Sirisena Indecisive Over Rajapaksa’s Nomination: Pro-MR Rally In Anuradhapura Postponed

July 6, 2015 

Three days after UPFA General Secretary Susil Premajayantha’s announcement on Mahinda Rajapaksa‘s nominations, serious doubts still loom large over his candidacy at the Parliamentary election.

Multiple sources from the SLFP told Colombo Telegraph that President Maithripala Sirisena had promised his close associates to review the decision pertaining to Rajapaksa’s nominations. Therefore the former President’s nominations, which was a contentious matter over the past three days, still hangs in the balance.

Former President Chandrika Kumaratunga and several other SLFP stalwarts who supported President Sirisena at the Presidential election had extensive discussions on the matter with the President on Sunday. At the discussion, Kumaratunga had stressed that Rajapaksa should not be allowed to contest from the SLFP, at any cost, she had also pointed out that there would be a serious split in the party and a group of MPs might join the UNP in the face of such a development.

Meanwhile, Maduluwawe Sobitha Thera, Convener of the Movement for a Just Society, had contacted President Maithripala Sirisena over the phone and had expressed similar sentiments over Rajapaksa’s nominations, sources close to the President said.

President Maithripala Sirisena is yet to make a final decision on giving nominations to former President Mahinda Rajapaksa to contest from the United People’s Freedom Alliance.Read More

July turns jittery

• Moves afoot for SLFP to quit UPFA, pose legal challenge to alliance contesting poll
• President Sirisena seeks to calm fears privately; asks for two days grace till Wednesday
• Stormy Sunday evening meeting with anti-Mahinda SLFP group
• President urges Arjuna, Rajitha and Co. not to cross over; late night talks with CBK
• Mahinda Rajapaksa tipped to sign nomination papers on Friday; postpones Anuradhapura
• campaign kick-off rally
• Pro-Mahinda UPFA group cancels press briefing scheduled at Opposition Leader’s office

By Dharisha Bastians-Tuesday, 7 July 2015

President Maithripala Sirisena, beleaguered and facing strong criticism about his decision to grant nominations to his predecessor Mahinda Rajapaksa, has asked confidants for a 48-hour grace period ending tomorrow, Daily FT learns.
President Sirisena, who has maintained a stony public silence on the issue of nominations for the defeated President, has sought privately to calm the fears of some of the leaders of the opposition movement that supported his candidacy in the January election, highly-placed sources told Daily FT.

Over the weekend, President Sirisena met with several key political and civil society leaders involved with the common candidacy platform at the presidential election, where he was at the receiving end of strong criticism from senior figures who encouraged his presidential bid, Daily FT learns.
On Sunday night, President Sirisena also met with the anti-Mahinda group of the SLFP, which walked out of the Rajapaksa Government in November last year to support his candidacy from the common opposition.
Several of these Ministers in his cabinet, including Arjuna Ranatunga, Rajitha Senaratne, Duminda Dissanayake and M.K.D.S. Gunesekera, have threatened to quit the SLFP and join the UNP to contest the 17 August election.
He promised action at the meeting with his loyalists in the SLFP, but after the President flip-flopped on the issue several times last week, the group told him they would have to make difficult decisions in the coming days, Daily FT learns.
At both the crucial meetings, President Sirisena reiterated the remarks he made at the opening of the next phase of the Southern Expressway in Matara on Saturday, pledging that he would not betray his mandate. He attempted to soothe fears and asked irate civil society figures and politicians to be patient for two more days, Daily FT learns.
He has also indicated to some SLFP members that he was contemplating withdrawing the SLFP from the UPFA, of which the party was the leading constituent. The President had also indicated at the meetings that he was open to reviewing the decision of granting nominations to former President Rajapaksa, Daily FT learns.
However, Sirisena loyalists are deeply concerned by the President’s reluctance to issue a public statement on the issue that has shaken the country and contributed to fears spreading within the anti-Rajapaksa movement - which worked to defeat the ex-President in the January election - about severe reprisals in the event he reclaimed power.
Meanwhile, Ports, Shipping and Aviation Minister Arjuna Ranatunga was scheduled to meet President Sirisena with former President Chandrika Kumaratunga last night. President Sirisena had a packed schedule yesterday, with visits to Polonnaruwa and Kandy. He also attended UPFA provincial councillor Hirunika Premachandra’s wedding in Colombo where he signed as a witness.
The SLFP will now move into a crucial decision-making stage, with the former President expected to sign nomination papers from the UPFA on Friday (10). President Sirisena has already made it clear that several Rajapaksa loyalists will not receive nominations, particularly if they are facing corruption charges.

