Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Tuesday, April 21, 2015

Left needs life - Dr. Vickramabahu Karunarathna

leftMonday, 20 April 2015
In India a discussion on the decline of the Left, has attracted media space in almost whole of India. While the masses move into very critical positions, throwing the main parties in to turmoil, the Left was unable to give them a way out. One cold say the situation is such that people are looking for instance solutions, and they were reluctant to go into theories of Marxism. There may be an ounce of truth in that suggestion. But it cannot explain the who truth. That is, the Left has failed to intervene in the debate that has attracted all types of intellectuals and street militants. This is true in Lanka as well. Ok, the traditional Left and the JVP did participate in the political campaign, which resulted in the victory of Maithree. But what will be the next step and how could they participate in the coming Parliamentary elections. Remnants of old left including Vasu are searching for a way out by joining Mahinda in a complex coalition. No doubt it will be an instrument of fascistic gang that determines to fight back with all the venom it could collect. Still, they are rich and have connections in many organizations and backed by certain multinational companies.
In India the left ruled West Bengal and Tripura for so long and held power in Kerala for numerous terms. However the Left has been unable to showcase its model of development as an alternative, in this period. Of course, as a regional power one could not give a development programme to the nation. On the other hand with regional parliamentary power, communists should throw a revolutionary challenge to the Indian power center. It is wrong to dismiss such ideas as far left. Most certainly the constituents of the Left Front need to re-establish their independent positions in national politics. The Left has tried to form a non Congress-non BJP ‘Third Front’ with regional parties at various junctures in the past. If it is unable to revive itself as a group with a serious way out for the suffering people, it wouldn’t even be capable of being an integral part of a ‘Third Front’. Already parties based on minority nationalities and oppressed communities, such as Janatha Parivar and the Dravidian parties would be more than willing to ally with radical fascist styled bourgeoisie parties. The Left must realise that if it wants to be successful in electoral politics; to come to power then it should sacrifice revolutionary programme for a popular image. For this, it has to not just retain support among the proletariat and other oppressed groups, its traditional base, but also attract voters from other sections. To attract the petty bourgeoisie, a powerful national leader should be promoted. It is a major challenge that the parliament oriented Left is facing at the moment. In India findings of a post-poll survey during the 2014 elections indicate that no leader from the Left Front was among the ten most preferred/popular choices for the post of Prime Minister. Many members of the CPI (M)’s top decision-making body, the Central Politburo, have not contested a popular election; they’ve only contested student body polls. The Left needs to find a leader who can lead them at the national level.
In Lanka we see that the JVP is trying to promote Anura Disanayake as a gentlemanly leader who could be acceptable to the petty bourgeoisie masses in a national poll. This has created the rift between the JVP and the break away Frontline socialist party. Latter accuse that the JVP has taken an opportunist line abandoning the revolutionary perspective. Nevertheless the JVP participated in the National Executive Committee to direct the government, to carry out the democratic anti corruption programme promised during the presidential election campaign. As claimed even by the JVP, both UNP and SLFP are bourgeoisie parties and their promises on democracy and corruption are only partially valid. Hence it is futile to blame them and cry out about their insincerity. Unfortunately Anura has forgotten that once he was a cabinet minister of a government led by the SLFP. Latter, directly supported the election campaign of Mahinda in 2005. On the other hand the radical break away groups from the LSSP and the SLCP are already tied to the government led by Maithree and Ranil. Some are paid helpers of the President, while others are working for cabinet ministers including the PM, Ranil Wickremesinghe. On the whole, it will be very difficult for all these leaders to portray a tangible left leadership to the country. They have to make substantial explanations as to their past activities. One thing common to all these leaders is the fact they opposed the leadership of Mahinda in the last period, of about one year. But they have no real explanation as to how and why Mahinda rule differs from the other bourgeoisie governments.
In India researchers have observed that there has not been any significant decline, in the proportion of the working class groups, in the electorates dominated by the left. Thus, the deterioration in the Left’s performance is primarily due to a decrease in support among these groups. There is a similar trend even in West Bengal as the Trinomial Congress had a lead of more than 10 percentage points over the Left among skilled and semi-skilled urban workers and agricultural laborers. This trend is more so in Lanka. In general Political parties have a core group of traditional voters who mostly support them in elections. In election times Parties try to expand their support from among this group while extending their appeal to the floating voters. As per estimates made in India in 2014, slightly less than three per cent of the voters identify themselves as the traditional supporters of the Left. This figure is almost equal to the overall vote share of the Left Front which indicated that it only got votes from its traditional supporters; it failed miserably in attracting the swing voters, even in West Bengal and Kerala. Inspite of zig- zag movement of the JVP, in Lanka too so far, there is no significant growth for in the support base.
The gradual decline in the Left’s vote share reflects its shrinking support base. The parliamentary strategy of the left has not led to any gains for the left parties, while new radical parties and groups suddenly emerged to gain victories. In south Asia too the left has to orient towards mass actions progammes and the vision of over throwing the ruling corrupt bourgeoisie system, in order to become acceptable to the radical masses.


