Video: People want army out of North: Vigneswaran

2015-06-08

Northern Province Chief Minister C.V. Vigneswaran said today the people in the North would be very happy if the armed forces were withdrawn from the Northern Province because of several allegations levelled against the army.

He told a media briefing at the National Dangerous Drugs Control Board (NDCB) head office where Public Order Minister John Amaratunga and NDCB Chairman Nilanga Samarasinghe held a discussion to educate the people on eradicating the drug menace that is taking root in the North.

Mr. Vigneswaran called for an impartial investigation to ascertain whether the continued deployment of the army after the 30-year armed conflict had ended was a contributory factor in the introduction and distribution of narcotics drugs in the Northern Province.

He said there was no such problem of heroin use in the province till 2009 when the 30-year war ended with the defeat of the LTTE.

"The northern people suspect that the spread of narcotics is an attempt by drug dealers to prevent the youngsters in the North from progressing in their education to curtail their sense of freedom and to be stunted in their work. We still have a lot of problems because of the long presence of the security forces. Our lands have been taken over by them, our cultivation, our fisheries, our businesses have been taken over by them and our women are not safe. The deployment of 100,000 army personnel is equivalent to one soldier to every four people. We will be extremely happy if the army is withdrawn,” Mr. Vigneswaran said.

Dr. Nilanga Samarasinghe said the Northern Province was not badly affected by narcotics, because the LTTE did not allow the drug trafficking business which was one of methods it used to earn funds to be carried out in Northern Province while they were peddling drugs in the South and overseas.

He assured that the mission to eradicate the drug menace would be carried out with equal vigour in all parts of the country.

Dr. Samarasinghe said an anti-narcotics force headed by Chief Minister Vigneswaran would be set up in the Northern Province and hotline will be available for the people to inform the police about the drug hideouts and drug dealers and peddlers.

Responding to Dr. Samarasinghe’s statement, Mr. Vigneswaran asked that in the same vein that if LTTE did not allow their drug trafficking business to take place in North till 2009, how did the drug menace take root in the North now when the security are in charge? This is why we want the forces to be removed from the North.

He said he requested Police Chief N.K. Ilangakoon to assist them to hold awareness programmes in schools where the children are educated on the hazards and menace of narcotics use. (Piyumi Fonseka)

The US-Sri Lanka Lovefest Continues – For Now

The United States should moderate its optimism on Sri Lanka — Colombo still has a long way to go on human rights.

U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry shakes hands with Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena in Colombo, Sri Lanka, on May 2, 2015.-Image Credit: Flickr/ U.S. Department of State

By Taylor Dibbert-June 07, 2015

Richard E. Hoagland, principal deputy assistant secretary in the U.S. State Department’s Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs, recently spoke at the Washington International Business Council. He began by speaking about Nepal and then moved on to address improved U.S.-India ties. He also spoke about Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Central Asia, U.S. business interests, and the commercial advocacy work undertaken by the U.S. government. This was a pretty standard speech and Hoagland even managed to find a few nice words for China.

Regarding U.S.-Sri Lanka relations, Hoagland said the following:

Democratic elections have also brought about a sea-change in our relationship with Sri Lanka, a mere 35 miles across the Palk Strait from India’s southeast coast, where the new president has moved the country away from divisive politics and crony capitalism toward a new path of reconciliation and inclusive development.

We plan to do a lot to support Sri Lanka’s pursuit of that new path, to strengthen its governance, especially its judicial and financial institutions. This new path will be a boon for the Sri Lankan people, but also for U.S. interests: we can now work together with Sri Lanka to promote good governance and human rights abroad, as well as improve maritime security in the Indian Ocean.

The above paragraphs may constitute the most optimistic part of the speech. Indeed, the Obama administration shows no signs of ending its lovefest with Sri Lanka’s newly elected president, Maithripala Sirisena. Hoagland’s reference to Washington’s support for Sri Lanka’s judicial and financial institutions deals directly with the range of corruption investigations (for actions which occurred when Mahinda Rajapaksa was in power) which are currently underway. To some extent, the possibility of the recently ousted Rajapaksa making a comeback remains the elephant in the room. Sirisena is still having trouble controlling the political party which he leads, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP).

This is a chaotic time in Sri Lankan politics. The fact that the opposition has just delivered a no confidence motion against Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe underscores that point. The motion was delivered to Chamal Rajapaksa, the speaker of parliament, on Thursday.

There have been reports that Sirisena will dissolve parliament and hold important parliamentary elections in August. Speculation is swirling that Sirisena could dissolve parliament as early as this week. On the other hand, transparency hasn’t exactly been a hallmark of the Sirisena administration and, in theory, the current parliament could run until April 2016.

With U.S. government assistance, streamlining corruption investigations would be one way to tarnish Rajapaksa’s brand in the run up to those polls. Sirisena has made it clear that he would not let Rajapaksa run as prime ministerial candidate for the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), the political alliance which is led by the SLFP. Nonetheless, many SLFP members would like to see Rajapaksa contest and so there has been some talk that the former president may break away and form a different political force.