The former President has insisted his loyalists must also be included on the UPFA list or he has threatened to pull out of contesting with the coalition. With nominations closing at noon on Monday (13), President Sirisena and the SLFP members loyal to him are running out of time as they try to consolidate their position within the party, whose rank and file are strongly backing the ex-President.
The Rajapaksa campaign announced yesterday that it was “postponing” its campaign kick-off rally in Anuradhapura scheduled for Thursday (9).
The former President’s Spokesman Rohan Welivita told Daily FT that the rally had been postponed till after nominations close. “It is not a cancellation,” he hastened to add.
The UPFA group loyal to the ex-President, also known as the Abhayaramaya Cabal, including NFF Leader Wimal Weerawansa, MEP Leader Dinesh Gunewardane and NLF Leader Vasudeva Nanayakkara, were scheduled to address the media at the Opposition Leader’s office in Colombo 7 last morning. The change of venue from the Abhayaramaya temple in Narahenpita to Opposition Leader Nimal Siripala De Silva’s office initially appeared to be a sign of the pro-Mahinda group of the UPFA merging with the mainstream SLFP. However the briefing was cancelled at the last minute.
Welivita said the group had reached a decision that it would not address the media again until nominations closed on 13 July.

- See more at: http://www.ft.lk/article/442191/July-turns-jittery#sthash.Jl7VRgCy.dpuf

The pursuit of good governance must continue 

By Jehan Perera-July 6, 2015, 6:51 pm 

The coalition of political parties and civil society groups that came together to ensure victory for President Maithripala Sirisena at the presidential elections of January 2015 under the theme of good governance is no more. The distancing started soon after the formation of the new UNP-led coalition government and the implementation of the 100 day programme. Sharp disagreements began to emerge within the political parties in the government on issues such as the extent of power to be taken away from the president and given to the prime minister in terms of the 19th Amendment. The practice of good governance itself came under scrutiny due to the problem of the bond issue by the Central Bank that has continued to fester with damning disclosures coming to the fore. The inability to pass the 20th Amendment despite the commitment of the president showed the waning of his influence in parliament.

However, the desire of people of all walks of life to have a government that acts according to principles of good governance continues to find its expression in civil society. The better educated sections of the voting population especially in the urban areas, and the ethnic minorities who were at the receiving end of lawless rule continue to value good governance. The March 12Movement, which intends to hold political parties to their promise to only nominate candidates who abide by the values of good governance, and who are not corrupt, violent or contravene basic standards of political conduct is an expression of this. During the past fortnight they have been going around the country collecting signatures to meet their target of one million. This is a declaration that has also been signed by the leaders of all major political parties, including the president, prime minister and leader of the opposition.

In the context of the exposures of corruption and promises made of good governance during the presidential election campaign, and the continuing civil society desire for good governance, the decision of President Sirisena to agree to nominate the former president has come as a major surprise. During the presidential election that took place in January, the parties that supported President Sirisena, and the president himself, made it clear that the practices of former president, Mahinda Rajapaksa, were the very epitome of what had to change. The way in which the former president had concentrated power in himself and his family, and the abuse of power for personal and monetary gain, was highlighted in the election campaign. But today, in a turn of events that is shocking to many who sought a new Sri Lanka, the former president is back in the SLFP and will presumably be campaigning on the same platform as the president.

SILENT REVOLUTION

Political parties are machines meant to capture and retain political power. The problem for President Sirisena has been his dual role as president of the country committed to good governance, and his role as president of the SLFP committed to giving his party members the best chance of electoral victory. Unless there is a higher morality at play in society that affirms, as the March 12 Movement is saying, that some things cannot be done, such as nominating those who are corrupt and violent to hold office, political parties will nominate them to win elections. In the absence of this higher morality, and as the leader of the SLFP, President Sirisena was bound to give deference to the majority opinion within his party. Their argument was simple and logical. The party would do best if President Sirisena and former president Rajapaksa were on the same side and did not divide their forces. As a personality who is non-authoritarian and in the absence of any institutionalization of the values of the March 12 Movement, President Sirisena seems to have felt that he had no option but to accept the wishes of the majority.

