Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Wednesday, January 21, 2015

Sobering reflections on our education system

Wednesday, January 21, 2015

Fragments.

A few years ago, Vasudeva Nanayakkara mentioned something about the state of education in this country. He is reported to have said that the conflict between the government and the Federation of University Teachers’ Association (FUTA) reminded him of the conflict between the biological and the foster mother in Brecht’s Caucasian Chalk Circle. That was apt. Spot on. But hardly consoling.
Nanayakkara was a Minister at the time. He isn’t any more. But what he said stands. Big time. What he said applies equally to every aspect of our education sector. Indeed, what he said applies no matter what the government in power is. It’s perhaps a sign of our lethargy or the lethargy of the powers that be, but we have institutionalised the defects in our education system to such a level that removing them would be, if I am to be liberal here, most difficult.
Let’s face it. Governments can do only that much. But this doesn’t license lethargy. The problem is that it took two insurrections, both by the JVP, for reforms in education to be looked into. The problem also is that while these reforms began with zest, and while everyone, whether in power or in the opposition, promised change, they didn’t deliver it the way we wanted. What we got, sadly enough, were a bunch of scuttled, halfhearted reforms. Not much, you must admit.
Mind you, there’s much to change. Where do we start? The schools, of course. Our schools, to put it mildly here, have become all but completely divided. We have institutionalised what I like to call the “popular-outstation syndrome” to such a level that we can’t really unshackle ourselves of it. We have managed to deter some of our brightest students from displaying talent with an admission system that favours political or religious patronage over anything else.
This isn’t all. We have ensured that as much as a “national” school system ought to favour the “national” part to it and facilitate inter-ethnic reconciliation, what we have today is a system where privilege and elitism reign supreme. We live in a time, after all, when even our schooling subtly imparts a culture of patronising the local and privileging everything else. Yes, it’s that bad. Statistics might not attest to this. But we’re not talking about statistics here. We’re not talking about census data. We’re talking about mindsets. About mentalities.
If it’s about reform, this is where we all need to begin.
When both Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s and her daughter’s governments began reforming education, no White Paper was issued. Civil society was not consulted. That’s bad. A government is accountable to its people, not the other way around. To rush through reform or delay it for expediency is not the way forward. As Rajiva Wijesinha has noted, while we have every reason to be proud of our education system, disparities remain. Starkly. It is these that reforms must attack. And it is exactly these that they do not attack.
There are other things. Other issues. Like how deeply we’ve divided our schools based on race and religion. Or how we’ve politicised Year One admissions. Or how unholy the alliance between the so-called “tuition mafia” and the Examinations Department has become. Or how fragmented the “language divide” has become within the school itself.
Yes, we are in a sorry state. Is it too late to amend? I don’t think so.
I am a writer. I can’t offer solutions. I can only generalise. But let me try. Some commentators have championed secularising our schools. That’s the magic formula, for them at least. Laudable, but hardly practical. The truth is that doing away with any religious background in our schools won’t be easy. A compromise, therefore, must be struck. But where? And how?
The key word isn’t secularism. The key word is multiculturalism. All too often, however, commentators have mistaken the one for the other. Where the focus should really have been on engaging different faiths together, we have tried to do away completely with any form or religious instruction. We have substituted faithlessness for multiculturalism. At a time when reconciliation is needed more than ever before, we need to accommodate. Not strip away. Throwing baby with bathwater, after all, is not the solution, and inasmuch as I am opposed to the sort of religious indoctrination which certain (faith-based) schools indulge in today, I must say that removing it completely isn’t the answer.
There’s more, by the way. There’s that ever present issue of English education. As Professor Carlo Fonseka pointed out about three years ago, when our leaders decided to go ahead with “swabasha” and removed English, we managed to divide the haves (who could learn that language on their own) from the have-nots (who couldn’t).
What happened (and Professor Fonseka puts it very honestly here) was that for the next few decades, these have-nots built up a (false) sense of superiority that managed to (erroneously) look down on English. This led them, in the end, to what the Professor refers to as an “equality of degradation”, where they became hellbent on preventing English being implemented at all.
What’s the solution? We don’t really know. There are mentalities that need to be changed. There is that popular-outstation divide that needs to be got rid of. Perhaps these are our starting points. We can’t be sure. Not yet. But if it’s about reforming education, reforming the state of English would be top priority. The popular-outsation syndrome has anti-swabasha (on the one hand) and anti-English (on the other hand) lobbies that are equally to be frowned upon. We need to get both out. Not easy, you must admit, unless total commitment is given from every quarter.
But there’s no real reason to fret. Or brood. We have achieved much. We have progressed with our education system. Now is not the time to think back and worry. Now is the time to look forward, to take stock of what has gone by, and achieve those halfhearted reforms we didn’t give much thought to all these years and decades.
The first step is that long overdue Education Act. That’s radical I agree. But needed. Without it, any reform or change attempted can be thwarted the minute a government changes hands. That, in the final analysis, will be detrimental to the spirit of education itself. All the way.
Uditha Devapriya is a freelance writer who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.