Sirisena’s performance as president has been decent, although not great. It’s tough to predict how things will play out in the coming months. For now, at least two things are clear. First, that Sirisena needs all the help he can get, especially as it relates to support from within his own party. Second, that no matter what happens, Sirisena is not Rajapaksa. And since that’s the case, it looks like the honeymoon period of renewed U.S -Sri Lanka relations will continue for some time yet, especially if Washington’s continued support undermines a Rajapaksa comeback.

*A version of this piece first appeared in The Huffington Post.

Taylor Dibbert is a freelance writer based in Washington, D.C. and the author of Fiesta of Sunset: The Peace Corps, Guatemala and a Search for Truth. Follow him on Twitter @taylordibbert.

THE BIGGEST CHANGE COMES THROUGH ELECTIONS --JEHAN PERERA

 08 June 2015

President Maithripala Sirisena has announced his intention to seek the passage of the 20th Amendment to the constitution as a priority. The reforms envisage an electoral system in which the majority of parliamentary seats will be obtained on the first-past-the post system, while keeping to an overall proportional outcome. The experience at elections held under the present proportional system with a preferential voting option has been a negative one. It has been marked by heavy expenditures by candidates who have to contest much larger district-sized electorates and has also led to in-fighting by candidates within the same political party for the preferential votes that will get them elected.

The promise of a change in the electoral system was one of the key promises in the election manifesto of President Sirisena during the presidential election campaign. In terms of constitutional reforms, it was alongside the promises to reduce the direct powers of the presidency on the one hand, and to establish a non-partisan constitutional council to oversee non-partisan appointments being made to important institutions of the state, such as the judiciary, police, public service and elections commission. The government has received much commendation for having passed the 19th Amendment within the first 100 days of President Sirisena’s election victory.
However, the passage of the 19th Amendment was not easy. There were many opinions and vested interests involved in the process of decision making. At times it seemed that the 2/3 majority needed for constitutional change would not be found. The passage of the 19th Amendment was only made possible by the cohabitation of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe who heads the present UNP government with President Sirisena who heads the SLFP opposition who were able to persuade their respective party members to give their support to the constitutional amendment. This same political configuration exists today and gives the hope that it can be utilized to provide a similar successful outcome in the case of the 20th Amendment.
Unfortunately, with the passage of time the spirit of rivalry between the two main political parties in the country has increased, and not decreased, which makes the passage of the 20th Amendment less likely. The UNP is concerned that the 20th Amendment will be used to delay the speedy dissolution of Parliament which was part of the President’s election manifesto. It is in the interests of the opposition to continue with the present parliamentary configuration for as long as possible, and till April 2016 when the term of the present parliament lapses. This is on account of both their fear that they will not be a part of Parliament again, and their hope that the present government becomes less popular with the passage of time. Their interest lies in having the general elections later rather than sooner.
SLOWING DOWN
The election manifesto of the alliance of political parties that supported the candidacy of President Maithripala Sirisena highlighted a 100 day plan after which Parliament would be dissolved and fresh elections would be called. After the passage of 150 days since the election of President Sirisena the government formed by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe appears to be running out of steam. The imbalance between a ruling party with a mere 43 seats in a Parliament of 225 members in which the largest opposition party has 126 seats has begun to take its toll. The engine of the government, it is clear, is too small, and cannot pull the load any more especially when the terrain is getting uphill.
The problem faced by the government was evident in the fiasco over the appointment of the Constitutional Council which was to be set up under the 19th Amendment. This body will be the most prestigious and important institution of state, vested with the power to select those who would ensure that other institutions of state, such as the judiciary, police, public service and elections commission are non-partisan and would maintain the independence of those key institutions. According to the 19th Amendment the appointments to the Constitutional Council would be primarily the responsibility of the President, Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition with the leaders of the smaller parties also having an input.
A fortnight ago it seemed that the appointments to the Constitutional Council were on track, with the names of those who were to be members announced. However, the choice of the President, Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition has not been ratified by Parliament. As a result there is a deadlock where it concerns appointments to key state institutions. An example is the Bribery Commission which has been in the news over the past several months as it has received a plethora of complaints against members of the former government who are now in the opposition. One of the Bribery Commissioners has resigned but cannot be replaced because the Constitutional Council is not yet constituted. Therefore the Bribery Commission too remains without a Commissioner and unable to take up new cases.
POSITIVE CHANGE
The lacuna that has beset governance is not limited to institutions of state. It also has implications for government policy. The government which has a ruling party of only 43 members in a parliament of 225 cannot pass legislation in parliament unless the much larger opposition in parliament agrees. The parliamentary opposition has little or no incentive to cooperate with the government as is interest lies in weakening the ruling party and showing it to be ineffective. This has a negative impact on all areas of governance, not least the economy. The economic dividend that was expected after the replacement of the former government has yet to materialize.
The present stalemate in governance has mobilized sections of civil society to issue a call for the immediate dissolution of parliament. They noted that “there is a rising perception of crisis and instability, which cannot be allowed to take root. The economy cannot afford this lack of political direction for much longer, and as importantly, the hope and aspiration created by the change of government in January demands both clarity in promises being kept and further progress in reforms, especially with regard to devolution and power-sharing. The time is ripe therefore for fresh parliamentary elections which would allow the people of Sri Lanka to have their say on reforms already enacted and to mandate the direction of the government for the next five years.”
A considerable amount of work and compromise has gone into the preparation of the new electoral system. Most of the parties, including the small and ethnic minority parties have expressed their willingness to go along with it. The best that can be hoped for is that the 20th Amendment is finalized without any more delay and placed before Parliament. However, the overriding priority is for the country to have an effective government that is based on the present political realities, and not those that existed five years ago in 2010, when the present parliament was elected. The pursuit of consensus to obtain a 2/3 majority to pass the 20th Amendment must not stand in the way of elections for a new parliament. The overriding value of elections and new government leadership was seen best at the presidential election that took place on January 8 this year, which has transformed life in the country.

