Sunday, July 12, 2015

Srebrenica, Mu'l'livaaykkaal: genocide's political dimension

[TamilNet, Sunday, 12 July 2015, 00:04 GMT]

In Srebrenica, two decades ago, Serbian forces massacred 8000 Bosnian Muslim men and young adults, widely recognized as the worst genocide in Europe after World War II. While UN never formally recognized the genocide, UN statements and member states [read US, UK] have done so, and had recognized their failure to protect Srebrenica Muslims. In contrast, the nearly 80,000 civilan Tamils massacred in Mu'l'livaaykaal in 2009, in plain eye-view of advanced satellites, UN openly suppressed evidence, and the US, despite State Department's reports to the contrary, remained stoically silent, likely to avoid complicity in failing to prevent the beastial massacres. Wednesday's veto of Russia on UN security council resolution on Srebrenica drew condemnation from the US, in another demonstration of US's selective approach to geopolitical game of genocide.

Russian ambassador, Vitaly Churkin, called the UN resolution a "confrontational and politically motivated" attempt by US and UK to blame one side for the atrocities in the Balkan conflict. On the opposite side, US ambassador to the UN, Samantha Power of "Problems from Hell" fame, who, alongside President Obama's inaction, remained silent during Sri Lanka genocide, and who in the aftermath of Sri Lanka killings visited Rajapakse,recognized by former ambassador Butenis, as the key figure responsible for the Sri Lanka massacres, said on the Srebrenica veto as "a further stain on this Council's record," and called it a "madness" to deny what happened in Srebrenica.

Peter Wilson, UK's deputy ambassador to the UN who led UK in drafting the UN resolution, expressed outrage, saying “Genocide occurred at Srebrenica. This is a legal fact, not a political judgment. On this, there is no compromise.”

Such outrages are essentially political theater, pundits say, pointing to the former UK foreign Secretary Ed Miliband who said, with no serious follow-up action that "Sri Lankan government is “quite prepared to go ahead with acts of genocide,"" prompting Professor Boyle to assert that, now "Britain has an obligation under U.N. Charter Article 35(1) to bring this "civil war" and genocide in Sri Lanka "to the attention of the Security Council."

Political observers say, a predominant majority of Tamils believe, the Mu'l'livaaykaal massacre is the worst international crime of genocide this century, abetted in part by the liberal democracies of the West, including the US, UK, other European countries, and Australia, and also Sri Lanka's powerful neighbor, India.

Evidence of complicity of UN and US personnel carrying out the politically motivated policies of their host governments, in not only not intervening to prevent massacres despite clear indications of the impending genocide, but also in some cases in facilitating the killings, can be enumerated.

The World Bank

World Bank, IMF: As recently revealed in former US Secretary of State, Hilary Clinton's private emails, even the Worldbank and the International Monitory Fund (IMF) were complicit in aiding Rajapakse to carry out genocide. These premier financial institutions objected to Secretary Geithner that Ms Clinton is intervening to scuttle the Worldbank in providing a large amount of loan during the critical phase of war to allow Rajapakse to continue the war despite information that large amount of civilians were being killed. Two law suits were filed against the Worldbank loan in US and in UK in March 2009 before the May massacre.
Vijay Nambiar, Chief of Staff of Ban Ki Moon

Vijay Nambiar, the Chef de Cabinet, who was a key official in shaping UN's Sri Lanka policy, is also accused of complicity in the "Whiteflag" incident where several surrendees were executed by the Sri Lanka military after being given assurances of safety by International actors. Nepotism and family connections between Ban Ki Moon and Nambiar, with personal links to India and Colombo, may also have contributed to the U.N.'s unwillingness to stop the Mu'l'livaaykkaal massacre, observers say.
Robert O'Blake, Former Ambassador to Sri Lanka