It is a time honoured observation that politics is the art of the possible. The compulsion of securing victory or the best possible result for his political party at the general election seems to have forced President Sirisena to permit the former president to contest from within the party, even though the former president’s practice of governance when he was in power was in direct opposition to the fundamental precepts of good governance. However, it is also worthy of note that no sooner had he agreed to the nomination of the former president, President Sirisena promised that would not abandon good governance or permit those who are corrupt to ruin the country again. He recalled that his presidential election victory "brought about a change which the country needed. The expectations of the people who brought about the silent revolution will not be shattered."

In bowing to the wishes of the SLFP to bring former president Rajapaksa into the electoral contest, President Sirisena has been democratic to his party members. He has heeded the voice of the majority in the party who wish to win at the forthcoming general elections and believe that the former president’s presence at the campaign will contribute to their victory. However, the active presence of the former president during the election campaign, within the party and in parliament in the future, does not necessarily mean that President Sirisena will abandon his commitment to good governance. It is still possible that having led his party to the best possible electoral outcome, the president will be able to obtain the cooperation and loyalty of his party members after the elections to institutionalize good governance in the country.

PRESIDENT’S ROLE

Former president Rajapaksa has shown himself to be a resilient politician. When he lost the presidential election with two years left of his second term, after a bitterly contested election, it seemed unlikely that he could have staged the comeback that he has. But though he has been brought back into the SLFP as a candidate for election it does not necessarily mean that he will command the same degree of popular support he once enjoyed. At the presidential election in January the former president had the benefit of unlimited state resources, including government money and media, which were used in a way that contravened election laws and for which crimes some of the former government members are facing prosecution. He got 5.8 million votes, but still lost. This time around neither the former president nor the SLFP will have such advantages. They no longer hold governmental power during the election. In addition, during the past six months there has been a stream of revelations of misuse of power and corrupt practices.

The likely scenario at the forthcoming general elections is that no single party, or alliance of parties, will get an absolute majority in parliament. While the former president’s entry into the nomination list of the SLFP will prevent the breakup of the party and its campaign, it will also alienate a significant sector in society who are looking for good governance and who will now need to look elsewhere for their political representation. The UNP, which has been out of power for most of the past two decades, and which showed the possibility of a change in political culture and governance over the past six months, is most likely to be the beneficiary. In particular, the lifting of the fear psychosis that held society in mental chains and the steps towards the reintegration of the ethnic and religious minorities into the mainstream of society came almost instantaneously due to the shift in the policy and outlook of President Maithripala Sirisena and the UNP government.

In the eventuality that no one party secures a majority in parliament the role of the small parties and ethnic minority parties will increase. This will mean the formation of a government in which power is checked and balanced. In these circumstances the role of President Sirisena who, despite the passage of the 19th Amendment, continues to be vested with significant executive powers, will be crucial. The campaign of the March 12 Movement and other civic campaigns need to be strengthened so that the President is constantly reminded of, and supported in, his commitment to good governance even in the new circumstances.

Mahinda stops dead in the tracks as Maithri refuses to yield ! Maiden rally cancelled;corrupt minions in disarray !!

(Lanka-e-News- 06.July.2015, 11.00PM) Based on the letter sent by Susil Premachandra on 03  rd July making a request to permit desperate Mahinda Rajapakse to contest as an ordinary candidate under the UPFA ,  it is now known that Mahinda has now decided to contest the up coming general elections not to enter parliament as  prime ministerial candidate , nor district team leader nor district election managerial leader , according to reports reaching Lanka enews inside information division.

Moreover Mahinda has pointed out to his lawyers that the notifications made by his bootlicking minion slave Susil Premajayantha are part of the plan of Maithripala to dupe or trap Mahinda, reports say.

Accordingly . Mahinda had said , it is best he does not contest at the up coming elections because by contesting the elections from the lowest position that is sans any status , it will be tantamount to building the adverse image  already existent among the people, which will not be   a welcome move.

The slavish minions of Rajapakse have told him , if he cannot contest  through the UPFA ,to contest under a different party , and the name of that party is ‘Our Sri Lanka freedom Front’ and the symbol is ‘bouquet of flowers.’

However Mahinda is reluctant to contest under any party other than the UPFA or SLFP. If he is to contest under another Front ,  he does not want to field as a candidate himself in  his name , and he  will be only giving support from the side without direct involvement, he had revealed. 