NRT-SL meeting on the right track

by Our Correspondent in London

( June 8, 2015, London, Sri Lanka Guardian) The formal launch meeting of the interim committee of the Non-Resident Tamils of Sri Lanka was held on 31 May 2015 in Ealing , Middlesex. It was attended by the cross sections of the Sri Lankan communities and the diverse political views.

The meeting was chaired by the interim Chairman of the association Mr V Sivalingam. The panel members of the meeting were four interim committee members NRT-SL. Mr Barry Gardiner MP made his valuable contribution in his capacity as the special guest.

NRT-SL Meeting on the Right Track by Thavam Ratna

RANIL'S PANIC ATTACK

 Monday, 08 June 2015 

It is reported that Sri Lanka's Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe is furious Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera partook in a meeting involving GTF's Suren Surendiran, TNA MP MA Sumanthiran, a representative

of former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge, and Norwegian facilitator Erik Solheim. 

GTF is a banned organisation in Sri Lanka, but the participation of Erik Solheim seems to have irked him. Solheim has levelled allegations of war crimes and crimes against humanity against the Rajapakse regime during its conduct of the final stages of Sri Lanka's civil war. Furthermore, he has been a witness and provided evidence to the OISL inquiry conducted by the UNHRC.

Wickremesinghe is fearful that Rajapakse could exploit this meeting to politically firm up support among Sinhala voters that could prove extremely damaging during the upcoming parliamentary elections.

Sources also say NPC chief Wigneswaran is also displeased and so are many TNA provincial councillors. President Sirisena is reported to be also against it.

On a separate note, many have also raised questions about the jet set nature and star rated lodgings of the GTF/TNA/Mangala pow wows in Singapore. The bill is picked up by the Swiss Foreign government. Given the huge outlays involved many have posed the question whether such an extravagance is appropriate when Sri Lanka's civil war victims struggle each day to obtain clean drinking water and scrape together one square meal. Most take the view that monies squandered on these meetings are better put to use helping the still suffering 80,000 war widows.

By Dutugemunu

Tamil Diaspora Group Calls On Sri Lanka To Establish A ‘Ministry For Overseas Sri Lankan Affairs’

June 9, 2015

A Tamil diaspora group urged the Sri Lankan Government to establish a ‘Ministry for Overseas Sri Lankan affairs’.

The Non Resident Tamils of Sri Lanka (NRTSL) a group lobbying to promote the interests of Non-Resident Tamils of Sri Lankan origin in the UK organised a event to launch their cause on the 31st of May 2015. This event took place at the Barn Hill Community Centre, Hayes, Middlesex. 

The meeting was chaired by the interim Chairman of the association V. Sivalingam. Barry Gardiner MP was also present.

Following is the text of the speech by one of its founder members, Shanthan Thamba, outlining the objectives of the organisation.

Good Evening!

Our guest of honour Right honourable Barry Gardener MP

Friends, Ladies and gentlemen

First of all I would like to welcome you all once again on behalf of the NRTSL for making this effort to be here this evening. I know how precious Sunday evening is, and I appreciate that extra effort that you made to be here today. We will try our best not to disappoint you.

I must also thank my colleagues and the founder members of the NRTSL for giving me this opportunity to outline the objectives and the vision of the NRTSL.

I will try to do this as best as I can; within the time I was given.

I am aware that all of you have a fairly wide ranging understanding and experience of the Tamil expatriate social and political scene here in the UK.

The objective of this meeting today is to share with you the origins of the idea of the NRTSL and also to listen to your valuable opinions and contributions to further develop this concept.

Those who are here today are all invited by the founder members of the NRTSL. In our opinion…. you are all active in the community in different spheres and also have a desire to move our community forward.