Robert Blake: Tamils hold Ambassador Blake, acknowldeged as the key US official who shaped the US policy on Sri Lanka's war within Tamil circles, as responsible for the tragedy. Blinded by the 9/11 terror and impelled by the perceived need for swift action against "terrorism," the US-led International Community [IC], made two serious miscalculations in Sri Lanka war: By allowing unhindered space for Sri Lanka's final military thrust, they misjudged Sinhala society's willing capacity to inflict bestial, savage crimes on fellow human beings amounting to genocide; and the IC's belief that, once the Tigers are eliminated Rajapakses will “fill in the gaps” and provide an acceptable political solution, has been shown as embarrassingly flawed. Now, as the IC savors the dystopian-monster they created, the need to whitewash the atrocities by side-stepping accountability, and to focus on development, appear to be driving IC's actions.
John Holmes, UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator

John Holmes, UN's former humanitarian chief, attempted to provide diplomatic cover to the slaughter taking place in Mu'l'livaaykkaal, repeatedly relying on Colombo's assurances on not using heavy weapons, and hesitating to provide casualty figures, a conduct comport with the "internal" strategy revealed by the then President of the United Nations Security Council, Yukio Takasu, that gave primacy to the need to eliminate the “terrorist LTTE."

UN's Petrie report on UN's inaction during the last stages of the war, documents Holmes and Nambiar jointly pressuring Navi Pillay of UNHCR to desist from publishing estimated casualty figures that would put UN in to a “difficult terrain."
Yukio Takasu, President UN Security Council 2009

Yukio Takasu, the 2009 President of the UN Security Council (UNSC) on the critical month of February, was one of the key UN officials who allegedly prevented Sri Lanka from being dragged into the UNSC for the unfolding mass scale killings in Mu'l'livaaykkaal, public statements by UN officials during media stakes reveal. Japanese cultural views on asylum seekers, and the aversion to refugee intake into Japan to maintain purity of race, provide clues to the derisive approach of several Japanese officials to the Tamil struggle.

On India's staunch stand against Sri Lanka's Tamils, Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam, a young Tamil politician with a shining political pedigree, whose views on Tamil national politics resonate with several Tamil intellectuals, said of India's ill-fated attempts to help Sri Lanka forge a unitary constitution, and in the process overlook the mass atrocities: “The current Indian constitutional model is a quasi-federal one which has strong unitary characteristics as exemplified by Article 356, which vests the President with powers to dismiss state legislature and Executive. Therefore, the present Indian constitutional model did not have to address strong secessionist sentiments, and serves mainly to unite non-fissiparous ethnolinguistic regions.

“The conflict resolution process in Sri Lanka, on the other hand, will have to address the strong secessionist desires of the Tamil People. In other words, whatever model that is being mooted will have to be attractive enough for the Tamils to consider it as a viable alternative to the creation of a separate state," Mr Ponnambalam said.

Tamil legal activists say that Tamil people's destiny depends on the expressed strength, resoluteness and unwavering will in continuing to expose the Mu'l'livaaykal masscres until the killings are accepted as genocide, using international fora especially in courts of law that have jurisdiction for hearing international crimes. Despite a minority TNA [Tamil National Alliance, a dominant politcal party in the NorthEast] politicians who appear to be colluding with New Delhi, Washington and Colombo to scuttle the efforts in this matter, the Northern Province Council, with its recent resolution, has given the mandate to the Tamils in and out of Sri Lanka to establish the killings as a crime of genocide.

Tamil peoples struggle for justice, activists say, should not be compromised for any reason including the current and future Sinhala governments pronouncements to deliver justice, and shenanigans masquerading with complicit liberal West and India as conflict resolution specialists at the expense of Tamils right for an independent future.

On The Situation In The North & East: An Open Letter To UN HR Chief

By Brian Senewiratne –July 12, 2015

Dr. Brian Senewiratne

12-Jul-15
His Excellency Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
Palais des Nations
CH-1211 Geneva 10,
Switzerland

Excellency,

Sri Lanka: The situation in the North and East

I am a Sinhalese from the majority community in Sri Lanka. My cousin, Chandrika Kumaratunga was a former President. I am one of a very few Sinhalese, in or outside Sri Lanka, to campaign for the cause of the Tamil people to live with equality, dignity and safety in the country of their birth. I have done so since 1948 when a million Plantation Tamils (one seventh of the total population of the country at that time) were disenfranchised and decitizenised in one of the most outrageous acts of political savagery in any country..

