Colombo Court orders Jeyakumari to continue to be held in detention

February 24, 2015

A Colombo Court on Tuesday has ordered Balendran Jeyakumari, who has been searching and campaigning for the release of her son, to continue to be held in detention custody till March 10, as per the request made by the Terrorism Investigations Department (TID).

Jeyakumari, who was arrested on March 13 last year on suspicion of harbouring former rebel cadres at her home in Kilinochchi, was transferred to the Welikada prison only last week, where she was allowed to meet briefly her 13-year old daughter Vibushika, who is also in the protective custody in Kilinochchi.

After the meeting with her daughter on last Tuesday, she expressed hopes that the new government would release her soon.

Like hundreds of thousands of Tamil families in the North and the East, her family too has suffered hugely during the war. Two of her elder sons have been killed during the war while her youngest son has been made to disappear since the end of the war in May 2009.

Citing reliable eye witnesses, she claimed that her younger son surrendered to army with the facilitation of a Church priest, who is also reportedly missing.

Jeyakumari and her daughter had taken part in several street demonstrations organised to protest against the enforced disappearances and unlawful detention of thousands of Tamil youth even five years after the end of the war. They were often seen in photographs and television footages crying and screaming at demonstrations, pleading for the release of Mahindan.

Their photographs and video footage at the demonstration near the Jaffna library during the visit to Jaffna by the British Prime Minister David Cameron last November were widely published in many local and foreign media outlet.

For those who know her well, the only crime she has committed was demanding the release of her son. Jeyakumari informed the Human Rights Commission, the ICRC and the Sri Lankan prison authorities that her son’s photograph had appeared in the government’s Lessons Learnt Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) report, which was later published as a book by the Centre for Policy Alternatives.

According to the published report, her son, Balendran Mahindan was alive and was going through the government’s “rehabilitation program” at an unknown ‘rehabilitation’ centre.

It is based on this government report that she has been demanding her son to be released. This has caused serious embarrassment of hawkish government of deposed president Mahinda Rajapaksa. Because, if it denies that her son Mahindan has not surrendered then it cannot explain how his photographs appeared in the LLRC report, and if it accepts that he had surrendered and was going through rehabilitation, then it has to produce him alive or release him.

It is under these circumstances that the government forces arrested her, aiming to prevent her from giving witness to the investigation by the office of the UN Human Rights High Commissioner, who has last week deferred the report from being published from March to September this year, giving the new government of President Maithripala Sirisena time and space to put his house in order.

Several local and international right organisations have campaigned for her early release.

Defend The Right Of NPC To Pass Genocide Resolution

By Siritunga Jayasuriya -February 25, 2015

Siritunga Jayasuriya

United Socialist Party (CWI-Sri Lanka) unequivocally defends the right of the Northern Provincial council in its attempt to bring the focus of the world on the Brutal war that killed 100’s of thousands of innocent Tamils in the North & the East of this country. Especially this resolution was passed by the NPC in the circumstance where the new Maithri government is pressurising the human right council in Geneva not to present the report in March and postpone the their sub- committee report till next September.

While the Governments of Mahinda and the present one led by Maithripala wants to hide this terrible sitiation under carpet, but it is a fact that humongous acts of War Crimes did happen, especially during the last weeks of war in 2009 and even after people who surrendered. The continuation of Military domination of the North and the terrifying reality with which the Tamil people “live” in this country urgently needs an independent inquiry at least.

We defend the democratic right of the elected body of the Tamil people to represent the interests of Tamil people and the pass the resolution for an International Inquiry in to the war. Most of established Tamil political leaders have used to look upon India and west for short cut solutions but we think it is erroneous & futile exercise on their part to expect the Capitalist Governments of the West and the regional powers like India to do justice to their cause. It is these International forces Capital who were solidly behind the regime in Sri Lanka which conducted a brutal war. Appealing to the forces to investigate the war crimes and expect justice is like believing in a Chimera.

USP has always stood for An independent war crimes investigation: For a people’s tribunal consisting of representatives accountable to working class and poor people from all communities, chosen by them and observed by international trade union and human rights organisations. Only such a body could be truly free of the influence of the Sri Lankan government and their international collaborator.

The defeated Sinhala communal extremist forces in the south have begun to utilised this situation in a subtle attempt to gain upper hand in the southern polity. At present they do not have any other way to whip up communalism. It is the duty of the trade unions working class and the real left forces to raise their voice against this attempt revive the communalism.