Why JVP Should Chair Parliamentary Over Site Committees?

Anura Kumara
[JVP leader Anura Kumara has emerged as the most popular anti corruption agitator ]
Sri Lanka Briefby Lacille de Silva, (Former director (administration) parliament of Sri Lanka.
20/01/2015 
The Committee on Public Enterprises, popularly known as COPE, had been established on 21st July, 1979 in our Parliament. The objective of the Committee from its inception had been to ensure compliance of financial discipline. According to the mandate given to the COPE, in terms of Standing Order 126 (2) the duty of the committee is to examine the accounts of Public Corporations or other undertakings vested under any written law in the Government laid before Parliament along with the reports of the Auditor General. The COPE has come in to the limelight recently in 2007 and again in 2013 after six years owing to several reports presented in Parliament highlighting issues of corruption, fraud, misappropriation, mismanagement etc in approximately 275 institutions such as corporations, statutory boards and other business undertakings vested with the government.
Why JVP Should Chair Parliamentary Over Site Committees by Thavam Ratna

Veni, Vidi, Vici

 January 22, 2015 
zVeni, vidi, vici’ (I came, I saw, I conquered) a classical Latin phrase: Its popular usage reportedly originates from a letter Julius Caesar wrote to  the Roman Senate around 46 BC, in the city of Zela (now in Tokat Province in Turkey), after achieving victory in his short war against Pharnaces II of Pontus at the Battle of Zela.

The phrase is used to refer to a swift, conclusive victory. Our hero today though, not even remotely related to Julies Caesar, earned a swift and emphatic victory at the recently concluded presidential election in Sri Lanka, palpably heralding a new era for the people. It was a historical triumph. People were relieved and happy at the turn of events and it was evident on their faces.
Pallewatte Gamaralalage Maithripala Yapa Sirisena is his name and he hails from the rustic and emerald countryside. He is a product of Polonnaruwa Thopa Vidyalaya and Polonnaruwa Royal College. Born to a family engaged in farming, here is a guy who unmistakably and authentically fits the idiom and character of Mother Lanka unless God forbid he becomes a victim of his own Chintanafication.
He was given less than two months to plan and execute a suitable course of action to become the next ruler. Though the time afforded was pitifully inadequate the man had little choice. Amidst a multitude of constraints and a socio-political milieu favouring the opponent he had to initiate his planning process against many odds. He had to do everything right and in utmost secrecy. A single mistake could have had irreparable consequences. Assistance and good counsel was readily forthcoming from allies and well-wishers.
Collectively he rose to the occasion and marshalled resources according to a set plan. When battle lines were drawn Maithripala Sirisena unleashed his marauding warriors to fight. Fight they did with a strange cornucopia of arsenal. He led them by example and extended able and charismatic leadership till the very end. It was reminiscent of the biblical battle between David and Goliath as told in the book of  Samuel. His opponent’s immersion in murky waters contaminated with extravagance, corruption, inequity and conceit afforded Maithripala a chance to craft an acceptable and unobjectionable product untainted and unharmed. He stood as the most suitable candidate clean, tolerant, inclusive and with loads of ‘Maithri’.
He may have not lithographed a million pamphlets with a zillion well-crafted lies for public consumption and calling it ‘Maithri Chintaniya’ nor did he enrol the services of servile demagogues notorious to shriek and scream from their ever expanding and contacting esophagi.
There was no such need because he was reasonably well endowed with the realities confronting his people. As someone who trod mother earth more often than those who flew over, he was acutely aware of day-to-day issues countenanced by the general folk. He showed a profound distaste for the general retinues that came with high office.
Simplicity was a hallmark of the man. A wise man once said: “Simplicity is the outcome of profound thought.” He has already indicated that he will only be a one-term president. He is not an actor and need not be the cynosure of all eyes. He is a man touched by the essence of Buddhism and fully understands the need of peaceful co-existence.
Maybe his parents had more than one reason to name him Maithri. He is his own man, responded to a call and the people affirmed him. The 63-year-old farmer from Rajarata made vociferous jihad to “end the pernicious Rajapaksa family rule” and romped home victorious.
His opponent was no pushover. Mahinda Rajapaksa and his administration were responsible for comprehensively defeating the LTTE. He became an unrivalled hero overnight as a result. He was a colossus in every sense of the word. He allocated a bizarre if not extraordinary ‘discreet’ spending budget for his third term. Some even wondered whether Santa was in town busy doing a lot of overtime work. It is rumoured legislators were offered as much as a billion rupees to switch loyalty.
Rajapaksa who was born in Weeraketiya in the southern rural district of Hambantota achieved monumental stardom after defeating the LTTE. He knew from the very outset that his challenger was quite formidable. Rajapaksa hailed from a well-known political family in Sri Lanka. His father D.A. Rajapaksa was a prominent politician of an era gone by. Wearing the earthy brown shawl sure gave him subtle differentiation and visual brand identity. For one thing he was easily recognisable in a crowd and enjoyed his celebrity status.
How the son of a World War II veteran pulled it off is still a mystery to many. Sirisena was once jailed on suspicion of leading a revolt against the Government in 1971. He also escaped an assassination attempt by the Tamil Tigers. The 63-year-old farmer-turned-politician wearing a Modi-style waistcoat had become a favourite rallying point for discontented and dissatisfied Sri Lankans, especially the minorities who overwhelmingly voted for his success.