Following these sentiments expressed by Mahinda and his latest decision , the group including Wimal Weerawansa , Udaya Gammanpila, Vasudeva Nanayakkara ,Dinesh Gunawardena , Prassanna Ranatunge ,Dallas Alahaperuma, Kumara Welgama, Ranjith Soysa , Rohitha Abeygunawradena , Bandula Gunawardena , Mahindananda Aluthgamage and  Gamini Lokuge  who have no place in the sun ,and who were anxiously waiting to creep into parliament by riding on the back of 70 years old Mahinda are gripped in a tremendous fear psychosis whether their journey will grind  to a dead halt , according to reports.

The latest information is some of these slavish minion  groups are so helpless they have  descended to such a base level that they are now seeking desperate remedies for their most desperate ills- trying to secure UNP nominations.

In the light of the latest development , the maiden rally  of Mahinda at Anuradhapura on 9 th July too is cancelled.

By -T.Jeyakumar
Translated by Jeff

---------------------------
by     (2015-07-06 19:13:33)

Either One Lives For Politics Or Lives Off Politics

By Sarath de Alwis –July 5, 2015

Sarath de Alwis

“Democracy cannot succeed unless those who express their choice are prepared to choose wisely”  – Franklin Roosevelt

President Maithripala Sirisena has decided to preserve the unity of the UPFA at the expense of the ‘rainbow’ coalition that installed him in office.

The Sinhala idiom ‘ Koka pennuwa’ eloquently and evocatively encapsulates the volte face of our ‘good governance’ President. He held the promise of epochal change. He has now delivered an elephantine shocker to us simpletons who hoped for clear skies over our benighted land after the rainbow of 8th January.

He remains to hold out some hope. We express our views, fearing no white vans. We roam Cyber space with no help from Ninjas. Yet, we cannot help but remain apprehensive of a return to the times of dusk if not darkness at noon. Both Mohan Pieris andSarath N. Silva were looming large at the Medamulna conclave. They too are waiting in the wings, no doubt in the hopes of the spotlights moving in their direction.

The writing was on the walls of Bawa’s edifice in the Diyawanna waters now awaiting either fresh faces or the same old. The latter is now the more likely possibility.
We should have known better. The script of the unfolding drama was out there and yet one noticed. The report of the parliamentary select committee on the impeachment of the 43rd Chief Justice is a public document. There in hangs not just another tale but the principal tale. There are six signatories – Anura Priyadharshana Yapa, Nimal Siripala Silva, Susil Premajayantha as Chairman, Dr. Rajitha Senaratne, Wimal Weerawansa, Dilan Perera and Neomal Perera”     Read More

Parallel Enigmas of Pirabaharan and Rajapaksa

• by Muttukrishna Sarvananthan 
• - on 07/06/2015 

The attempts to field the ex-President Mahinda Rajapaksa as a Prime Ministerial candidate to contest the upcoming parliamentary elections by a vocal fringe of the southern political community is similar to the attempts to reincarnate the mystique of Veluppillai Pirabaharan by a vocal fringe of the northern political community.

After the demise of the Tiger leader, a considerable section of the northern political community refused to accept his death by claiming that “em thalaivar sahavillai” (our leader did not die) for a long time (few even today do not believe it). It was claimed that the thalaivar (leader) had escaped to Eretria and later to Cuba. In the same way, many loyalists of the ex-President Rajapaksa refuse to accept his political defeat at the Presidential election held in January 2015. Although the margin of victory by Maithripala Sirisena was thin, it has to be remembered that the victory was against the full might of the state resources (financial, human, and material) and crony capitalists’ resources deployed by Mahinda Rajapaksa and his corporate business henchpersons.

The diehards of the north claim that the physical defeat of Pirabaharan did not mean his political defeat. Similarly, the diehards of the south claim that the defeat of the Rajapaksa at the last Presidential election did not mean his political death. Thus, the unrepentant fringe of both north and south reinforce each other.

The end of the Rajapaksa regime did not begin with the defection of Maithripala Sirisena and few others in November 2014 as many seem to believe. Instead, the beginning of the end of the Rajapaksa regime began with the Eastern Provincial Council election held in 2012, Northern Provincial Council election held in September 2013 (the ruling coalition lost the foregoing two provinces), Southern and Western Provincial Council elections held in March 2014, and the Uva Provincial Council election held in September 2014 (although the ruling coalition won the last three provinces, its share of votes declined significantly). Nevertheless, the defection of Maithripala Sirisena in November 2014 was to Mahinda Rajapaksa, the defection of Vinayagamoorthi Muralidharan (aka Karuna Amman) in March 2004 to Veluppillai Pirabaharan.