*Siritunga Jayasuriya- General secretary- United Socialist Party

ரணிலுக்கு பதிலடி கொடுத்த முதலமைச்சர் விக்னேஸ்வரன்

[ புதன்கிழமை, 25 பெப்ரவரி 2015, 07:22.24 AM GMT ]

உண்மை வெளிப்படுத்தப்பட வேண்டும் எனக் கோருவது ஒருபோதும் இனவாதமாக முடியாது எனத் தெரிவித்திருக்கும் வடமாகாண முதலமைச்சர் சீ.வி.விக்னேஸ்வரன், "உண்மையை முதலில் அறிந்தால் தான் நல்லெண்ணம் பிறக்க வழி வகுக்கலாம்" எனவும் சுட்டிக்காட்டியிருக்கின்றார்.

வடமாகாண சபையில் அண்மையில் நிறைவேற்றப்பட்ட இனப்படுகொலை தீர்மானம் குறித்து, "நல்­லாட்­சி­மிக்க அர­சாங்­கத்­துடன் விளை­யாட வேண்டாம். இதுவே இன­வா­தி­க­ளுக்­கான எனது இறுதி எச்­ச­ரிக்கை" என பிர­தமர் ரணில் விக்­கி­ர­ம­சிங்க தெரிவித்திருந்தார்.

இதற்குப் பதிலளிக்கும் முகமாக முதலமைச்சர் விக்னேஸ்வரன் கருத்து வெளியிட்ட போதே இதனைத் தெரிவித்தார்.

விக்கினேஸ்வரன் இது தொடர்பில் மேலும் தெரிவித்திருப்பதாவது:

எம் மக்களுக்கு நடந்ததை வெளியிடுவதை இனவாதம் என்று பிரதமர் சொல்லியிருப்பது வருத்தத்தைத் தருகின்றது. உண்மை கூறுவது ஒருபோதும் இனவாதமாக முடியாது. இனவாதத்தை வேண்டுமானால் உண்மை இது தான் என்று குறிப்பிட்டுக் காட்டலாம். அதனைத்தான் வடமாகாண சபையில் கொண்டுவரப்பட்ட எமது பிரேரணை எடுத்துக்காட்டியது.

உண்மை தெரிந்தால்த்தான் நல்லெண்ணம் பிறக்க உதவி புரியலாம். தென் ஆபிரிக்கவில் Truth And Reconciliation Commission என்ற ஆணைக்குழு உண்மைக்கும் நல்லெண்ணத்துக்குமான ஆணைக்குழு என்றே அழைக்கப்பட்டது. முதலில் உண்மையை அறிந்தால் தான் நல்லெண்ணம் பிறக்க வழி வகுக்கலாம்.

ஐ.நா. மனித உரிமைகள் பேரவையின் தீர்மானத்தின் அடிப்படையிலான விசாரணை அறிக்கை வெளியிடப்படுவதை காலதாமதம் செய்வதற்கு உங்களுக்கு சார்பாக சர்வதேசம் முற்படுகின்றது என்பதை அமெரிக்க பிரதிநிதியிடம் இருந்து அறிந்து கொண்டதன் பின்னர் தான், எமது பிரேரனையை நாங்கள் கொண்டுவந்தோம்.

எமது மனோநிலையை எல்லோருக்கும் தெரியப்படுத்தவே அந்தப் பிரேரணை கொண்டுவரப்பட்டது. வண்டிலை முன்வைத்து குதிரையை பின்வைப்பது போல் ஐக்கிய நாடுகள் தீர்மானத்தை முன்னரே அறிந்து அந்த நேரத்தில் கொண்டுவந்த பிரேரணைக்கு, உலக நாடுகள் கன்னத்தில் அடித்தது என்று பிரதமர் ரணில் கூறியது வியப்பாக இருக்கின்றது.

அரசியல் கலாசாரத்தை மாற்றுங்கள் என்று நான் கோரியதற்கு எமக்களிக்கப்பட்ட பிரதமரின் பதில் இது என்று தெரிகின்றது. எங்கள் மக்கள் உண்மையான நல்லெண்ணத்தை தெற்கில் இருக்கும் எவரிடமும் எதிர்பார்க்க முடியாது என்று சொல்வதனை உண்மை ஆக்கப்பார்க்கிறார் பிரதமர்.

ஆனால் நான் அப்படி நினைக்கவில்லை. சிங்கள மக்கள் நல்லவர்கள். அவர்களின் அரசியல்வாதிகள்தான் இதுகாலமும் அவர்களை பிழையான விதத்தில் வழி நடத்தி வந்துள்ளார்கள்.