In 1956 I strongly opposed the discrimination against the Indigenous Tamils when my uncle, Prime Minister S.W.R.D Bandaranaike, changed the Official Language from English to Sinhalese only.

In 1972, then as a Senior Lecturer in Medicine in Sri Lanka, I strongly objected to Prime Minister Sirima Bandaranaike, my aunt, when she set the bar higher for Tamil students to enter the University because it was clearly discriminatory. I was witness to this discrimination

Over the next 4 decades I have addressed scores of meetings across the world to highlight the deteriorating human rights of the Tamil people. The back cover of my recently published book Sexual Violence of Tamils by the Armed Forces which I enclose, gives more details.

I also enclose one of the nine dvds recorded by me, “Sri Lanka. Genocide, Crimes against Humanity, Violation of International Law” which details the war crimes committed which have to be investigated.

I am very concerned about the plight of the Tamils in the North and East despite a change of Government in Sri Lanka from Mahinda Rajapaksa to Maithripala Sirisena on 8 January 2015. Although this has resulted in major changes in the Sinhalese South, I am far from convinced that it has made the slightest difference to the Tamils in the North and East – the homeland of the Tamils.

To summarise my concerns: Read More

Rainbow reunites against Rajapaksa

Monday, 13 July 2015

8 January rainbow coalition regroups; will contest parliamentary poll as united front
Maithri’s SLFP allies Rajitha, Arjuna, MKDS, Earl Gunesekera join alliance
JHU signs MoU with UNPRajitha hails Ranil for putting country before party
Sri Lanka will not go back to that dark era: Patali Champika

Prime Minister and UNP Leader Ranil Wickremasinghe and the JHU's Athuraliye Rathana Thero sign the agreements along with JHU General Secretary and Minister of Power and Energy Patali Champika Ranawaka, UNP General Secretary Kabir Hashim and others at Temple Trees

By Dharisha Bastians
The threat of Mahinda Rajapaksa’s political re-emergence has unified the fractured rainbow coalition that swept President Maithripala Sirisena to victory on 8 January, with several parties signing agreements yesterday to contest parliamentary elections under a single banner.

Rainbow Reunites Against Rajapaksa by Thavam Ratna

Preparing ourselves for a test of the peoples’ will

From an objective viewpoint, it did not take much foresight very early on this year to predict the fracturing of the January 2015 winning coalition even as it hurriedly groups itself anew against upcoming Rajapaksa forces.

Losing the democratic edge

In that regard, the profound surprise of some at the sight of the former President signing nominations for the forthcoming parliamentary elections from the party alliance this week is somewhat amusing. This was exactly in line with the political undercurrents in play so far. It was evident that President Maithripala Sirisena coming to office on a genuine wave of people power had, almost immediately afterwards, allowed himself quite deliberately to become a hostage of his own party.

It also became quickly evident that strategies of conciliation and persuasion by the President towards those grimly opposed to him were not going to work. In the process, ethically compromised characters appointed as Ministers and advisors from within his party used their positions to undermine the very Head of State who appointed them.

And in so vainly attempting to win himself friends from within, the President alienated his own voters who had not expected him to ally himself with the very individuals against whom he had once spoken out so firmly.

Disregarding early warning signals

Early warning signals in regard to the yawning gap which opened up between the great expectations in January 2015 and the actual performance of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe coalition were many. The continuation of the same officers in the public service and defence apparatus was one such intimation. ‘Cleansing the corridors of power’ had become a political slogan. Instead of methodically taking the first steps to dismantle systems of misrule, a few individuals were moved in and out of office, some quite clearly contrary to law.

Meanwhile, the unseemly posturing of the United National Party in government did not help matters overmuch. But even as things were going askew, a strong public critique was slow to come; as one misguided though well intentioned observer put to me at the time, ‘small issues must not be quibbled over in the interests of the bigger picture.’ Yet in hindsight as we can see, this approach was lamentably shortsighted.

With the Central Bank bond fiasco gravely denting its credibility, the position taken by the UNP leadership thereafter was scarcely reassuring. The Prime Minister’s recent invocation of parliamentary privilege against media publication of the document released by the former chairman of the committee on public enterprises (COPE) on the Central Bank inquiry has stirred up another controversy.