The recent report by the Bureau of Counterterrorism of the Department of State indicating LTTE’s continued collection of money among Tamil diaspora communities and alleged procurement of arms has become the latest ‘grist to the mill’ for those bent on resurrecting the mystique of the Mahinda Rajapaksa at the upcoming parliamentary elections. The contents about the LTTE in the report of the Bureau of Counterterrorism are nothing new; every single year since the defeat of the LTTE in May 2009 it has said the same over and over again. So, what is new this year? The rump Rajapaksa clan seems to have only the bogey of the reincarnation of the tiger to hide the rule of state terrorism marked by butchery, robbery, and savagery for nine long years from November 2005 to January 2015.

This does not mean to say that the contents of the report by the Bureau of Counterterrorism are untrue; it is very much true in spite of this author’s doubt about the claim of continuing arms procurement by the rump LTTE overseas. This is why it is all the more important for Sri Lanka to have cordial relationship and constructive engagement with the western countries including the USA. It is not only that Sri Lanka depends on the American and European markets for its exports, Europe and North America are indispensable for the prevention of terrorism rising again in Sri Lanka as well. On this score alone the attempts to resurrect the Rajapaksa regime would be a disaster to Sri Lanka.

It is important to remember and recall that intelligence and other support (software) provided particularly by the USA and India was pivotal for the military defeat of the LTTE, which were of course favours done to Sri Lanka. The arms supplies (hardware) to Sri Lanka by China and Pakistan to defeat the LTTE were only on commercial terms, which were business transactions and not favours. The foregoing fact itself demonstrates Sri Lanka’s real friends.

The state terrorism started in 1971 was the precursor to tiger terrorism of the 1980s and beyond. The state terrorism and tiger terrorism were two sides of the same coin. Therefore, Sri Lankans should resolve to prevent the rise of both state terrorism and tiger terrorism again.

Percy Mahindra (aka Mahinda) Rajapaksa will go down in the annals of Sri Lankan history as the person who did the most damage to ethnic/race relations in Sri Lanka next only to Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike, in spite of the honour of defeating tiger terrorism. Moreover, the tiger terrorism was supplanted by low intensity state terrorism since May 2009, which the country had never experienced before.

The overpowering makeup worn (literally!) by the ex-President Mahinda Rajapaksa and the theatrics of poisoned chalice waxed and spun in colloquial Tamil could not dupe the smart citizens of Sri Lanka in January 2015; north or south, east or west. The Sri Lankans should reaffirm the same in August 2015!

###

Muttukrishna Sarvananthan (Ph.D. Wales, M.Sc. Bristol, M.Sc. Salford, and B.A. (Hons) Delhi) is the Founder and Principal Researcher of the Point Pedro Institute of Development (http://pointpedro.org), Point Pedro, Northern Province, Sri Lanka. He was an Endeavour Research Fellow at the Monash University, Melbourne (2011-2012) and Fulbright Visiting Research Scholar at the Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University, Washington D.C. (2008-2009). sarvi@pointpedro.org

People’s Rainbow Revolution under a dark cloud

By Our Political Editor-Sunday, July 05, 2015

• Sirisena wilts under pressure, Rajapaksa loyalists dancing in the rain as the clock is turned back
• UNP exposes itself to corruption charges over bond issue
• UNP, civic action groups and international community shaken by President’s about-turn

Six months after being voted out of the presidency, Percy Mahendra Rajapaksa has bounced back to become a candidate for the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) at the August 17 parliamentary elections. He will choose from three different districts — Gampaha, Kurunegala or Ratnapura.

People’s Rainbow Revolution Under a Dark Cloud by Thavam Ratna

SRI LANKA: Who should be nominated as party candidates for the forthcoming elections?

July 6, 2015

These are crucial days for the selection and submission of party candidates for the forthcoming Parliamentary Elections to be held on 17^th August 2015. This is a moment at which the nation has the right to expect from leaders of all the political parties the exercise of utmost responsibility in making these selections. A simple criteria would suffice to sum up the nature of this responsibility. Anyone who may harm the nation should be excluded from the party nomination list; those candidates with only the highest potential for carrying out their obligation as the legislators of the country should be selected for such nominations.