உதாரணத்துக்கு சந்திரிகா அம்மையார் 2000ம் ஆண்டு நல்லதொரு அரசியல் யாப்பு நகலைக் கொண்டுவந்த போது நாட்டைப் பற்றிச் சிந்திக்காது அதனை எதிர்த்து பாராளுமன்றத்தில் அந்த நகலை யார் எரித்தார்கள் என்பது நான் சொல்லி பிரதமர் ரணிலுக்குத் தெரியவேண்டியதில்லை.

குறுகிய கால சுய நன்மைக்கே அதை செய்தார்கள். நாட்டு நலன் கருதி அல்ல. தயவு செய்து இனவாதம் வேண்டாம் என்று கோரி விட்டு நீங்களே இனவாதத்தை எழுப்பாது பார்த்துக்கொள்ளுங்கள்.

சென்ற ஜனாதிபதித் தேர்தலில் எமது மக்கள் பெருவாரியாக உங்களுக்கு ஆதரவளித்ததை மறந்துவிட மாட்டீர்கள் என்று நம்புகிறேன் என்று வடக்கு முதலமைச்சர் தெரிவித்துள்ளார்.

Sri Lanka to learn reconciliation experience from South Africa

COLOMBO, February 25, 2015

A high-level delegation from South Africa will brief Sri Lanka this week on South Africa’s experience in reconciliation and nation-building, Sri Lanka’s deputy foreign minister said on Wednesday.

The delegation led by South Africa’s International Relations and Cooperation Deputy Minister Nomaindia Mfeketo is undertaking a five-day visit to Sri Lanka.

Mfeketo will meet her counterpart and other important role-players in Sri Lanka during the course of her visit. South Africa has been asked to share with Sri Lanka its experience in terms of reconciliation and nation-building.

Deputy Foreign Minister Ajith Perera said that the South African delegation would on Thursday brief the Sri Lankan government and opposition members as well as civil society on South Africa’s experience,Xinhua news agency reported.

He said that Sri Lanka would not look to use the South African model but would learn from it and create a home-grown solution in the reconciliation process.

“We will look at a Sri Lankan model on reconciliation. Separately we will have the accountability process as well,” he said.

This is the first high-level visit from South Africa to Sri Lanka since the new administration of President Maithripala Sirisena took over following the presidential election held Jan 8, 2015.

Sri Lanka is looking at learning from South Africa to reconcile the communities following the end of 30 years of civil war in 2009.

Broad-Base 100 Days Programme

By Somapala Gunadheera –

Somapala Gunadheera

It is heartening to see the new Government making an honest attempt to implement the Hundred Days Programme, (HDP), they highlighted as an election promise. However honest their intention may be, the implementation appears to be lagging behind day by day and caustic remarks on the delays are on the increase. It is manifestly unfair to hold the new-comers down to the exact dates indicated. There should be no quarrel, if the trend of implementation shows an honest effort to keep to the promises.

Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the leader of the JVP, has made a useful distinction between ‘schedule’ and ‘time frame’ as applied to the HDP

Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the leader of the JVP, has made a useful distinction between ‘schedule’ and ‘time frame’ as applied to the HDP. He says it is pointless haggling about the dates in the schedule. What matters is whether the implementation follows a time frame. By and large, the present Government has made seven promises. They are;

1. Reducing the cost of living and increasing income,

2. Introducing delayed people-friendly legislation,

3. Establishing communal amity

4. Investigating and penalizing bribery and corruption

5. Repealing the 18th Amendment of the Constitution with legislation to establish strengthened independent institutions, through a 19th Amendment to the Constitution

6. Replacing the current Preference Vote system with an Mixed Electoral System

7. Abolishing the authoritarian executive presidential system and replacing it with an executive of Cabinet of Ministers

Cost of living and income

The supplementary budget passed on the due date has increased salaries in the public sector and started initiatives to spread its fallout to the private sector. Prices of commodities used by common people have been reduced. However, wisecracks on the changes made and their adequacy are common, as may be expected, from the Opposition, but there appears to be reasonable satisfaction with the relief already given.

Prompt attention has been paid to the promulgation of long delayed essential legislation. The National Pharmaceutical Policy Bill and the Witness Protection Bill are being rushed through Parliament. Eighty percent warning on tobacco packaging has become a reality at long last. A visible effort is being made to give the minorities their due place in society. Civilian Governors have been appointed to the North and the West, ending a minority demand for years, within a few weeks of coming to power. A start has been made on reducing land occupied by the army in the North. Authorities responsible for national reconciliation have already started a dialogue with the minorities. Surprisingly, politicians in the North who were placidly tolerating obvious discrimination for years, have become aggressive all of a sudden, thereby making the task of nation building more arduous and forgetting it needs two hands to clap.Read More