Left needs life 

Editorial- 


The JVP may have thought that everything was hunky dory after the defeat of President Mahinda Rajapaksa at the Jan. 08 presidential election and the resultant collapse of the UPFA government. Having helped dislodge the Rajapaksa dispensation, it sought to arrest the erosion of its support base and eat into the SLFP’s vote bank while tapping the so-called floating votes with an eye to the next parliamentary election. But, its plan to shore up its image and regain lost ground on the political front has gone awry. Their former leader Somawansa Amerasinghe’s dramatic exit could not have come at a worse time for the Rathu Sahodarayas.

A founder member, close associate of Rohana Wijeweera and only JVP politburo member to escape a savage counter-terror campaign in 1989, Amerasinghe represented an ideological link between the party’s revolutionary past and democratic present. He was instrumental in reviving the party from scratch following a brutal crackdown in 1989. He is a relic from a bygone era and symbol of discarded shibboleth in the eyes of those averse to ultra radical politics. But, his influence on the revolutionary core of the JVP is far from diminished.

Amerasinghe is reported to have flayed the present JVP leadership for having deviated from what he calls the Marxist path. The question is whether the JVP has been a Marxist party in the real sense of the term though it flaunts a socialist agenda. In 1971, it made an abortive attempt to overthrow a democratically elected government purportedly to install a Marxist regime, but its second uprising was anything but a socialist struggle; its reign of terror was characterised by mindless violence. In fact, the JVP’s survival as a mainstream party all these decades without being reduced to a political creeper has been possible because it is not an orthodox Marxist outfit.

The JVP has suffered splits from time to time with some of the dyed-in the-wool Marxists within its ranks leaving in a huff. The breakaway of some of its Bolshevik activists including student leaders to form the Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) is a case in point.

Splits usually occur when an ultra radical outfit remains in democratic politics over a long period of time. For, it loses its revolutionary fervour and appeal to the youth. Time was when the JVP could attract young blood through student activism, but today it has lost its grip on the student movement which is controlled by its offshoot, the FSP.

It is being asked in political circles whether Amerasinghe’s exit will have a crippling effect on the JVP. The outfit’s chips may be down at present, but it is still strong enough to absorb the shock, we reckon. Some of the old guard may not be well disposed towards the changes in the party since the election of a new leader, but they are not likely to side with their former leader en bloc.

There are certain things that men in their seventies should refrain from—marrying young women and forming new political parties are some of them. Amerasinghe is not likely to succeed in his endeavour. But, his exit is sure to have a demoralizing effect on the JVP’s rank and file in the short term; it is like a chief priest disrobing!

The JVP is at a crossroads. If it is to forge ahead as a strong democratic political force it has to change and evolve as a really mass-based party. Else, it runs the risk of going the same way as the old left.