Here are some of the subjects for such exclusion:

• Anyone who has a criminal record or who is being subjected to a criminal inquiry by any of the law enforcement agencies should top the list of those to be excluded;
• All those seeking nominations should be asked to make a frank disclosure on this matter and the assistance of the Inspector General of Police should be sought to ensure that no mistake will be made on this scope;
• Particularly those candidates, whom the party leaders know to have engaged in any form of corruption, or those about whom there is a reasonable suspicion of involvement in any form of corruption, should be excluded;
• Those candidates who have a record of abuse of public property of any sort at any time, and those that have created a reasonable suspicion of being engaged in any such abuse should be excluded;
• Particular attention should be paid to those who have any form of record of being involved in sexual abuse and in the harassment of women or children, and they should naturally be excluded;
• All those who have been Members of Parliament at any time, or Members of local government authorities, who have failed to observe the protocols and ethics expected of such members should also be excluded. In this regard, the party leaders should particularly pay attention to the fact that in the recent decades, parliamentary protocols have been so severely undermined to a point that the behaviour of many of the previous Members have earned the responses of contempt and ridicule from the citizens of the country;
• All those persons who are unable to accept the principle of equality, which is the foundation of democracy, constitutional government, and the rule of law should be excluded;
• Those who have a record of contributing to racial, religious, or other discriminatory practices should also be excluded;
• Those who have a record or have exhibited tendencies to abuse power to undermine the rule of law and institutions of justice should be carefully eliminated from the nomination list.

And, the following are those worthy of inclusion:

• The task of the elected members is to be legislators for the nation. It is only those that the party leaders could certify as persons with required knowledge, intellectual capacity, and integrity that should be among those who receive nominations.
• Given the serious crisis of democracy that the nation has faced in the recent decades and the resultant collapse of public institutions, which are the foundations of a stable society, only those who could give leadership to build a strong democracy and to uphold public institutions should be among the nominated.
• Particular attention should be paid to the crisis of the rule of law and the undermining of the institutions of justice namely, the policing service, the prosecutor’s office under the Attorney General’s Department, and the Judiciary. Party leaders should pay special attention to those who could lead the nation’s effort to build the rule of law and to strengthen the institutions of justice named above, and they should be included in the nominations.
• Those who have a proven record for standing up against corruption and the abuse of power of every form and every kind should be included.
• Those involved in the promotion of equality of gender, race, religion and every other area of social life should be selected.

Within this coming week, the nation will judge the leaders of political parties. If wrong persons are selected, the nation and the history will place the blame on the party leaderships.

In this crucial hour, when the possibilities for a great positive transformation can be created, the party leaderships should show their maturity and their capacity to hold high political office by exercising their judgement on the most crucial issue that will determine what is to come in the coming years. Thus, the party leaderships need to demonstrate far-sightedness in leading a crucial transformation, which is the aspiration of the people.

To Be Or Not To Be With The Party The Million Dollar Dilemma!

By Harendra de Silva –July 6, 2015

Prof Harendra de Silva

I respect Mr. Maithripala Sirisena who refuses to be addressed as His Excellency, for his bold decision to confront the the absolute villain of Sri Lankan politics. He took a bold step but he would have been ashes if not for the support of firstly the digruntled people and then those who crossed over with him including Rajitha a main architect, Champika and Ven Rathana, Arjuna, and the others. The revolution had already started when Mr. Maithripala was invited by Chandrika, Ven Sobitha, Ranil and others. Please don’t forget them irrespective of their own agendas!

We all know ‘the’ history, but have the main players forgotten history as history repeats itself. It boils down to a three cornered divide and rule. When A, B and C hate each other and have their own agendas, A and B may want to join forces to defeat the almighty C! But when C is down, A and B will have a battle of their own!

When Russians were backed by the Northern Alliance, the Americans were backed by the Talibans. But when the Russians were gone Talibans had their own agenda and turned the gun on the ‘friend’ America! When America decided to fight their former friend Talibans, they had to get the help of their former enemy the Northern Alliance! History is full of these stories such as America, Saddam and Iran; LTTE,, various splinter groups who were decimated after using them! BUT WE HAVE FORGOTTEN THESE EXAMPLES!