UN Ban's Feltman to Visit Sri Lanka But Not Jaffna, Zeid Delay Protested

By Matthew Russell Lee

UNITED NATIONS, February 24 -- One week after the UN Human Rights Council agreed to withhold the already delayed report on war crimes in Sri Lanka, the UN announced that Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's highest political official Jeffrey Feltman will visit the country this week, after Myanmar: 

UN Ban's Feltman to Visit Sri Lanka but Not Jaffna, Zeid Delay Protested by Thavam Ratna

Sirisena visit opens new chapter in India-Lanka ties

• 

Shastri Ramachandaran-

Wednesday, 25 February 2015

India’s relations with Sri Lanka, which had been marked by too many points of friction in recent times, especially in the last phase of the UPA and the Mahinda Rajapaksa regimes, seems to be on the upswing again. The high-level exchanges -- which would see Prime MinisterNarendra Modi in Sri Lanka next week close on the heels of Sri Lanka’s new President Maithripala Sirisena’s four-day visit to Delhi in February – reflect the urge for a closer, warmer relationship on both sides.

This new chapter that has opened under the new leadership in both countries holds out hope of better days for the bilateral relationship if the challenges are faced squarely while seizing the opportunities that would be mutually beneficial. 

To begin with, the enthusiasm for a closer relationship is underscored by Modi’s visit, which would be the first to the island republic by an Indian Prime Minister since Rajiv Gandhi travelled to Colombo in 1987. Significantly, the issues arising out the India-Sri Lanka Peace Agreement that Rajiv Gandhi signed with the then President JR Jayawardene remain unresolved to this day. Therein lies the foremost and biggest challenge to both Sirisena and Modi, for without a Tamil-Sinhala reconciliation and rehabilitation of the victims of the prolonged civil war, neither of the leaders can move forward to other items on the bilateral agenda.

It is perhaps in acknowledgement of this that the Government of India is keen for Modi to travel to Jaffna in the Tamil-dominated north and Trincomalee in the east of the island.  A visit to Jaffna would be a first by an Indian Prime Minister, and its significance cannot be overstated. Such a visit would provide new impetus for reconciliation by winning the confidence of Tamils on both sides of the Palk Straits and stress that Colombo has no reservations about India’s show of support for Sri Lankan Tamils in their own territory. It would be a boost for Tamils, Tamil-Sinhala reconciliation and India-Sri Lanka relationship. However, this is not without a catch.

The catch, if Modi goes to Jaffna, is that Colombo would capitalise on it to blunt the campaign – mounted by Tamils in the Northern Province, the Tamil diaspora and the Tamil parties in India -- for an international investigation into the alleged war crimes. The US has obliged Sri Lanka by ensuring that a damaging UN report on alleged war crimes is not released now and that there is no resolution to censure Colombo in the UN Human Rights Council. This means that, unlike during the time of the UPA, Sirisena no longer needs India as an ally against the “international community” in this matter. To that extent the leverage enjoyed by Modi sarkar over the new government in Sri Lanka is less.

Therefore, this is a visit that Delhi would have to carefully script by plotting every step just as Sirisena had done by sending his foreign minister to Delhi on a meticulous planning mission. And, it seems that India might be doing likewise because External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj would be going on a preparatory mission.

With Sirisena enjoying an exemplary relationship, for now, with the US and the West, Modi’s visit would be watched for whether he is able to secure a commitment on implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution and devolution of powers. The Tamil issue is the biggest obstacle to a friction-free relationship. How Modi and Sirisena seek to resolve the Tamil issue, what framework they agree upon and their plan for the repatriation of Tamil refugees in India would decide the direction, depth and warmth of bilateral ties.

The author is an independent political and foreign affairs commentator based in New Delhi

Tribal Nationalism At Nugegoda: A Reaction From A Critic

By Sarath De Alwis -February 23, 2015

Sarath De Alwis

Ambrose Bierce’s Devils Dictionary is out of date. Dr. Dayan Jyayatilleka’s Patriots’ dictionary is more  contemporary and far craftier.

The thing about being 72 years old and having studied in the Indian subcontinent and Europe and later lived and worked in the Fareast, Europe and Africa and experiencing the agony of seeing three off spring through College in North America I am bemused at the attempts of Dr. Jayatilleka’s to evangelize evil .

His masterly reconstruction of the persona of Mahinda Rajapaksa parallels Milton’s efforts in Paradise lost, to portray Satan who thinks, despite the loss to God in the battlefield “all is not lost” because his “unconquerable will” will never submit or yield!

Hurrah! Cone one come all to Nugegoda.

La Marseilles invokes ‘Blood’ as a marker of nationhood.