Awakening old fears

As a matter of strict law, the premature publication of reports of parliamentary committees in interim or final form before authorization of the House does indeed constitute a breach of privilege. Yet here, the alleged breach concerning a publication of direct public interest arises at a time that Parliament had been dissolved. Privileges of parliamentarians, of course, lapse with the dissolution of the House as a general rule.

But a greater question becomes relevant. When the threat of privilege is brandished, much like contempt, the public perception is that controversies are being swept under the carpet. Modern precedents are rare in this regard. As Geoffrey Robertson pertinently points out in his seminal work co-authored with Andrew Nicol (Media Law, Penguin Books, 1984), ‘there is little danger that the (UK) Parliament will run the risk of public obloquy by using (privilege) to stifle public criticism.’ Indeed, in 1986, the Parliament rejected a recommendation from the Committee of Privileges that the Times should be reprimanded for publishing the draft of a report leaked from the Environment Committee.

In contrast however, the frequent invocation of parliamentary privilege by the UNP leader remains disturbing. For years, media law reform in Sri Lanka has been focused on democratising privilege, contempt of court and the enacting of a right to information (RTI) law. The RTI law now appears abandoned to all intents and purposes. In addition, the reactivation of the Press Council under the Sirisena Presidency has awakened old atavistic fears. These are not the signs that one wishes to see on the eve of a general election.

Damage to the Presidency

As August approaches therefore, the electorate faces an unenviable contest between old retrogressive forces and a coalition of grandly unwilling partners, banded together by necessity certainly not of choice. It was Maitripala Sirisena alone who brought in that element of hope and enthusiasm in January of this year. Undoubtedly that signal proactive difference will not be evident this time around.

In fact, the damage done to the Sirisena Presidency as a result of recent events is quite severe. As the perception of Presidential weakness increases, so too does the vulnerability of the Office to hostile intra-party pressures. Now, the pro-Rajapaksa elements within his party have adopted a benignly condescending tone towards the President amidst a crowing delight which they hardly bother to hide. As one member of the alliance gushed, ‘Maithripala Sirisena erred in January this year…now he is being brought back to the correct path.’

This is directly in opposition to the peoples’ mandate expressed so unequivocally in the Presidential election. Sri Lankan voters took the power into their own hands and voted a family cabal out of power not with a naïve belief that miraculously, the calibre of Sri Lankan politicians would change overnight.

On the contrary, the vote was given with a clear warning that this would be the fate that meets crooks in power. As the electorate goes to the vote, this powerful reprimand that it administered months ago must be kept sight of.

Living with the consequences

Bereft of its state patronage which it once used to the hilt and even despite the messy mishandling of corruption inquiries against its main ringleaders, the Rajapaksa political force will now be equitably measured for what it is.

On the other hand, we have an alternative coalition which has ignominiously lost the yahapalanaya high ground but whose relative ills pale in comparison thereof.

Sri Lanka will surely learn to live with the consequences of whatever decision that its people take.

PM: Return of Rajapaksa regime won’t be allowed

By Shamindra Ferdinando-July 12, 2015, 10:00 pm

Reiterating his commitment to protect what he called the January 8 revolution which brought Maithripala Sirisena to power, Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe yesterday vowed to wipe out ‘Rajapaksa regime’ at the August 17 parliamentary polls.

Premier Wickremesinghe compared the Rajapaksa era with that of South Indian invasion led by Kalinga Maga in 1214 A.D.

The Premier was addressing the media at Temple Trees after having reached an agreement with Eksath Jathika Yahapalana Peramuna (formerly JHU) and a breakaway faction of the SLFP (Democratic National Movement) to contest the parliamentary polls on the UNP ticket The SLMC, too, contests on the UNP ticket in all districts except Vanni and Batticaloa.

Health Minister Dr. Rajitha Senaratne functions as the leader of the rebel SLFP faction.

Premier Wickremesinghe stressed the need for a new political alliance to guarantee the implementation of promises given at the January 8 presidential election.

The new alliance is named the United National Front for Good Governance (UNFGG).