After defeating the villain, is Mr. Maithripala, going to back him again for the sake of resurrecting the ‘party’? Or is he really scared of the Villain and 85 thieves? If he wants to resurrect the party, get rid of the scum the dirty scoundrels within the party and outside!           Read More

Two shot dead within 90 minutes

2015-07-06

Two individuals were shot dead, in two different incidents last night, within a span of 90 minutes.

Angunakolapelessa Police have launched an investigation into the incident, in which a trishaw had been shot at, in Angunakolapelessa police division yesterday (5) at around 7.30p.m. The trishaw driver was critically injured, Police Media Unit said. He was pronounced dead upon admission to Angunakolapelessa District Hospital.

The victim was a 27-year-old resident of Angunakolapelessa area.

Police are conducting further investigations to arrest the murderer.

Meanwhile, Ahungalla Police have commenced investigations into an incident, in which an individual has been shot dead in Ahungalla police division yesterday (5) at 9.00p.m.

The victim was a 28-year-old resident of Ahungalla area, Police Media Unit said.

The body is kept at the mortuary of Balapitiya hospital.

Ahungalla Police is conducting further investigations into the incident.

Bonds sold at high rates on CB Governor's orders: inquiry

 Monday, 06 July 2015

Sri Lanka's Central Bank has sold 30-year bonds at high interest rates on the order of Governor Arjuna Mahendran, where a company connected to his son-in-law has benefitted, over-ruling officials of the debt office, a draft report of a parliamentary inquiry shows.

The Central Bank's Public Debt Department which issues debt on behalf of the Treasury, sold Rs. 10 billion of 30-year bonds on February 27, after calling bids for only a Rs. one billion.

Around Rs. five billion of bonds were to Perpetual Treasuries, a firm connected to his son-in-law, Arjun Aloysius, where Rs. three billion was awarded at 12.5%.

The controversial deal, sent 30-year yield rocketing to 11.73% at the auction, up from around 9.5%, driving up yields across maturities. A shell-shocked gilt market came to a standstill for almost two days with dealers were unable to price securities in any maturity.

The parliaments' Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) which interviewed connected officials had found that the controversial deal had occurred amid objections of Public Debt officials.

A tender committee had recommended that only Rs. 2,608 million be raised from the auction.

The probe committee had found a minute by the Superintend of Public Debt (SPD) saying "Governor instructed to raise up to Rs. 10 billion taking into consideration additional fund requirement of the Government."

The draft report said the Governor Mahendran had visited the debt office twice on February 27, "which had never happened before."

He had first come to the department at 1045 hours, before the bidding had closed. He had left after bidding closed and then come back with two deputy governors at 12.30 p.m.

The Public Debt Department had recommended the acceptance of Rs. 2,608 million of 30-year bonds.

Mahendran had then looked at the bids and asked officials to accept all bids valued at Rs. 20 billion of which Rs. 15 billion worth of bids had come from Perpetual Treasuries.

However, the Additional Superintended of Public Debt and the Superintended had disagree and "they were able to convince the Governor that it was not a proper decision" as the rates were too high. Mahendran had then asked officials to accept Rs.10 billion in bids and "convey the message to the Tender Board".

"Finally the officials had agreed upon the decision since the Governor had also said that he would not allow direct/private placement," the report said.

The original plan had been to raise Rs. one billion by auction and place the balance at the auction rate, the report said.

The report was not tabled in parliament before it was dissolved last week.

Mahendran had denied wrongdoing and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe had also defended the deal, while the opposition had gleefully seized upon the scandal to show that the "good governance" or "yahapalanaya" credentials of the new administration had been shattered.

Source(EconomyNext)-Edited

Sick and tired: Sri Lankan domestic workers fight back against violence

As protesters demand justice for isn't it time we all became sick and tired of violence and exploitation in the home?
Union members campaigning. Credit: Domestic Workers' Union.

Union members protesting and collecting signatures. Credit: Sri Lankan Domestic Workers Union

YASMIN GUNARATNAM 6 July 2015

The Sri Lankan Domestic Workers Union, along with other trade union and women’s groups, has organised a picket for Monday 6th July, outside the Supreme Court in Colombo. The protesters are demanding that action is taken against Justice Sarath Abrew who is alleged to have raped and brutally attacked a domestic worker at his home on or around the 26th June. The woman’s injuries included a fractured skull. She was admitted into hospital as an emergency.  

Sick and Tired Sri Lankan Domestic Workers Fight Back Against Violence by Thavam Ratna