Occupying SL Navy continues to intimidate Tamil fishermen in Mannaar

[TamilNet, Tuesday, 21 April 2015, 19:01 GMT]
TamilNetThe occupying Sri Lanka Navy (SLN) sailors manning the Periya-kadai jetty, situated at the entrance to the city of Mannaar, are unrelenting in their oppression being meted out to the Tamil fishermen from five village (GS) divisions, fishermen's representatives complain. Although there are no official restrictions on Mannaar fishermen accessing their territorial sea, the SL Navy is checking everyone embarking on fishing every day. The names of the fishermen, their fishing vessels are registered. Their fishing catches are being monitored on a daily basis. The SLN personnel present at the check post also use to seize portions of their catches sometimes, the fishermen further complain. 

Periya-kadai


Despite the ‘good governance’ propaganda of the ‘new’ regime in Colombo, the Sinhala sailors of the SLN are continuing their interrogation-style monitoring of the fishing activities of the Tamil fishermen at the check post. 

Periya-kadaiSuch monitoring and harassment are not witnessed at the jetties used by Tamil-speaking Muslim fishermen at Thalaimannaar Pier, Karisal, Puthuk-kudiyiruppu, and Erukkalam-piddi, the fishermen from Periya-kadai told TamilNet. 

The SLN check post is situated a few meters near the court complex of Mannaar on Mannaar - Medawachiya Road, under the bridge connecting the Mannaar island with the mainland. 

Periya-kadaiFishermen from 1,500 - 2,000 fishing families use this jetty. The people from three of the five GS divisions, Panangkaddi-koddu East, Panangkaddi-koddu West and Emil-nakar, are entirely dependent on fishing to sustain their livelihood. A significant number of fishermen from South Bar and Periya-kadai also use the jetty which comes under the GS division of Periya-kadai. 

The fishermen are being particularly targeted because they are Tamils, the representatives of the fishermen told TamilNet. 


Sri Lanka’s Sinhalese & Tamils: Historical Myths & Realities

Colombo Telegraph
By Thambu Kanagasabai -April 21, 2015 
Thambu Kanagasabai
Thambu Kanagasabai
There is the popular but mistaken belief among Sri Lankans and elsewhere that “Mahavamsa”, a chronicle composed and written by Mahanama Thera in the sixth century is a record of the history of Ceylon. Anyone who reads Mahavamsa will find, besides various historical data, stories of miracles and supernatural happenings on various auspicious occasions, like instant earthquakes, floods, storms etc. However, discarding these fables, one will notice the author devoting nine chapters, (out of thirty three chapters) on Dutugamini, the Naga Buddhist king who defeated the Tamil king Elara in Anuradhapura in BC 101. While concentrating on Buddha’s visits to Sri Lanka, it has to be pointed out that Mahavamsa’s author Mahanama Thera concluded each chapter by stating, “ that this chapter is compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious”.
This statement expresses his motive and purpose, which was that Mahavamsa was meant and intended for pious and religious Buddhist devotees and their pleasure, and not meant to record the history of Sri Lanka. However, Mahavamsa without doubt records the historical data regarding the kings who ruled Ceylon starting from Devanampiya Tissa’s rule in BC 247, who introduced Buddhism in Ceylon, until the rule of Dhatusema in 351 AD.
One of the most striking paintings at Kelaniya: Lord Buddha bringing peace to the warring Naga kings Chulodara and Mahodara
One of the most striking paintings at Kelaniya: Lord Buddha bringing peace to the warring Naga kings Chulodara and Mahodara
Prof. G.C. Mendis, a well-known history scholar’s statement is relevant here, (Early History of Ceylon in 1948.); “Mahavamsa records is mainly traditional history, and its statements have to be carefully examined before they are accepted as historical evidence.” Consequently various examinations supported by archaeological investigations and undertaken by local Sinhalese and foreign researchers have revealed and dissected the truths and myths recorded in Mahavamsa.
Read More

Thushara, Upul to resign from ‘Mawbima’!

mawbima tiran Tuesday, 21 April 2015
The crisis faced by ‘Mawbima’ owned by businessman MP Tiran Alles has aggravated, say sources at the newspaper.
The latest is that managing editor Thushara Gunaratne and Upul Joseph Fernando, who is considered its real editor, have both decided to resign. They are to join a weekend newspaper due to be started by the UNP, reports say. Both Thushara and Upul had initially tried to run the newspaper in a manner loyal to UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, but Alles has strongly opposed it. “It is better for me to close down rather than helping Ranil. Ranil is an enemy of our entire family,” Alles has said.
After their attempt ended up in failure, the duo has now decided to say goodbye to ‘Mawbima’.