Wickremesinghe recalled how the UNP, progressive elements in the SLFP, the SLMC, All Ceylon Muslim Congress (ALMC) as well as Palani Digambaram, Radhakrishna and Mano Ganeshan rallied around then SLFP General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena. "We made SLFP General Secretary the President. Maithripala Sirisena made a huge sacrifice."

Referring to former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s return to parliamentary politics, Premier Wickremesinghe said that the formation of a multi-party political organization was required to counter the former President’s move to launch what he called a counter revolution. Revealing that he initiated the move to form a new alliance, Premier Wickremesinghe admitted that the new alliance would contest under the UNP’s Elephant symbol.

Wickremesinghe assured that UNFGG constituents in next parliament would have the freedom to function independently. Revealing plans to appoint a new leadership council, Premier Wickremesinghe called for a two-thirds majority to implement the promises made at the presidential election.

Premier Wickremesinghe said that media freedom had been re-established and ‘white van’ operations stopped consequent to the presidential poll, The UNPer said that his effort was to transform the country, enhance democracy, good governance.

Power and Energy Minister Patali Champika Ranawaka alleged that massive investments were being made by racketeers to reverse the January 8 victory. Minister Ranawaka stressed the need for a major alliance to protect the January 8 triumph.

Ranawaka expressed confidence that progressive elements in the SLFP under the leadership of President Maithripala Sirisena would join them following UNFGG victory at the forthcoming polls. The country couldn’t return to a dark era, Ranawaka said, adding that there was no space for intimidation of anyone.

The JHU stalwart declared that it would be the responsibility of all to ensure that the unitary status of Sri Lanka as well as prevent return to an environment of war.

While applauding the passage of the 19 Amendment to the Constitution in accordance with President Maithripala Sirisena’s 100-day project, Minister Ranawaka regretted that failure on the part of the last parliament to endorse the 20 Amendment meant to bring far reaching electoral reforms.

The minister called for far reaching national economic reforms under the next government.

Dr Rajitha Senaratne said they had no option but to switch allegiance to the new alliance in the wake of the SLFP accommodating former President Rajapaksa and others under a cloud. Dr Senaratne said that they couldn’t forget those who had exercised their franchise in support of Maithripala Sirisena. The rebel SLFP faction includes Earl Gunasekera, M.K.D.S. Gunawardena and Dr Sarath Amunugama.

Arjuna Ranatunga, who entered parliament on Democratic National Alliance (DNA) ticket at the last parliamentary polls in April 2010, will contest the forthcoming poll on the UNP ticket. Ranatunga has aligned with the rebel SLFPers.

Dr Senaratne said that they had the blessings of Ven. Maduluwawe Sobitha, who spearheaded a successful campaign against the former President.

The rebel leader declared that the new government’s first priority would be to introduce the 20 Amendment to the Constitution.

Is It Going To Be The “Same Old, Same Old?”

By Emil van der Poorten –July 12, 2015

Emil van der Poorten

I don’t know where the title language of this piece originates but it seemed more appropriate than the probably more commonly used, “The more things change, the more they remain the same.”

If one continues to be shocked by the aberrations from democratic practice in those countries that continuously claim to be its protectors, Sri Lanka’s political shenanigans have reached the point where they have ceased even to amuse those with a wry sense of humour. They simply disgust.

And the reason for that disgust is the monumentally insulting behaviour that our politicians seem to insist on thrusting at this country’s electors.
We are internationally reputed as a nation to contain the most sophisticated voting population in the region and one, to boot, capable of navigating the shoals of potential dictatorship with an occasional running aground to keep things interesting. In final analysis, warts and all, Sri Lanka has been viewed, during its time post-British Imperialism as a land where the essentials of democracy were intact.

Is this still the case, or have we, thanks primarily to the infection of a “master race” virus, let ourselves slide down the slippery slope to despotism with the attendant rampant murder and mayhem?

Suffice it to say, at this point at least, that the indicators, at least for those who believe that the people’s will should prevail and power should not come out of a gun in the matter of governance, are not good.

We thought we were rid of the most violent and corrupt government in our recent history when the mild-mannered Maithripala Sirisena took on and convincingly beat Mahinda Rajapaksa at the beginning of 2015. However, it seems like that was not to be and recent developments amounting to what appears to be a complete capitulation of Mr. Sirisena, now the President, does not portend well for a country that was looking forward to some measure of democracy in practice and the return of the rule of law.Read More

Can Candidate Mahinda Rajapaksa Name Those ‘Wrong-Doers’?