I am not pontificating. I am only crying out my anguish at realizing that I cannot as a 72 year old Sinhalese who has a first name Mahendra in addition to the middle name Sarath and a last and definitive Portuguese moniker De Alwis cannot claim to be as good a Sinhalese as Percy Mahendra Rajapaksa. At this discovery I don’t smile wryly. I weep out loud to be heard by the four guardian deities who protect our Motherland that is reclaiming land in the Port of Colombo with loans from China at some indefinite percentage above LIBOR.

I make bold to criticize the vain Wimal Weerawana and Ghoulish Gunadasa Amaresekera without once mentioning Prabhakaran or the Tigers. As far as I am concerned one is dead and others are extinct.

I criticize Mahinda Rajapaksa, Sinhala nationalism and the mass hysteria at Nugegoda without once mentioning the Resolution of Wigneswaran and the Northern Provincial Council. I understand its contents and its pathos.Read More

Mathugama tea boy, the next ‘Divaina’ editor?

 Wednesday, 25 February 2015 

In the event of the Upali Newspapers management deciding to remove the ailing ‘Daily Divaina’ editor Merril Perera or ‘Sunday Divaina’ editor Anura Solomon, who has earned the wrath of the prime minister, the most ‘qualified’ person to succeed them is the young gentleman Saman Gamage, ‘Mathugama tea boy’ to his colleagues and the darling of their chairman Nimal Welgama, say sources at ‘Divaina.’

Brought out from a jungle in Mathugama to make tea for the gentlemen of ‘Divaina’, Saman Gamage has now become the most powerful person in the newspaper owing to the love and support of the chairman. He is so powerful that sub editors cannot change even a letter in articles written by him. What he writes is not suitable for publication in any paper, leaving alone in a national newspaper, but they are published without any change because he is the unofficial chairman of Upali Newspapers. That becomes very clear when one reads the article titled ‘Welikada Vedikawe Rangana Sinhala Koti Nadagama’ which he wrote for last Sunday’s issue. In actual fact, if such articles are published in national newspapers, such newspapers do not need an editor. But, ‘Divaina’ editors say as an excuse that since they are too busy to read each and every article, some are published as they are. That is no excuse at all.

However, ‘Divaina’ sources say that Welgama has told Saman in a moment of emotion, “If a tea boy in India could become prime minister of that country, Saman, why cannot you become editor of Divaina?” Taking the boss’s advice to heart, Saman is writing every trash that comes to his mind. Reading his articles confirms the fact that he does not know the existence of the word ‘quality.’ What Keerthi Warnakulasuriya says is true, that when tea boys become journalists, such things should be expected.

Some time ago, lawyer Pradeep Gunawardena withdrew a case he had filed against Saman at the request of several senior journalists at ‘Divaina’. But, Saman now says Pradeep had done so, as he knew he would lose the case. Now, Pradeep cannot do anything about it. He is repenting about his folly. Now, ‘Go Rights’ lawyers have complained to police against Saman. In a few days time, Nimal will throw money in order to save his darling. We will keep a watch to see whether ‘Go Rights’ case will suffer the same fate that of Pradeep’s case.

The traitor and the patriot!

 February 26, 2015 

In 2009, some months after the war ended, media personnel were offered military tours of Velupillai Prabhakaran’s ‘luxury’ bunker and swimming pool deep inside his hideout in Mullaitivu by the defeated regime. Subsequently, the bunker was turned into a special exhibit on the ‘war tourism’ trail, for first time visitors from the island’s south to marvel at the slain Tiger Leader’s opulent lifestyle.

The Traitor and the Patriot! by Thavam Ratna

I Resigned: Ranil Asked Me To Read Butler’s ‘Art Of The Possible’ – Rajiva

February 25, 2015 

Professor Rajiva Wijesingha says when he expressed his displeasure to the Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe concerning the decisions made in the Higher Education Ministry without consulting him and informed of his decision to resign from his portfolio, the PM in return had told him to read Butler’s ‘Art of the possible’.

The State Minister for Higher Education says when the issue of the UGC Chairperson’s resignation occurred, he informed the President and the Cabinet Minister for Higher Education Kabir Hashim that he will resign by February 17 if a decision is not made to make him the Cabinet Minister for Higher Education as he could not continue his work independently under the present set up.

Thereafter when the PM contacted him over the phone and asked him not to resign, he had maintained that he should be made a cabinet minister and that he does not wish to continue his work under present circumstances. In response, the PM had said he would make a decision and get back to him and until then, to read Butler’s ‘Art of the Possible’. “I don’t need to read that; I need to start work. On Monday I cleared my desk. I have a simple rule, you have to do what you say you are doing, if not you have to explain why you are not doing it.” Wijesingha said.