I must also say that the NRTSL is still in its formative stage and the direction and the effectiveness of it will be influenced and shaped by your inputs and positive contributions.

In other words this is an opportunity for us to tell you what we are trying to achieve.

More importantly we would like to listen to your views about this idea and also your suggestions about how to move forward.                                                  Read More

Player of main role in SL’s ‘Rainbow Revolution’ turns sixty..!

(Lanka-e-News- 08June.2015, 11.30PM) Many think and say ,   the main role in the ‘rainbow revolution’ of 8 th January 2015 in Sri Lanka was played by one of the leaders , namely , Maithripala Sirisena , Ranil Wickremesinhghe , Chandrika Kumaratunge , Maduluwawe Sobitha Thera , but according to the writer of this article, on the contrary  it is the elections commissioner who should be given that credit.

This is  because , the dastardly traitorous master  plan of the Rajapakse regime to retain power after the defeat at last elections was foiled by Mahinda Deshapriya , the elections commissioner while the aforementioned leaders and  even the field marshals were at a loss, and did not have any plan to counter that plot. 

On the night of the elections the Rajapakses got ready , not just to  try a game of fun and frolic ,and  it is not that the former army commander and the IGP also did  not get ready for that traitorous game .  The army commander secretly was arranging to assemble the forces in Colombo , while the IGP had made all arrangements  to withdraw the police force that was providing security to the people and hand over the security coverage in Colombo to the forces.

Nevertheless , they had one hurdle -  to  fulfill one condition if they were to make a success of their conspiracy, that is , in case Mahinda Rajapakse lost at the election , to make the elections commissioner to announce that Mahinda  won by even 10 votes. In this connection the Elections commissioner was under severe pressure from various quarters.

Let me reveal one example illustrating the conspiratorial moves  which revolved around  the crucial decision pertaining to  date of receipt of nominations .Before  the date of receiving nominations , Mahinda Rajapakse tried to halt the presidential elections and postpone it when he realized that his opponent is Maithripala Sirisena who he never expected . Mahinda’s plan was to block the elections commissioner Mahinda Deshapriya from coming to office on the nominations day.

However , on the day prior to the day of nominations ,Deshapriya as though he  had intuitive powers and foresight ,before  leaving office after finishing his work at midnight , performed another task  before he was to depart with his STF security detail, that was ,in case  Deshapriya was unable to come to office the following day by any chance , that is the day he had to receive nominations ,he left  a letter signed by him so that it will secretly reach the secretary, in which letter he entrusted his duties to his next in command .In other words , this was to remove the barrier that would have militated  against holding elections  in the event  the elections commissioner was  killed that night.

Similarly on the day before the elections, Deshapriya  made an intriguing announcement   aimed at  dispelling  the fears and doubts in the minds of  the people , and also to demoralize and de activate  the brutal and corrupt Rajapakses and their followers who were getting ready to use force and violence .At the  media briefing prior to  elections , when a journalist questioned Mahinda Deshapriya , will orders be given to shoot below the knees of those who try to cast votes forcibly at polling centers ? Deshapriya replied , ‘ why below knees , even the head can be blown out.’ A huge publicity was given to this announcement by the electronic media .

What was  not published by the media was the second  question and the answer given by the elections commissioner. Can you exactly shoot to the head ? was the next question asked by the journalist. ‘Tell them to come to cast bogus votes. Then you can see whether the shooting will be exactly done to the head or the chest ‘ was the second bold answer of the elections commissioner.

As far as the writer’s knowledge goes , the second question and answer were not published by the media.  However the first answer somehow  disenchanted and disrupted the lackeys and cronies of the Rajapakse regime. 

The impact of the commissioner’s statements were  so strong that when a pro Rajapakse politico had told his henchmen about casting  bogus votes , they have replied ‘the elections commissioner has given orders to shoot . Hence if you would insure us in a sum of Rs. 5 million each , we would cast bogus votes.’ It was the  Elections commissioner’s pro people  announcement with true patriotic fervor that  truly frightened the mischief making deceit prone  pro Rajapakses. 

A Sri Lankan abroad told the  writer then , ‘ no matter what , the statement of the elections commissioner is not appropriate .’ But that was the very statement that turned  most appropriate later to defeat the Rajapakse regime and that truly hit them . By that time , Maithripala Sirisena had addressed over 150 election meetings. Yet , according to the writer’s analysis , it is the tough announcement of the Elections commissioner ‘why below the knees , even the head can be blown off’ was what decisively influenced the minds of the voters. If the second announcement  of his that was not published by the media too was reported  , it can be imagined to what high value the Rajapakse scoundrels and stooges would have raised their insurance cover they demanded to cast  bogus votes.

The elections monitors told the writer , during  the previous elections in the past,  on the day of voting a large number of tiny propaganda cards with the cross and number are strewn in and around the polling centers , but  during this election no such cards or  papers were seen at a majority of the polling centers. The reason for this is , not that those cards were not printed but , rather  their  toughies who expected to cast bogus votes  could not be found on the night previous to  the day of elections. It was simply because the elections commissioner posed tough and stood strong  for and on behalf of  the people.