19th Amendment Sabotaged; Best Option is to Dissolve Parliament

Sri Lanka GuardianWhat this episode shows is the futility of any longer relying on the present parliament or its dubious members to implement democratic change including the 19th Amendment based on the people’s mandate of the presidential elections.
by Laksiri Fernando
( April 21, 2015, Sydney, Sri Lanka Guardian) While it was scheduled to debate the 19thAmendment to the Constitution today (21) and tomorrow (22), the objective of the ugly scenes created by the Rajapaksa scums led by Wimal Weerawansa, Dinesh Gunawardena, Vasudewa Nanayakkara and Kumara Welgama yesterday was to sabotage that effort by sleeping on the floor of the Parliament, otherwise considered the august body of people’s sovereignty, until this morning and continuing their commotions and disruptions even when the parliamentary sessions commenced this morning.

Electoral Reforms & The Minority Concern


Colombo Telegraph
By M. Ajiwadeen -April 21, 2015 
Representative democracy is vital for the democratic political practice and good governance. Sri Lanka is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious country and its pluralistic view and diversified representation have been recognized and guaranteed by the Constitutional Reforms by implementing the recommendations of the Colebrook-Cameron Commission (1833), Manning Commission (1920) and the Soulbury Commission (1947).
In this background, the Constitutional Reforms, the Amendments to the Constitutions and the Delimitation Commissions appointed to act independently had attempted to ensure the due representation of the under privileged or the numerically minor groups by recommending various mechanism. For an instance, the Ceylon (Constitution) Order in Council, 1946 permitted the creation of a multi-member constituency to enable the representation of under privileged or the numerically minor groups and even cast groups. Accordingly, Amabalngoda-Balapitiya multi member constituency was demarcated by the Delimitation Commission in 1946 taking into consideration representation of certain casts.
Muslim Hakeem Anura TamilWe, the All Ceylon Union of Muslim League Youth Fronts (ACUMLYF), on behalf of the Muslim Community of Sri Lanka, have routinely intervened on national issues and advocated for due representation of the Minority community for over five decades, urge the government and the national political parties to recognize the pluralistic nature of Sri Lankan society as one country comprising the Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims, including Malays and Burghers etc. and ensure adequate representation of all communities in all legislative, provincial and local authority bodies, by adopting the principles of inclusivity and equality.
Proposals for Electoral Reforms                Read More             

Sri Lanka: Analysis of Constitutional Right to Information Guarantee

The following statement issued by the Centre for Law and Democracy
Sri Lanka Guardian( April 20, 2015, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) In the few months since it was elected, the new government of Sri Lanka has put in place a process to prepare a right to information (RTI) law and proposed a set of constitutional amendments which would provide fundamental rights protection for access to information. The Centre for Law and Democracy (CLD) very much welcomes these moves, which will address a long-standing need in the country. At the same time, an analysis by CLD, released today, suggests that the proposed constitutional guarantee needs to be strengthened.
“Although it is a late-comer to RTI, the fact that the Sri Lankan government is moving forward simultaneously with both a constitutional guarantee and legislation is very encouraging”, said Toby Mendel, Executive Director of CLD. “It would be a great shame if this clear demonstration of democratic political will were undermined by rules that failed to conform to international standards.”
Key problems with the proposed constitutional guarantees for RTI, identified in CLD’s analysis, including the following:
• It contains an excessively long and broad list of grounds which may justify secrecy, including contempt of court, Parliamentary privilege and “preventing the disclosure of information received in confidence”.
• Amendments proposed by the Attorney General seek to limit the scope of the guarantee to whatever happens to be set out in law.
• The scope of the right is limited to an unduly narrow range of public authorities.
The CLD analysis is available here;