In an interview with the Daily Mirror, Liberal party leader Prof. Wijesinghe who is a cousin of the PM, has also commented on the issues prevalent within the government regarding the manner in which the cabinet was appointed and the various portfolios assigned to each of the Ministers of the new government. He has blamed former President Chandrika Kumaratunga for the cabinet comprising majorly of UNP-ers.

Prof. Wijesinghe has noted that many Ministers including Rosy Senanayake was unhappy of being made a State Minister and has added that it was such issues that led to the resignation of Faizer Musthapha.

“Look what happened with Faizer. If you don’t want to make them Cabinet ministers its fine, but why put them under Cabinet ministers because the Constitution is clear that the President can appoint Cabinet ministers and assign them their jobs. The President can also appoint non-cabinet ministers. Cabinet ministers can allocate anything he/she wants to a non-cabinet minister but the non-cabinet minister is not under the Cabinet minister. They are supposed to have an independent existence but none has it. I can think of half a dozen in the present Cabinet, who should not be in it,” he has said in his interview.

He has also noted that contrary to the promise that was made to appoint a ‘scientific’ cabinet, the manner in which some of the governance sectors have been assigned to Ministers is completely illogical. Citing an example, the State Minister has said that although divisional and district secretariats should be ideally under the Public Administration Ministry, they have been assigned to be under the purview of the Fisheries Ministry.

“Ranil’s Cabinet portfolio is absolute crackers! Policy planning, youth, cultural and women’s affairs and investment promotion-but no-one knows where reconciliation fits in,” he has stated pointing out that it is unclear as to whether it is under the PM’s purview or is being dealt with through a Presidential task force.

Hendavitharana masterminded Australia human trafficking!

Wednesday, 25 February 2015 

The Sri Lanka Navy is entirely to be blamed for the human smuggling racket which has led to diplomatic controversy between Sri Lanka and Australia, and ongoing investigations reveal that former head of military intelligence, defence ministry advisor, Maj. Gen. Kapila Hendavitharana had masterminded the racket with the knowledge of former defence secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. In charge of the racket was Lt. Commander K.C. Welagedara, staff officer of the marine intelligence unit. Welagedara is now planning to flee the country, with the Australian high commission in Sri Lanka having issued resident visa for him, his wife and two children, reports say.

Trafficking out people to Australia by fishing boats occurred regularly in 2012 and 2013, with around 120 such boats leaving the shores of Jaffna, Mannar, Chilaw, Negombo, Wattala, Galle, Hambantota and Trincomalee. Each boat had carried between 100 and 150 persons, mostly Tamils. Each had to pay more than Rs. 01 million.

Those boats had been skippered by civilians recruited by the Navy on contract. Hendavitharana, incumbent Navy commander Jayantha Perera, who was director (operations) at the time, director of Navy intelligence Nishantha Ulugetenna, his deputy Prasanna Hewage, together with Welagedara, had earned an estimated Rs. 130 million from this racket.

Navy teams, unaware of their chiefs’ involvement, had arrested 63 of the boats with the immigrants at sea. Lt. Jayakody of Uswetakeiyawa camp in Wattala arrested five boats that had left from Negombo in late June 2012, and he was transferred to Kandy on July 01. These human smuggling racketeers had been so powerful in the Navy that they had been able, within days, to transfer officers arresting the boats to areas where there is no sea. The Navy commanders at the time had known about this racket, but did nothing to prevent it, as they also knew about the connection of Hendavitharana and Gotabhay in it. Rear Admiral Jayanath Kolambage, who was the Navy commander in the east, too, looked the other way as he feared he would lose the opportunity to become the next Navy commander if he took action.

We have received a whole lot of information regarding this human smuggling racket, and we placed this short note before you as it would take time to put the information in order, so that it could be readable. We hope to publish the entire report as soon as we finish it. After getting confirmation, we will also bring to you details of the Australian role in this racket.

Shirani fights back

By Ishara Ratnakara-2015-02-25

The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) yesterday expressed willingness to withdraw the case filed against former Chief Justice, Dr. Shirani Bandaranayake, for not having disclosed her assets, but the Chief Justice's party did not agree to that.

When the case against the former Chief Justice was taken up for hearing, Dr. Bandaranayake was present in Court.
CIABOC requested a period of two months from the Court to declare their stand point on withdrawing the case filed against the former Chief Justice.

President's Counsel, Nalin Ladduwahetty, who represented former Chief Justice Dr. Bandaranayake in Court, together...