Let us get  back to the night of the rainbow revolution .

The Rajapakses had need to fulfill  one condition to make a success of their military conspiracy. That is, if Mahinda loses elections truly , then an announcement was to be made through   the elections commissioner that he won (even by ten votes), and thereafter deploy the forces. 

If that fails ,  Daya Ratnayake and some military leaders getting  on to the roads were to  materialize. However not one soldier or the elections commissioner was ready to get on to the road on behalf of the defeated individual. 

The Rajapakses however could not succeed in announcing through Deshapriya that Mahinda won by ten votes at least. In any event since  Deshapriya  has still not made an official statement regarding the undue pressures that were brought to bear on him or how he averted them , we shall also  remain silent . Anyway , the truth is , the rainbow  revolution began then and there .

Interestingly ,when Deshapriya was asked about his lenient attitude during the mini elections held by the Rajapakses ,  a close friend of Deshapriya related an intriguing story : ‘ Those are mini elections .  I have confidence that Mahinda Deshapriya’s conduct will not be the same when it comes to crucial elections. Yet don’t relent or relax when exerting pressures on him, because that is what can provide him the necessary escape. ‘ When he was questioned on what this ‘ escape’ means , he explained  , ‘yakko , until the time of final battle arrives ,it  is staying  away from  the Rajapakses’

The final battle – that is , the conspiracy of the Rajapakses deploying the forces aimed at overturning the victory of the common presidential candidate. If that was to be defeated , though various proposals were made in order to foil the conspiracies  , the opposition did not have sound concrete plans to overpower them.

In the circumstances if the elections commissioner Mahinda Deshapriya had even by accident acted partially in favor of the ‘jilmart’ (perfidious activities)  of the conspirators , even now the forces would be surrounding our houses including yours and mine, and even been  inside. Maithripala Sirisena also disclosed well ahead that he and his family would be  six feet underground. 

The singer who said  ‘ could have even killed and been in power’ may  have been made  the second singer who sang  ‘ayubowewa’ , and  would have been pampered and decorated  so much so , a road not in Maharagama but in front of presidential palace itself , would have been named after her . If that had happened , today  we shall be  talking not about the rainbow revolution but about the victory of the destructive meteorite that hit the heads of the people .

You may be wondering why we are suddenly writing about this elections commissioner by the name of Mahinda Deshapriya who was primarily responsible to make the rainbow  revolution a reality . The reason for this write up is : today (06 th June) is his 60 th birthday , and as any other government servant the time has arrived for him to go on retirement.
.
Though the elections commissioner has to retire today , after the  19 th amendment , the independent commissions have become active again , and until they are duly appointed , the present commissioner cannot retire. Hence , Mahinda Deshapriya shall not be retiring though he has reached the age of 60 . In the circumstances until the Constitutional council comes into being and the elections commission is appointed his sublime services to the Sri Lankan people will continue, and he will be an adornment to  the public service . 

Based on reliable sources   , the present elections commissioner Mahinda Deshapriya is to be appointed as the commissioner or Director General of the proposed independent elections commission

Long live Mahinda Deshapriya , the elections commissioner of rectitude and integrity who made the invincible rainbow revolution in Sri Lanka a reality !

It is he and he alone  in that revolution played the role of  the silent wind (not the lofty sails) that moves the ship.

By Wimal Dheerasekera
Translated by Jeff

---------------------------
by     (2015-06-08 20:39:44)

Sobitha Thero’s R2P: Protect yahapalanaya from runaway Ranil and manipulating Mahinda

by Rajan Philips-June 6, 2015

The yahapalanaya initiative is facing two different dangers and needs protection from both. The first danger is from Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his style of administration. Mr. Wickremesinghe is one of the prominent champions of the good governance movement and played a uniquely important role in its victory in the January 8 presidential election. But by his actions as interim Prime Minister since January 8, Mr. Wickremesinghe has been damaging the cause of good government and provoking public cynicism against it. The bigger danger is that if the UNP alliance were to win a majority of the seats in the next parliamentary election and form a new government, the already runway Ranil Wickremesinghe might become even more uncontrollable as the elected Prime Minister. That will not at all be a good development for good governance. The second danger is from former President Mahinda Rajapaksa. The ‘bring back Mahinda’ campaign may not succeed in making Mahinda Rajapaksa the new PM, but the misplaced enthusiasm of his supporters may spill over to the streets and provoke the politics of partisan street fighting between blue shirts and green shirts, similar to the fighting between yellow shirts and red shirts that erupted in post-Thaksin Thailand a decade ago.