How did Gotabaya maintain elephant cubs from his pension and wages?

gotaaTuesday, 21 April 2015 
The former defense secretary claims that his only income is the pension he receives from the army. If it is so he is also an ordinary layman scrimping his day to day life with an insufficient income.
There are complaints mounting against him in the bribery and corruption for this ordinary layman who is living his life with his pension. One of the complaints received against him was how he
possessed few elephant cubs and to investigate how he became rich to maintain those elephant cubs with his ordinary pension.
According to him when he was serving as the defense secretary he was paid only by the defense secretary’s wages. If so those elephant cubs wouldn’t have eaten any foods as a sympathy shown for adopting them by the former defense secretary. If not the people who are selfish
against the defense secretary are falsely accusing him for misinterpreting the wooden elephants displayed in the cabinet in his house as true elephants.


By Saman Indrajith-April 20, 2015

Opposition MPs and some ministers of the UPFA commenced a continuous fast in the Well of Parliament yesterday demanding that the government immediately put an end to what they called a political witch hunt against Opposition politicians including former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and ex-defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. 


The hunger strike commenced in protest against summoning former President Mahinda Rajapaksa to the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption for appointing former UNP General Secretary Tissa Attanayake, MP the Minister of Health prior to the last presidential election.

 Addressing a press conference held at the Parliamentary Complex, UPFA Colombo District MP Bandula Gunawardena said that MPs would not give up their protest until an assurance was given by incumbent President Maithripala Sirisena that harassing of the former President would be ended. 

"This is the first time in our parliamentary history that MPs have commenced a hunger strike in Parliament."

He said that Chief Opposition Whip John Seneviratne had contacted President Maithripala Sirisena over the issue and the latter had responded that he was not aware of the issue. "The President asked MP Seneviratne to forward him a letter signed by MPs against the harassment of the former President. 56 including UPFA ministers in the present government have already signed it."

The letter that was handed over to President Sirisena stated that the summoning of former President to the CIABOC over appointing MP Attanayake as a Minister in his government was unconstitutional. It read: "Making a ministerial position cannot be considered an act of bribery. If such an act becomes a bribe, an executive president would never be able to perform the duties expected of him or her. The explanation given by the Prime Minister over the issue in parliament implies that this act of harassing the former President was a part of a conspiracy by the UNP to bring you and the incumbent government into disrepute.

"Former Secretary to the Defence Ministry Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, who rendered a yeoman service to liberate the motherland from LTTE terrorism, too, has been summoned to the CIABOC. We have also brought to the notice of this august assembly that large number of MPs, their spouses and children are being conharassed in violation of parliamentarians’ privileges. During a debate in the House today, the Prime Minister admitted that the Director General of the CIABOC and her husband were close friends of his. Under this situation, we seek your immediate intervention as the President of the country to stop immoral and illegal conduct of the CIABOC. We further inform you that the fast unto death campaign we commenced this morning would continue until you take necessary action to stop illegal persecution of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa." Copies of the latter were circulated among journalists at the press conference.

Addressing the media, NFF Leader Wimal Weerawansa said that former President Rajapaksa and ex-defence secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa were being hounded by the government to please the international community and the pro-LTTE groups. "The hunters are the ones who opposed war and criticised the security forces. The hunted are the ones who waged a war and defeated terrorism."

Kalutara District MP Kumara Welgama said that the incumbent opposition leader was not taking part in the protest. "He should have been with us today," MP Welgama said.

 MP Dallas Alahapperuma said that the CIABOC was working according to a political agenda. "It cannot question a President for exercising his constitutional powers to appoint a minister. The CIABOC has summoned businessman ASP Liyanage for giving a house to former President. Now, 101 days of this government have lapsed, but so far it has not been able to give an official residence to former President who has no house to stay in when he comes to Colombo. Thus, Liyanage gave him a house.