... with a group of lawyers, stated that, he is opposed to withdrawing and winding up the case.
Ladduwahetty, PC, also appealed to the Court to implement the injunction made previously regarding the request to obtain details on the bank accounts being maintained by the former Chief Justice at the National Development Bank (NDB). The Court was also informed by Ladduwahetty, PC that certain officials of this Bank have got together with the officers of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka and moved the monies in the bank accounts, without prior knowledge of his client.

Ladduwahetty, PC further pointed out that all persons connected with this issue should be punished and that complaints have been lodged at CIABOC on this matter as well.
Chief Magistrate of Colombo, Gihan Pilapitiya, who considered all facts submitted, ordered that the case be called for hearing on 28 April, to determine whether the relevant case should be heard or whether permission should be granted to withdraw the case.

The SLFP must unbuckle itself!

The SLFP must unbuckle itself!

 

Fragments.-Wednesday, February 25, 2015

Dr Dayan Jayatilleka in his article “ 

The Rising: Nugegoda Feb 18th

" makes two points clear. Firstly, Mahinda Rajapaksa is wanted. Secondly, those who want him do not resent President Maithripala Sirisena: they just want the SLFP to get the UNP out. While the first point is debatable, I agree with the second.

 

President Sirisena’s campaign was for good governance. Even his rivals support this. Vasudeva Nanayakkara is reported to have said that he would support it even if it takes more than 100 days. That’s commendable. The problem is that while those who support Rajapaksa support Sirisena’s program, the Sirisena faction is purposely leaving out Rajapaksa. Which is where its problems begin to crop up.

 

The SLFP can’t possibly hope to win with the 6.2 million people who voted for Sirisena. Let’s not forget that those 6.2 million included supporters (diehard or otherwise) of the UNP, JHU, SLMC, and TNA. It’s difficult to imagine that they will vote for him again. Briefly put, the SLFP was split during the election. Even those who hated Rajapaksa voted for him, particularly since they were unsure whether Sirisena remained in his party. Those who voted for Sirisena thinking that he did remain were in the minority among that 6.2 million, clearly.

 

Things are different today. What we are seeing is a coalition of two parties balancing out each other. The UNP has the government, while the party with the numbers in parliament has been marginalised in the opposition. Going by the way it’s handling this situation (including that pathetic attempt at a no-confidence motion), the SLFP needs to re-fire. Fast.

 

First of all, it must stick to its promises. Mahinda Rajapaksa clearly failed to deliver the goods when it came to democracy. But so did his predecessors. Sirisena is his successor. Who’s to say he will keep what he promised? If he chooses to go back on his mandate he’s cheating 6.2 million voters. If we are to apply this to those who voted for his rival (given that even they support his program) he will be cheating another 5.7 million. He can’t afford to slip up. Not now.

 

At the same time, he must maintain an edge over the UNP. It’s not difficult to do this. In spite of Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge’s claim that she won 75% of the war, no one in the SLFP has discounted Rajapaksa’s war victory. Just as the SLFP can claim that it won the war, it can also claim to have changed the Constitution. Two achievements in one go. Enviable.

 

Currently, however, the party doesn’t know which leader to support. Sirisena is its head in name, true, but even those who support him defend Rajapaksa. The SLFP can’t really be schizoid at this point. Unfortunately, we have one section of the UPFA which campaigns for the president and another section (even within the SLFP) which opposes him.

 

I have written earlier that the likes of Rajitha Senaratne will not be enough to salvage the SLFP. I still stand by this. As Dr Jayatilleka argues in his article, the Nugegoda rally was not a threat but a message. It showed just how strong the former president still is. And

as Malinda Seneviratne notes

 

, he has almost completely recovered his 2009 “face”. He’s positioned in a way that the SLFP can be united. For good. That’s an opportunity no one can really refuse.

 

Given this, the SLFP can’t afford a rift. Those who marginalise the former president thinking that the party can “win” the 5.7 million votes he got are politically schizoid. Vilifying those who organised the Nugegoda rally won’t help, hence. Disregarding their message will do enough and more damage to the SLFP. At this stage, no one wants that. At all.

 

Lakshman Kiriella got it right when he said that a divided SLFP would ensure a UNP rule for the next 15 years. That’s being politically shrewd. And frank.

 

Uditha Devapriya is a freelance writer who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.

Is Colombo Port City A Development Priority?