Sobitha Thero’s R2P Protect Yahapalanaya From Runaway Ranil and Manipulating Mahinda by Thavam Ratna

Past abuse and current insolence of power

“The reformer is always right about what is wrong. He is generally wrong about what is right” – G.K. Chesterton-Tuesday, 9 June 2015

President Maithripala Sirisena miscalculated when he conjectured that he could coax the SLFP to accept Ranil Wickremesinghe the captain of the opposing team as not only coach but as match referee as well.

Patrimonial politics has occupied centre stage in the 140 days of the UNP-dominated interim Government. The question most asked in the makeshift corridors of momentary power is ‘who gets what and how fast?’

Past Abuse and Current Insolence of Power by Thavam Ratna

No Need to Increase 225 to 255

Under the new system, the next elections could be held with necessary preparations. The important thing is to agree upon the basic principles and passing of the 20A. Other details could be worked out by the elections department or the elections commission.

by Laksiri Fernando

( June 8, 2015, Sydney, Sri Lanka Guardian) It is possible that the UNP is excessively concerned that they might be disadvantaged if the FPP constituencies are reintroduced, as they were before (160+5 seats), going by the results of the 2010 elections. However, that might not be the case. If the political trend is for change, away from the past practices, like at the presidential elections, then the main beneficiary would be the UNP. I say this purely as an independent observer.

On the other hand, the minor (or minority) parties do not need to worry much, if the FPP seats are accommodated within the PR system as it is implemented now. Only disadvantage will be the ‘overhang seats,’ that normally would go in favor of the major parties both in the South and in the North. However, this happening would be minimal at the next election given the tight competition between major parties or coalitions in the South.

The above also means or even otherwise, there is no need to formally increase the number of seats from 225 to 255 as proposed particularly by the ‘old guard’ of the SLFP. Only provision that should be made is to accommodate any ‘overhang seats’ in addition to the formal number of 225. This is the method used both in Germany and New Zealand. There are all possibilities that the overhang problem can be eliminated by reducing the number of FPP seats for example from 165 to 150 or 125 by rational delimitation after the next election.

Overall PR

It appears to me that political parties have now come to a better understanding about a rational or a better solution for the electoral system by agreeing to retain the present PR system as the overarching method while accommodating old 160+5 FPP seats within it for the time being. This is a considerable progress from what Dinesh Gunawardena Committee proposed.

It would be a great pity that if this opportunity is lost because of power competition between political parties or due to pure misunderstandings. Political parties do not seem to listen to each other. What I cannot understand is even the advocates of this system is calling it a ‘mixed system.’ This is not a mixed system. This is a valid PR system accommodating FPP seats within it.

The largely agreed system, if I am not completely mistaken, would employ both the 196 district PR allocations as at present, and the old 160+5 FPP seats within it. This is what I advocated in my very initial article on “Proposal for a Simple Electoral Reform” (Colombo Telegraph, 16 March 2015) except the multimember seats. Although the introduction of the multimember seats to the equation is little complicated, it is a good device to satisfy some of the minority parties. It is a good compromise.

No Need for a Large National List

However, what I cannot understand or agree is the increase of the national list PR allocation from 29 to 59. This is an increase of 30 seats (or over 100%) on the national list without much justification. These 59 MPs will not have any direct constituency or voter base unlike the other 196 MPs either directly linked to a seat or to a district.

It is true that the task of an MP is not purely welfare of constituency, but national. Yet the commitment to serve people should not be neglected. It is also true that there should be some room for accommodating deserving people who cannot contest grueling elections. But the present allocation (29) is good enough for that in principle. Any need to go beyond in that direction should be devised through a second chamber (Senate).

It might be true that major parties would fear that they might not find much room in the national list given the proposed deduction of overhang seats. But as I have shown, this would be only for the next election and even at the next, this might not be the case given tuff competition between the two main parties. Anyway, an electoral system should not be devised on the basis of immediate concerns. If a major party does not have enough room in the national list that also means it is well represented in the FPP and the district system.

Need for Compromise

Therefore for a viable compromise, the SLFP should withdraw its proposal to increase the number to 255 and the UNP should agree to 160+5 FPP seats, accommodated within district and national PR system.

All should remember that this is not a mixed system as such (or of the old style) but a PR system accommodating FPP seats within it.

If the parties (or major parties) agree for the basics of the proposed electoral system, then the 20A can be initiated in parliament with necessary other proposals for a free and fair election. The other provisions could include restrictions on election spending by candidates and parties, and basic agreement on qualifications for parliamentary candidates. There is also a need to scrutinize the voter lists to eliminate apparent ‘ghost voters.’

Under the new system, the next elections could be held with necessary preparations. The important thing is to agree upon the basic principles and passing of the 20A. Other details could be worked out by the elections department or the elections commission.

Nominations could be called for both 160 (+5) constituencies and district PR (variable for district). The JVP has asked for two ballot papers and this could be accommodated. One for the candidate in the constituency, and the other for the district PR. Both the JVP and the SLMC could benefit under this proposal although this may be little complicated to the voters. Any voter could use only one ballot paper without rejection as she or he so wishes.