MPs Rohitha Abygunawardena, Ranjith Zoysa, Mahindananada Aluthgamage addressed the press.

President Maithripala arrived in Parliament around 2.30 pm and held talks with the protesting MPs, the Speaker, UPFA and SLFP leaders and the PM in a bid to find a solution, but the agitation continued until this edition went to press.

Speaker Has No Legal Or Moral Right To Interfere In An Ongoing Investigation: LfD

Colombo Telegraph
April 21, 2015
‘Lawyers for Democracy’ has today condemned the attempt by some members of Parliament to interfere and intimidate the Bribery or Corruption Commission from inquiring into allegations of Bribery or Corruption by powerful personalities.
Some of the opposition members yesterday protested over former President Mahinda Rajapaksa being summoned to the Bribery Commission, claiming that it was an illegal move instituted to further a prevailing witch-hunt against the former President.
Parilament 3Yesterday the Director General (DG) of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption Dilrukshi Wickramasinghe has been asked to be present at the Parliament by the Speaker Chamal Rajapaksa.
“We view this as an affront to the Rule of Law and in fact democratic governance. The law has to apply equally to all citizens. However mighty they may be. If an individual has a grievance against any person or any institution he has the remedy of resorting to legal action by way of a writ and /or by way of a fundamental rights application.” said the Lawyers for Democracy.
Issuing a statement convener of the LFD Lal Wijenayake said; “We further view with alarm the action of the Speaker in calling the Chairman of the Bribery Commission and questioning him about a pending inquiry. The Speaker has no legal or moral right to interfere in an ongoing investigation. We condemn this action. The independence of the institutions of State has to be protected. The legislature and / or the executive has no right to interfere in the administrational justice.
“This dangerous development has to be checked. The people at the last presidential election clearly voted for the abolition of the executive presidential system due to the abuse and misuse of power that was witnessed during the past few years. The people has given the President a clear mandate to uphold to Rule of Law. We call upon the President to see that Rule of Law prevails. We call upon the Civil Society and specially the trade unions, university teachers, the Bar Association and other organizations of lawyers, artists, media organizations, which led the struggle to restore Rule of Law in unitedly fight against this dangerous trend.”

Bribery Commission Chairman agrees to Visit MR to obtain statement



By Gagani Weerakoon-2015-04-21
Chairman of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) in a discussion held with Speaker Chamal Rajapaksa had agreed to evolve a new mechanism to not harass parliamentarians when investigating complaints against them, Chandima Weerakkody said.
Chairman of the CIABOC Jagath Balaptabendi gave this promise... ...when he was summoned to Parliament yesterday (20) by the Speaker following a continuous fast protest launched by Opposition MPs against summoning Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa to the CIABOC and 'harassing' MPs when investigating complaints against them.
Deputy Speaker Weerakkody said that a range of issues includes the summoning of the Former President, issuing summons on MPs at various times thereby messing up their schedules and giving pre-publicity in media, inconveniencing them before they were summoned.
He said that the CAIBOC Chairman agreed to visit Former President Rajapaksa to obtain a statement from him and to develop a new mechanism for the purpose of questioning them.
The Deputy Speaker said that Speaker Rajapaksa would make a formal announcement today (21) in Parliament with regard to this issue.

Attempt to surround parliament

Bariour1 600px 15 04 216da4961fc61d08e9b5f80c8ea30d8ffc L
Tuesday, 21 April 2015
A group who gathered at the parliament roundabout is reportedly marching towards the parliament.