By Fr. Sarath Iddamalgoda -February 25, 2015 

Fr. Sarath Iddamalgoda

Denial of People’s Right

The citizens in Sri Lanka are being kept in the dark as to the nature of the project known as ‘Colombo Port City Project’ (CPCP) which was launched in a hurry by the former President in Sept. 2014. An EIA report, which is an essential condition prior to receiving the official approval to launch a major project, is said to have been prepared but was never made available to the public. Thus, in the case of CPCP, the usual procedure has not been followed.

It is common sense that people have right to know what their leaders are doing for development of their people and what contracts they enter into with other countries, in the name of development.

In this case, information related to the ownership, the extent of the land to be reclaimed, project activities to be carried out, total cost, environmental and social impact, possible economic activities planned to be implemented and a profile of the contractor, have not been made available to the citizens of the land, leaving room for diverse speculations. According to unofficial reports, the Chinese contractor of this project is one who has been blacklisted. Therefore, in many respects this is a denial of a basic right that the citizens are entitled to.

However when taking into account factors such as the capital to be invested, the ownership of the reclaimed land, physical and environmental changes, sovereignty of our land, and even more, our politicians who are not very dependable and can hardly be trusted, the citizens have to take greater interest and responsibility in the issue of the Colombo Port City project, in order to safeguard their rights.

It is up to the government to provide an opportunity to the citizens to express their views on this project. Had the previous government provided the basic information prior to the launching of the project, the citizens would have already voiced their concerns on this matter.

The previous government should take the blame for its failure to provide the required information which would have enabled the citizens to perform their civic responsibility in this regard.

Good Governance

Good governance was proclaimed as the major agenda of the Maithree –Ranil government on every political platform during the election campaign. It can be realized only if they keep up to the promises they made before the masses.

It is a universally accepted principle that people’s participation in the governance of the country is an essential element of good governance and democratic rule. If our rulers are honest they should now place before the public what this Colombo Port city is about.

Colombo Port City: A Hidden Agenda?

As for now, the secrecy surrounding the CPCP is a major issue. On the one hand, the previous government has been in a mighty hurry in launching the project and on the other, all information about the project has been purposely hidden from the people. Not only the general public but even the Central Environmental Authority, which is the government arm established for the protection of the environment, seems to be kept in the dark. Had it been informed, by now it would have conveyed its position to the general public. Therefore the question arises whether the previous government has had a hidden agenda behind it?

The new government which pursues the policy of good governance should now set a good example by listening to the views of the people and acting in a totally transparent manner.

Environmental Impact

We have seen, in the recent times, the earth falling apart in the hill country causing several deaths and immense hardships to the people in the plantations area. Several affected families are still living as refugees in welfare centres. Many people now believe that such tragedies are caused by the unplanned development projects carried out in the area.

Thanks to the media we are now informed about the catastrophic situation prevailing in Bandarawela area due to the Uma Oya project launched by the previous government with the assistance of the government of Iran in spite of the warning given by our environmentalists. Such development programmes have only brought disaster and have disrupted the peace which was prevailing prior to the launching of the so called development project.

The traditional farmers complain that their paddy lands have dried up due to lack of water and so are the drinking wells; that the houses they had built with all their hard earnings are now cracking. The land value has dropped. Such were the woes that people revealed before the media.

The CCPP needs millions of tons of granite and large amount of gravel which have to be brought from the interior of the country to reclaim the sea. The sand is being pumped already from the sea. What will be the impact of such activities on the natural and social environment? When questioned, the fisher communities expressed their fear about the possible damage that this project would cause to the fish breeding grounds, corals and the sea coast. Who can guarantee that the fate that befell the people due to the Uma Oya project may not fall on the people living in the western province and those living in the coastal belt?

Therefore the government should insist on a serious study of the environmental and social impact of the project by an independent committee. Only on the information so collected should a decision be taken. Until then the project has to be suspended.

The Promise given during the election

People remember well the promise made from the political platforms that the Colombo Port City Project would be discontinued because of its disastrous environmental impact. These leaders would not have made such a promise to the people if they had no solid ground for it. Therefore the promise needs to be honoured.

If they have made such a promise solely for the purpose of attracting votes, then they have violated both social and political ethics.

Some argue that a contract signed by two countries cannot be annulled. However, if the contract really undermines the sovereignty of the country and brings it harmful effects on, the leaders of both countries have a moral duty to reconsider the contract.

Development Priorities.

Does a project which comprises a golf course, racing car track, facilities for sea sports, casinos, tourist hotels and shopping complexes, make any sense in Sri Lanka, where more than half the population receives only a two dollars a day? The focus of development programmes in a country where 75% of the population are peasants ought to be the needs and concerns of the peasantry. Indeed the CPCP is an agenda meant to cater to the needs of the foreign tourists and the urban rich, at the expense of the majority in the country.