Some Concerns

Two questions naturally arise when introducing the new system. (1) Would the voters easily understand the new system? (2) Would there be difficulties in enumerating the election results?

It is obvious that the voters would understand the system easily if there is only one ballot paper. The name of the candidate, the party and the party symbol would suffice to make the choice. If a second ballot paper is introduced for the district, it is little complicated, although not so complicated as the present ballot paper with preferential voting. This type of a second ballot paper is common to many countries with full or partial PR systems. With the support of the media and the civil society, not to mention political parties, the department of elections could easily explain the system to the people.

The enumeration of results would be a minor problem. Already, the district PR allocations are fixed and known. Once the party voting is counted, the allocation of seats could be easily determined for the district and for the national list. Even before that, the winners of the FPP seats could be announced as it is a simple counting on the ‘first past the post.’ Only the additional district PR and the allocation under the national list might be slightly delayed. However, with new technology, by the next morning of the elections a new government could be formed. The method could be easily understood even by the ordinary voters with perhaps interesting stories or interpretations.

Conclusion

The direct benefits of the new electoral system would be (1) to eliminate the hazardous preferential voting and competitions (2) to reduce the unnecessary election expenses (3) to minimize election violence and (4) most importantly to bring the elected MPs closer to the electors (voters) with tangible accountability. While a new electoral system is not a panacea, it could pave the way for new opportunities for strengthening democracy in the country.

If the elections are held under the present system, the composition and the nature of the Parliament might be more or less the same. A change of character and quality could be expected only if the new system is introduced.

Sri Lankan government facing deepening financial crisis

By Saman Gunadasa 
8 June 2015

Just six months after coming to office, the minority government in Sri Lanka has borrowed 378 billion rupees ($US2.8 billion) via treasury bills and bonds, surpassing the figure of 260 billion rupees for the whole of last year. In addition, the government raised $US1 billion last week by issuing 10-year sovereign bonds and development bonds at an interest rate of 5.26 percent per annum.

At a press conference on May 29, Central Bank governor Arjuna Mahendran and Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake boasted that the purchase of the bonds in a short time was an “expression of confidence on the government.”

This is not the case. The government issued the bonds to offset its expenditure. More than 75 percent of the bonds were bought by global funds, mainly from the US but also from Europe and Asia, seeking relatively high returns. As in the past, the money could be withdrawn when investors find more profitable prospects, sending a shock wave through the economy.

Most of the latest borrowings are needed just to repay loan instalments and interest on existing debt. The previous government of President Mahinda Rajapakse took out large loans to finance the war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and substantial infrastructure projects following the LTTE’s defeat in 2009.

A recently published 2014 Central Bank Report noted that total government debt increased to 7.39 trillion rupees last year, up from 6.79 trillion rupees in 2013. Total foreign debt increased by 5.2 percent to 3.33 trillion rupees in 2014, from 2.96 trillion rupees in 2013. Karunanayake recently admitted that country’s debt service payment was “extremely high”—equivalent to 95.4 percent of government revenue.

The increased borrowing demonstrates that the government is facing a dire financial crisis. Last month, former President Chandrika Kumaratunga warned that the government was not in a position “to pay state sector salaries to everyone.”

Karunanayake made a desperate appeal last Friday to exporters and expatriate workers to send their money back to Sri Lanka, promising higher returns. The Central Bank imposed a 5 percent penalty on exporters who hold their US dollars for more than 90 days and a 2 percent monthly penalty after that—effective as of last Monday.

The parliamentary opposition parties opposed some tax proposals announced in the interim budget in February, including a 25 percent tax on company profits last year of over 2 billion rupees and a 250 million rupee tax on mobile phone operators. This “one-time tax” is mainly aimed at the big business supporters of former President Rajapaske.

Karunanayake told reporters last week that the minority government “is being held hostage by a majority Opposition.” In April, the opposition rejected Karunanayake’s proposal to increase the government borrowing limit by 400 billion rupees, claiming it would increase inflation.

Compounding the government crisis, strong downward pressure on the rupee led to a devaluation of nearly 4 percent last week. Even though the Central Bank intervened to try to prop up the currency, it reached 138 rupees to the US dollar last Monday, before recovering to 135 rupees.

For some time, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has demanded a “more realistic exchange rate,” as have exporters. However, the government is seeking to prevent a further devaluation before a general election expected in the next few months.

A fall in the value of the rupee would lead to rising prices, further fuelling opposition to the United National Party (UNP)-led government installed after President Maithripala Sirisena won the January 8 presidential election.

Sections of the corporate elite have expressed deepening concern over the political uncertainty and worsening economic problems. They are demanding major economic “reforms” that will drastically affect jobs, wages and price subsidies for workers and the poor.

Indrajith Coomaraswamy, deputy chairman of the big business think tank Pathfinder, told a media conference in late May: “[T]he longer you wait, the more intense the pain will be, so we need to achieve macroeconomic stabilisation as soon as the elections are over... It’s not enough to do incremental changes. We need major reforms.”