It is reported that they are extending support to the opposition parliamentarians, who are engaged in a fast until the decision to summon the former President Mahinda Rajapaksa before the Bribery Commission is changed.
Following are photographs of the incident.
JapanMithRoad1 600px 15 04
Courtesy - SLM
Sri Lanka ex-president Rajapaksa refuses to attend anti-graft body

Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa listens to a speech during his final rally ahead of presidential election in Piliyandala


Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa listens to a speech during his final rally ahead of presidential election in Piliyandala January 5, 2015. REUTERS/Dinuka Liyanawatte


Business InsiderAPR. 20, 2015, 12:17 PM
Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa listens to a speech during his final rally ahead of presidential election in Piliyandala
COLOMBO (Reuters) - Former Sri Lankan president Mahinda Rajapaksa will not appear before an anti-bribery commission investigating allegations that he may have illegally induced a rival to support his campaign during the recent presidential elections.Rajapaksa will ignore a summons to appear on April 24 because the exact nature of the complaint and the person making the allegations have not been disclosed, Rohan Weliwita, Rajapaksa's media adviser, told Reuters."He is consulting his legal team on the summons," Weliwita said. The allegations are the latest in a series of corruption charges made against Rajapaksa by Sri Lanka's new government, which has ordered an investigation into all the financial deals he made during his decade in power.
Rajapaksa is accused by his rivals of unfairly pressuring opposition leader Tissa Attanayake to back his campaign. After Attanayake supported Rajapaksa's presidential bid in December, he was appointed the health minister. Opposition politicians and civil society organizations have in the past accused Rajapaksa of recruiting rivals by offering them bribes. Rajapaksa has denied these allegations. More than 50 opposition legislators on Monday protested in parliament and wrote a letter to President Sirisena objecting to Rajapaksa's summons.
"According to the existing Sri Lankan laws, giving or receiving a minister post is not considered as a bribe," the legislators said in the letter. "If this is a bribe, none of the presidents could exercise their power vested by the constitution."
The government has already said Sri Lankan investigators have located more than $2 billion secretly transferred to accounts in Dubai by people close to Rajapaksa during his rule.
Rajapaksa denied allegations his family illegally stashed money overseas in a statement on Monday.
"I would like to categorically state for the information of the public that neither I, my wife, nor my sons, maintain any illegal or secret offshore accounts in any foreign bank," the statement said. Local media also reported that Rajapaksa's brother and former defense secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa had been summoned to appear before the anti-graft body on April 23 and 27.
(Reporting by Shihar Aneez and Ranga Sirilal. Editing by Andrew MacAskill and Ralph Boulton)

Customs DG’s Collusion To Embezzle Hundreds Of Millions Tax Revenue Reported To President Sirisena


Colombo Telegraph
April 21, 2015 
In a dramatic tern of events the Director General of Customs, Jagath Wijeweera’s collusion with certain Customs officers to misappropriate hundreds of millions of tax revenue has been reported to the PresidentMaithripala Sirisena.
Director General of Customs, Jagath Wijeweera with the President Mahinda Rajapaksa
Director General of Customs, Jagath Wijeweera with the President Mahinda Rajapaksa
Writing to the President with overwhelming evidence of exploitation due to the lawlessness in the Customs Administration exposed by the Nagananda Kodituwakku, the former Head of the Customs Revenue Task Force, and now a public interest litigation lawyer.
In his detailed report to the President on these abuses, the lawyer Kodituwakku said that in number of previous occasions he had drawn DGC’s attention to the blatant abuses pursued by certain officers for unjust enrichment and in some cases with names of those officers with overwhelming evidence of their connivance with the ethanolsmugglers.
However, in his report the lawyer Kodituwakku, states that DGC turned a blind eye condoning such actions, apparently in collusion with such officers, incurring colossal loss of tax revenue and therefore he was compelled to report these organised frauds to the Corruption Commission, seeking it to launch a proper investigation into the major tax revenue losses incurred by the Government due to the monumental failure on the part of the Customs chief, Jagath Wijeweera.
We publish below the letter in full;
Mr Maithripala Sirisena
The Hon’ President of the Republic of Sri Lanka
Presidential Secretariat
Colombo 01

20th April 2015
Hon’ Sir,
You have been given a clear mandate by the people to restore the Rule of Law in this country, which has been completely undermined by the Rajapakse administration.                 Read More