(Editorrial/Sunday Observer)-12/07/2015
The issue of massive corruption in government has never before been raised as it has been during and after the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime. Very early in the first Rajapaksa presidency, a very powerful government minister became known as ‘Mr. Ten Per Cent’ for his predilection for commissions on the side for various projects approved by him, or, even initiated by him.

A whole new class of capitalist cronies grew around the regime making the country’s big business community worried that it would be shut out of the economic development programs by these cronies. How the cronies got around the regime is, surely, a story waiting to be written in safer times. How the business elite got around the barriers of the cronies is also a story waiting to be written one day. Equally interesting might be the role those cronies played in encouraging and supporting that snap presidential poll in January which went awry for the incumbent.

Right now, it is the many cases of corruption by the politicians and bureaucrats and sundry hangers-on that are being written and are making headlines. The sheer volume of corruption is so great that there is a doubt whether everything will ever get fully revealed and accounted for. Certainly, the corruption probes, being done strictly according to proper procedure, should continue far into the next government after August 17 – unless political expediency and opportunism gets in the way.

The sheer scale of the corruption and mis-governance surrounding it became so obvious in recent months. Especially since the news media dynamism enabled by the freer conditions post January 8 has begun revealing the vast scale of the plunder, the former President himself, could not ignore it.

Ultimately, even as the hue and cry grew louder and louder, former President Rajapaksa himself actually dared to acknowledge that corruption. The acknowledgment has come in public speeches made by the former President in which he admits to have refrained from prosecuting those whom he describes as ‘wrong-doers’ and ‘corrupt persons’. The tenor of his pronouncements in this regard leave no room for any interpretation other than that the wrong-doing was committed by people he knew although he now seems to regret that he did not act against them.

When a former head of state makes any pronouncement about such a serious matter as corruption in government, it has to be taken very seriously by the country as a whole. Indeed, there is a general expectation that the government of the day will take up the former President’s contentions for investigation.

To date, the current government has not moved to ask the former President to provide details about these cases of wrong doing that he has public talked about. Even if the government has failed to take the inititiative, the citizens would expect the former President who made the initial pronouncements to help out by volunteering this information to the authorities.

As someone who has always claimed to be ‘tough’ on issues, it would be expected of Mr. Rajapaksa that he would be most active in pursuing those wrong-doers he has talked about.

The forthcoming parliamentary elections will certainly provide former President Rajapaksa with the best platform to not only disclose these wrongs and wrong-doers but also to lead the way in bringing them to book and thereby prove his own credentials as a one-time un-corrupt President. Over to you, Mr. Rajapaksa.

The importance of play in promoting healthy child development

July 12, 2015, 9:42 pm

When we were children we had lots of time to play. It was a daily occurrence and not something that was made a big deal of, we just played all the time! I remember playing outside with my cousins and staying up late into the night during holidays and cheating at monopoly. Children cycling or playing cricket was something common that you saw on weekday evening and during holidays. Holiday was not a time to touch a single school book! Most of my childhood memories are of playing with something or the other, either alone or with someone.

The Importance of Play in Promoting Healthy Child Development by Thavam Ratna

Lurid details of three more sexual assault victims of Sarath Abrew - one victim took poison; Who is the high and mighty ‘animal’ protecting this criminal?

(Lanka-e-News - 12.July.2015, 8.00PM) Mahinda Rajapakse whom Maithripala Sirisena is toiling to bring back to power after himself committing a monumental and historic betrayal against the very people who elected Maithripala to power , is the infamous ex president whose name by now is synonymous with corruption , murder , mayhem and vice . A deposed president who was not only associated with all the cardinal sins on earth but also sadistically enjoyed encouraging those who practised them.

Lurid Details of Three More Sexual Assault Victims of Sarath Abrew - One Victim Took Poison Who is the High... by Thavam Ratna

Govt. failed to act against the corrupt, BT-RCB poll respondents say

Sunday, July 12, 2015

A new Business Times (BT)-Research Consultancy Bureau (RCB) poll this week, just as the momentum takes off in the August 17 election campaigning, has concluded that many respondents feel the Government has failed to take action against corrupt persons.