Never in the history of presidential elections had the minorities stood so united against the incumbent. The end of the Rajapaksa family rule is being watched with pregnant expectation. The minorities want the new President to keep a check on racist elements that use the craft to further their own political agenda while stoking the communal flame. For sure the minorities they want inter alia their dignity. The honour of a people is in their dignity. We are confident Maithripala Sirisena will address all these issues and remain victorious.

Today We Got To Write In The History Books Of Lanka

Colombo Telegraph
By Senuri Jayasekara -January 21, 2015 
Senuri Jayasekara
Senuri Jayasekara
Today marks the day the Sri Lankan’s managed to claim independence for their country for the third time within a century…the day they managed to overthrow the dictatorial Rajapaksa family of rulers that drained the country of the prosperity it could’ve otherwise enjoyed.
I still remember…
Mahinda jan 6 2014
I still remember, Jan 8th 2015, the day of the Sri Lankan presidential election marked the 6-year anniversary of the murder of the respected journalistLasantha Wickrematunge; who wasn’t afraid to reveal the heinous crimes committed by the incumbent…which then brings me to remember the era of fear and censorship we just lived through. I still remember the attacks on the Sirasa/MTV news networks because of their lack of support for the govt. In 2010, I still remember Prageeth Eknaligoda, who among many other people at the time, was reported missing. Oh I still remember all those white van kidnappings of persons that took place whenever the incumbent felt that their authority was being questioned or criticised.

Election Night Coup: Gammanpila Suffers From Duminda Silva Syndrome, He Can’t Remember

Colombo Telegraph
January 21, 2015
Despite relating quite a detailed account of his version of the events that expired at the Temple Trees on the election night, Udaya Gammanpila today said that he cannot recall whether the de facto Chief Justice Mohan Pieris was present there that night.
Gota and GammanpilaSpeaking to the media outside the CID headquarters in Colombo today, Gammanpila said there was no attempt to impose emergency regulations but added there was a discussion on whether curfew should be imposed.
“There were concerns about the safety of several UPFA politicians including UPFA Provincial councillor Samanmali Sakalasooriya as a group of UNP supporters had attempted to attack her at a counting center. Several areas in Colombo too were prone to violence and there was a worry on whether the UPFA supporters would be victimized,” he said.
He added that apart from such a discussion, the only other instructions given by the departing PresidentRajapaksa was to assist in preparing for the swearing in of the newly elected President.
“His only concern was the security of his brother Gotabaya and he carried out a discussion with the present Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe on the matter. That is all that happened that night,” Gammanpila said.
However, when questioned by a journalist on whether CJ Pieris was at the Temple Trees he said, “There was a large gathering there that night, so. . . I cannot say for sure whether I saw him there. “