“Macroeconomic stabilisation” means reducing the budget deficit by implementing the IMF’s austerity measures, which will hit working people. Last year’s budget deficit of 6 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) surpassed the IMF’s target of 5.2 percent. The IMF warned that without a huge effort to increase tax revenues, this year’s budget deficit target of 4.4 percent of GDP would not be achieved.

The IMF turned down the Sirisena government’s request for a $US4 billion loan to restructure the ballooning public debt—in effect, a vote of no confidence in the government’s failure to slash spending.

Coomaraswamy called on the government to stop further borrowing. “The debt dynamics have changed substantially and the scope for the state to borrow is no longer there,” he said. “The budget deficit is likely to deteriorate as a result of the non-fundable ‘budget handouts’ that we saw in the recent past... It’s only a matter of time that we will have tax increases, expenditure cuts, interest rate increases and depreciation of currency or some mix of this prescription.”

Pathfinder executive director Luxman Siriwardene bluntly justified the austerity agenda by attacking workers and the poor, and blaming them for the economic crisis. “Is it fair that people who are sitting around and doing nothing get a wage increase of 10,000 rupees?” he declared. “We must change this entitlement mentality.”

The right-wing UNP government has no disagreement with the anti-working class agenda being demanded. However, with a general election due to be called, it has held off implementing far-reaching attacks on living standards in the hope of gaining a majority in parliament.

Whichever parties form the next government after the election will quickly ditch their promises and launch a far-reaching assault on the social conditions and democratic rights of the working class and the urban and rural poor.

Gota’s interim order does not provide blanket immunity from arrest: SC

---

• Order preventing ex-official’s arrest only related to investigations into his FR petition: SC
• Supreme Court clarifies interim order preventing Gota’s arrest
• Clarification issued by Court narrows ambit of stay order issued in favour of Gota, preventing his arrest
• Says Order does not prevent his arrest on other allegations or charges
• Order clarified in response to motion filed by AG, saying Gota’s interim order was ambiguous

By Dharisha Bastians-Tuesday, 9 June 2015
The Supreme Court yesterday issued a clarification regarding an interim order issued last month preventing ex-Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s arrest, saying that only his arrest by respondents mentioned in his fundamental rights application had been stayed till the conclusion of the case.
The court also clarified that the former official could be arrested on other charges or allegations under the law that did not pertain to his fundamental rights application.
The Supreme Court order clarifying its previous stay order effectively narrows the ambit of the interim order it issued in favour of Gotabaya Rajapaksa.
The Court said that the order it had issued previously was only binding on the IGP, DIG of the FCID and CID Director, and only with regard to three specific incidents being investigated by these police units and mentioned in former Secretary Rajapaksa’s petition being heard before the Court.
Legal analysts point out that with the Supreme Court clarification, the interim order issued by Court on 14 May preventing the arrest of Gotabhaya Rajapaksa would no longer have a bearing on cases filed at the Bribery Commission or any other arresting authorities, including Wildlife officers and even the police investigating other allegations and charges against the former official.
The Attorney General had filed a motion in the Supreme Court requesting a clarification regarding the interim order issued to former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa on the basis that it was ambiguous.
The motion was heard by the court yesterday.
On 14 May, the Supreme Court issued an interim order staying the arrest of the former senior official, until a fundamental rights petition he had filed in court challenging the legality of the Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID) was heard and concluded.
Assistant Solicitor General Yasantha Kodagoda pointed out when the motion came up for hearing yesterday that as per the literal reading of the order issued by the two-judge bench of the Supreme Court last month, the ex-Defence Secretary could not be arrested for any other allegations of past offences or even if he committed an offence in the future. ASG Kodagoda said the order appeared to confer upon former Secretary Rajapaksa, immunity over all arrests by all state officials and even the Bribery Commission.
Kodagoda PC said the impact of the interim order issued to Gotabhaya Rajapaksa was a carte blanche for the former Defence Secretary, conferring immunity over arrests by all state officials for any offence, virtually like the immunity conferred upon the President by the Constitution. The interim order subverts the course of criminal justice, the ASG further told Court.
Meanwhile, President’s Counsel Romesh De Silva, appearing for former Secretary Rajapaksa, told court that the Attorney General was abusing the legal process.
ASG Kodagoda sought clarification from the court that the order issued on 14 May was only related to matters concerned with Rajapaksa’s Fundamental Rights petition.
Having heard arguments, the Supreme Court bench comprising Justices Eva Wanasundera and Sarath de Abrew clarified that the interim order issued to the former Defence Secretary only pertained to allegations contained within the petition. The stay order preventing his arrest only pertained to investigations carried out by respondents named in the petition – namely the FCID and the IGP, the Justices clarified. The court explained that former Secretary Rajapaksa could be investigated and/or arrested for any other allegations if required by law.