after making a pledge that he'd see through the 20th Amendment. That's a blemish. On him.

Secondly, the decision to nominate the former president was taken for the sake of party unity. Laudable, but it contradicts his neutral stance. If at all, his decisions within the past six months have favoured one side over the other, "the other" being his own party! In this regard both his neutrality and his self-righteous claims about upholding party unity look like eyewash. So does his claim that he told the Prime Minister to ask Arjuna Mahendran to resign.

Sirisena is an Executive President. He calls the shots. He was quick to obtain a restraining order to stop his party convening on Wednesday night, we note. He could have acted faster with the Bond issue. He didn't. Excuses are weak, therefore. Worth a dime a dozen.

If Sirisena was so concerned about party unity and the need to maintain good governance, he should have rejected Rajapaksa and pressured the Central Bank Governor to resign. He showed himself incapable of doing both. With most of his faction in the UNP, his stance must be made clearer. Is he with the Blues, the Greens, or the front for good governance (stripped of party-colour)?

Would he really claim his government is pitch-perfect? That the Prime Minister's conduct during the past six months is accolade-worthy? That his refusal to nominate Rajapaksa as the PM candidate indicates party unity when there hasn't been any other candidate named? Besides, if he's really that neutral, why is he still the Chairman of the SLFP? Doesn't that indicate "conflict of interest"?

He needs to come out. He needs to resign from his party. And remain colourless.

Uditha Devapriya is a freelance writer who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com

Egregious blunder and injustice within police: John enters Guiness book of ignominious records !

(Lanka-e-News- 20.July.2015, 3.30PM) Here is a report emerging from  the police department of Sri Lanka (SL) pertaining to an unjust extension of service of a DIG  five months after he retired  which deserves an ignominious place in the Guiness book of records.

It is an established practice that if a government servant is to be given an extension in his service , that is done only before he goes on retirement and before his date of retirement, and not five months after he had gone on retirement . This Guinness record is to be created by none other than minister John Amaratunge in charge of the police service.

It is understandable if this DIG is someone indispensable or he is a ‘superman ‘ cop . But this is a DIG who on the other hand is a most notorious sex starved pervert against whom there are many complaints made by women police officers to the IGP. Therefore the attempt to extend his service ignoring established practices , procedures as well as complaints already lodged with the IGP, is being frowned upon by one and all except by the  old crock engineering this move.

This sex starved DIG is none other than Indu Karunaratne who carried out all the illegal and underhand tasks for and on behalf of senior DIG Anura Senanayake , who has himself built a most unsavory reputation within the police department and among the public as who would readily stoop to commit  the worst unscrupulous wrongs   if those will only serve  his selfish self gain, self propulsion and self advancement even at the expense of precious national interests ,and in dereliction of  his onerous official  duties towards the public.

One old crock trying to promote another is understandable but not in every cirumstance as in this : while the IGP had rejected the request made to extend the service of Indu Karunaratne , minister John has presented a paper to the Cabinet to extend Indu’s service 5 months after the latter’s retirement . The worst part ? the Cabinet had approved it  as though  to ensure this must enter the Guiness book of ignominious records. Indu went on retirement on 17 th February 2015. 

While there exists  a Supreme court (SC) verdict that officers who ought to go on retirement should not be  kept back in service and is  unlawful , during the last regime which was a byword for lawlessness, ignoring this SC verdict, extensions were given.

Now , it seems  , this government too is committing the same wrong as did the previous regime. The injustice that follows because of these extensions is , the officers below are deprived of their promotions , and have to go on retirement without their due promotions . Moreover , the pension payment is prepared according to  the salary drawn by the retiring officer based on his last rank prior to retirement . Hence these officers below who are stranded because of service extensions to those above ,are subjected to an injustice lasting a whole life time ,let alone   suffer until death.

Recently , because of such  unjust extension of service , a DIG S.A.D.N. Gunawardena had to file a fundamental rights petition  in the SC . This case No. is  288/2015. The petitioner secured all his promotions after he sought SC redress which clearly illustrated the grave injustice meted out  to the officers below owing to extension of service to those who should go on pension. This gross injustice became known to the whole world only after the petitioner had  recourse to judicial intervention. 

There are two more DIGs already who are stranded because they have not sought supreme court redress. They are DIGs, Poojitha Jayasundara and Latheef. When such is the unfair situation prevailing , seeking to giving extension to DIG Indu Karunaratne five mionths after he has gone on retirement is an egregious  injustice going to be committed within the police department.

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by     (2015-07-20 10:35:45)