First 100 days: A short list of priorities


article_image
by Lalin Fernando-January 19, 2015,

Steps to be taken towards national reconciliation should be at the top of the President’s list of things to be done in the first 100 days. It is suggested that the following also be accommodated under the 100 day action plan that is meant to prepare the ground for the promised future

Sri Lanka Returns To Fold Of Democracy

| by Kuldip Nayar
Former Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa did not regret the blood bath that the Sri Lankan Army indulged in even after the LTTE surrendered
( January 21, 2015, New Delhi, Sri Lanka Guardian) New Delhi had lots to explain when Mahinda Rajpaksa was re-elected as Sri Lanka’s President for the second time. India had supplied him small arms which he liberally used to kill the Tamils, the largest minority in that country. He should have been tried for war crimes because he killed 40,000 Tamils in cold blood even after the surrender by what was then called the LTTE, the militant face of Tamils in northern Sri Lanka.
That he tried to woo both military and police chiefs to stay back even after the defeat shows how adroitly he led a democratic India up the garden path. Yet New Delhi should have known what was all over — that he ruled the country by force.
One of his brothers was the defence secretary. I can never forget his role because the police harassed me at night. My only crime was to observe that the now-defunct LTTE should be fought politically, not with the military. That night there was a knock at my door. The police did nothing except to see my passport. The message was clear. I left the country the following day and have never returned to Colombo.
Now that the country has ousted the dictatorship, it should implement the old US-sponsored resolution, adopted by the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva. The resolution said that Sri Lankan government should conduct an “independent and credible” investigation into allegations of violations of international human rights law and the untold atrocities committed in the last phase of the war.
Unfortunately, one message that came loud and clear was that New Delhi tried it best to defend the Rajpaksa government. But the 47-nation strong body, led by the US, not only brushed aside India’s objections but also refused to water down the resolution. As a protest of Delhi’s attitude, the DMK had withdrawn support at that time. It is still not too late to constitute the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) suggested by India at that time, to probe the atrocities unleashed which would bring skeletons out of the Sri Lankan cupboard. A similar attempt earlier proved to be futile because the Sri Lankan government, the accused, held the probe itself. Naturally, nothing worthwhile emerged from the investigation, which was a sham.
Indeed, it is heartening to see Sri Lanka returning to the fold of democracy. But it is unfortunate that, in contrast, people of Pakistan are not asserting themselves to have real democracy back. The surrender of politicians on the constitution of military courts is the recent example.
What it meant is an amendment in the Constitution to provide for trial of terror suspects by military courts for a period of two years. Unfortunately, the only comment came from General Raheel Sharif, Pakistan’s military chief, who said: “Special courts are not the desire of the army but need of extraordinary times”. The timid politicians gave concurrence by their silence.
Both Sri Lanka and Pakistan are our neighbours. What happens there can have repercussions in India. That the roots of democracy in our country are deep enough to withstand such developments is heartening to see. Yet a dictatorship next door is disconcerting. New Delhi cannot export democracy to other countries. But it should do all it can to see the will of people prevailing in the neighbourhood, without interfering in the internal affairs of the countries.
Dictatorships get a fillip when democracies falter. India committed this cardinal sin when it abstained from voting at the UN Human Rights Council a few years ago. A resolution was sought to be passed to seek an international, transparent inquiry to find out whether Sri Lanka had killed in cold blood 40,000 soldiers and others in the wake of hostilities against the Liberation of Tamil Tigers Eelam (LTTE). Even after they surrendered unconditionally.
India’s abstention at that time reminded me of the words of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru: “When aggression takes place or human rights are violated, we will not and cannot remain neutral.” Yet the Manmohan Singh government was found placating the dictatorial government headed by Rajapaksa. New Delhi did not bother the harm it would be doing to the cause of Tamils’ rights and their own say in governance.
My hunch is that bureaucrats in the Ministry of External Affairs, with their mindset, decided to stay absent because of what they thought was “in the interest of the country.”
The then hapless Foreign Minister Salman Khurshid went along. He probably wanted the release of 100 fishermen who had “strayed” into the waters claimed by Sri Lanka. I was not surprised to read the Rajapaksa government’s reaction: Thank you.
No doubt, New Delhi was under pressure from the democratic world, led by America, that China and Pakistan, where democracy has been reduced to a relative term, supported Colombo. I do not regret the obliteration of the LTTE, which was largely a terrorists’ organisation. But as a humanist, I feel sad over the killing of soldiers and their supporters after the surrender.
The Sri Lankan army, obviously with the blessings of President Rajapaksa and his brother, Defence Minister Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, had no remorse over their indulging in a blood bath.
The world would not have known about the killings if the enterprising BBC Channel 4 had not shown the documentary on the killings and atrocities committed not only against the LTTE troops but also against the innocent Tamils. Colombo’s own inquiry was eyewash, exonerating the army and heaping the blame on the Tamils who wanted an equal say in the affairs of Sri Lanka. Will they get it under the new regime is a test for its democratic governance.