A majority view however was that the cost of living had improved under the present regime even though economic conditions (in general) haven’t improved, the street-cum-email poll showed.

Surprisingly, the JVP – often considered the third force – didn’t figure at all in the comments sent by respondents. Part of the popular BT-RCB poll series, this week’s survey in which over a 1,000 people were polled also revealed that respondents in both the street (RCB) and email (BT) survey had similar views on most questions asked. For example, to the first question “Has the Govt. succeeded in taking action against corrupt persons?” 74.2 per cent of the email respondents said “No” while 72 per cent gave the same response in the street poll. To question (2) “Has the economic conditions improved under the present government?” 52 per cent of BT respondents said “No” compared with 53 per cent (RCB) with a “No” response.

Given five choices as to what would be the deciding factor at the poll, 38.7 per cent (BT) and 34 per cent (RCB) voted for the “Mahinda Rajapaksa factor’. The next popular choice was “Split in the SLFP” – 24 per cent (BT) and 22 per cent (RCB).

What is increasingly evident in polls of political and economic interest over the past year and in particular this week’s poll is that issues concerning Sri Lankans (a cross section of society was represented through the respondents) are common to many. Asked to comment on this interesting phenomenon, Ravi Bamunusinghe, Founder/MD of RCB, said that currently a wide section of society appears to share similar views on issues of political, economic and national interest. RCB interviews were conducted on the streets of Colombo.

As per the other two questions in the poll, 65 per cent (BT) and 63 per cent (RCB) said the Government had done well to reduce the cost of living. There was also agreement that the Central Bank bond issue is unlikely to be a major (pull) factor at the poll with only 35 per cent (RCB) agreeing that it will while the “Yes” vote from BT respondents was 50 per cent.

Respondents in the email poll covered the middle and upper income groups while the street poll covered the rest of the population demography.

RDA Funds Misused

By Nirmala Kannangara-Sunday, July 12, 2015

Funds allocated for road development work to the Road Development Authority (RDA) had allegedly been misused by the former government.

Working Director of the Road Development Authority (RDA), Keith Bernard said the misuse of funds obtained from local banks, that were meant for road projects in the country, has compelled some contractors to suspend work abruptly.

“The contractors were unable to complete the road projects due to lack of funds as the loans the RDA had obtained have been misused,” Bernard claimed.

According to him, the National Savings Bank extended a loan amounting to Rs. 55 billion whilst the Bank of Ceylon 36.6 billion; Commercial Bank Rs. 7.2 billion; DFCC Bank Rs. 1.3 billion; Hatton National Bank Rs. 28.2 billion; NDB Rs. 8.3 billion and People’s Bank Rs. 14.5 billion, amounting to Rs.151.11 billion in total.

“The cabinet of ministers in 2012 gave the approval to the Ministry of Ports and Highways to obtain an out-of-budget loan to the value of Rs.151 billion from several banks in the country to finance 28 road projects. The National Savings Bank extended a loan to the value of Rs. 55 billion to fund the road projects and between August and December last year the RDA obtained Rs. 28 billion as an advance by submitting falsified progress reports of the projects,” Bernard said.

Bernard further said that funds released as an advance for the projects were misused by the previous regime in breach of financial regulations by lending money to the Ministry of Ports and Highways.

“From the Rs. 28 billion, Rs. 3.7 billion was advanced to the Ministry of Ports and Highways by the RDA to repay outstanding bills.

A further Rs. 18.7 billion has been utilized to repay the locally funded segment of the foreign funded projects thus emptying the RDA coffers by failing to spend on several road projects. As the contractors were unable to complete the work due to lack of funds, road projects in the country came to an abrupt standstill,” Bernard added.

When asked whether this standstill came because the government did not want to continue with the development projects the previous regime initiated, Bernard said the allegations levelled against the government by the former opposition is baseless.

“It is not fair by the former opposition to accuse the government for discontinuing the road projects without knowing the exact reason. This government had to pay for the former regime’s sins,” Bernard claimed.