The Kremlin denies sending troops into the conflict in east Ukraine, but Russian relatives of those who have served and died across the border tell a different story
Russian paratroopers captured by Ukrainian forces near a village in the Amvrosiivka district of Donetsk in August. Russia says the troops strayed into Ukraine by accident.Photograph: Vladimir Gontar/EPA

Photo is said to show Russian paratroopers captured by Ukrainian forces near a village in the Amvrosiivka district of Donetsk. Russia said the troops strayed into Ukraine by accident.Ukrainian soldiers charge a Grad multiple rocket launcher system, near the eastern Ukrainian city of Shchastya, Luhansk region, in August 2014. Russian-backed rebels use similar weaponry.
Ukrainian soldiers charge a Grad multiple rocket launcher, near Shchastya, Luhansk region, east Ukraine, in August. Russian-backed rebels use similar weaponry.Photograph: Aleksey Chernyshev/AFP/Getty Images

News Watch



Ukrainian prime minister, Arseny Yatsenyuk, says intelligence indicates Russia is continuing to send military personnel and equipment across the border

The Guardian home
 in Moscow-Monday 19 January 2015
A growing body of information about Russian soldiers killed in Ukraine has started to reveal a damning picture of Moscow’s intervention in the separatist conflict there, despite Kremlin denials of involvement.
They Were Never There Russia's Silence for Families of Troops Killed in Ukraine by Thavam Ratna

Netanyahu and Europe’s Far Right Find Common Ground


By Jonathan Cook-January 20, 2015
bibi hollandelogoIsrael has been having its own internal debate about the significance of the Paris killings this month, with concerns quite separate from those being expressed in Europe. While Europeans are mired in debates about free speech and the role of Islam in secular societies, Israelis generally – and their prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, in particular – view the attacks as confirming Israel’s place as the only safe haven for Jews around the world.

N. Korea seizes on defector’s inaccuracies, but rights advocates focus on bigger picture

North Korea has seized upon recent admissions by Shin Dong-hyuk — a prison-camp escapee who now says parts of his story about his life and escape from North Korea’s Camp 14 were inaccurate — to seek to dismiss all human rights efforts against it. (Jason Decrow/AP)

Shanghai stock market dive highlights China’s economic woes

An investor walks in front of a stock price monitor at a private securities company in Shanghai. Pic: AP.An investor walks in front of a stock price monitor at a private securities company in Shanghai. Pic: AP.
By  Jan 21, 2015
Asian CorrespondentChina started the week on the wrong foot, as the Shanghai composite index tumbled 7 percent, declining from 3,377 points on Friday to 3,114 points on Monday. It has been its worst crash since 2008, when it fell 7.2 percent. The crisis was triggered by China Securities Regulatory Commission’s decision to clamp down on margin lending, as the practice of borrowing money from a broker to purchase stock is defined. On Friday, authorities banned Haitong Securities, Guotai Junan and Citic Securities from opening new margin trading accounts for three months. Unsurprisingly, banking companies were the worst-hit by the slump, with some losing over 10 percent of their value, the maximum allowed in a single day.
According to Bank of America Merrill Lynch, margin trading in China is up 9 percent in 2015, a number that looks quite dodgy, as margin trading tends to magnify both gains and losses. In an interview to the Associated Press, Dickie Wong, executive director of research at Kingston Securities in Hong Kong, argued that the introduction of margin financing and short selling caused plenty of excitement in the Chinese financial world: “In the past, mainland investors had no clue on margin financing and short selling, but after China introduced these two ways to trade stocks, people became so happy because they can borrow money and just go all in.”
The blow came after an incredibly good year for the Chinese stock market, which grew 53 percent last year. According to The Economist, Chinese investors flocked to stocks, with something close to 600,000 stock accounts being opened in the first week of December, “almost four times the average since July.” The Central Bank’s decision to cut interest rates on November 21 added fuel to the fire by seemingly confirming that monetary easing was on its way.
Sure enough, not everyone was convinced by the soaring markets: on December 5, right after two golden weeks of surging stocks, Bloomberg interviewed Ken Peng, a strategist at Citigroup’s private bank in Hong Kong, who argued that “China’s stock rally in the last two weeks can’t be explained by any economic fundamentals.”
Fundamentals are indeed a big issue. Even if one brushes away concerns about the recent slump – it was, after all, caused by a sudden government decision and on Tuesday stocks were back in positive territory – economic data is gloomy, at least by Chinese standards. Property prices, an essential element in the Chinese economy, have been under the spotlight for quite some time. In December they fell by 4.3 percent in 68 of the 70 major cities surveyed by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), while debt has grown from 176 per cent of GDP in 2007 to 258 per cent last year, fuelled by a dangerous credit binge.
Even GDP growth, the single most important gauge of China’s economic rise, is showing signs of weakness. According to figures published yesterday, the Chinese economy has expanded by 7.4 percent in 2014: better than most expected and a great performance when compared to other major economies, but still below the government target of 7.5 percent and the slowest growth registered in a 24 years. The trend seems likely to continue: the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has just reduced its growth forecasts for China to 6.8 percent in 2015 and 6.3 in 2016, down 0.5 points from previous previsions .

As Obama visits, signs that India is pushing back against China

U.S. President Barack Obama shakes hands with Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the end of their meeting in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington September 30, 2014.
U.S. President Barack Obama shakes hands with Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the end of their meeting in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington September 30, 2014.       REUTERS/Larry Downing/Files

ReutersBY FRANK JACK DANIEL-Wed Jan 21, 2015
(Reuters) - When Sri Lanka unexpectedly turfed out President Mahinda Rajapaksa in an election this month, it was the biggest setback in decades for China's expansion into South Asia - and a remarkable diplomatic victory for India.
As Obama Visits, Signs That India is Pushing Back Against China by Thavam Ratna

Watch: President Obama's 2015 State of the Union

"A brighter future is ours to write. Let's begin this new chapter -- together -- and let's start the work right now."

Published 
Those were a few of President Obama's final words as he finished delivering his sixth State of the Union address moments ago.
He spoke not just about where we are as nation, but where we're going.
This is a speech you don't want to miss -- so if you didn't see it live, make sure you watch the full enhanced version now.

Then, read President Obama's remarks, and check out the slides from the enhanced address:
Related Topics: State of the Union

Mutually assured ambiguity

Jun 3rd 2013, 15:58 BY ECONOMIST.COM
How to play nuclear-armed poker
The EconomistAMERICA, which has more deployed nuclear weapons than any other country, is open about precisely how many warheads it has in what state of readiness. Russia is a little less so, though it does share information with America. States with fewer nukes prefer not to give many details of what they are holding. China, which is the only one of the five legally recognised nuclear-armed states to be expanding its arsenal, according to the latest reportfrom the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, prefers this strategy. Iran, which is not yet a nuclear state, seems to follow a different strategy. Analysts think that it may have so many centrifuges spinning that it could enrich enough uranium for a bomb quite quickly—within a couple of months. But it may not go as far as to build a bomb, for risk of provoking both further sanctions and arms race in the region. Iran may thus invent a third category: states with all the kit to build a nuclear bomb that are not technically nuclear-armed states.


Trans-Pacific Partnership


Worldwide, millions of people die each year because they cannot afford the medicines they need. These numbers could climb even higher, unless Canada and other Pacific Rim countries involved in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade negotiations take decisive action to protect global public health.
STEPHEN CORNISHEXECUTIVE DIRECTOR MSF CANADA
HomeOn January 23, 2015, the chief negotiators of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) are meeting in what could be the final opportunity for Canada tostand strong against restricted access to medicines for millions of people.
Proposed intellectual property rules in the TPP would limit competition from generic drug manufacturers that reduce drug prices and improve access to treatment, and would accelerate already soaring medicine and vaccine prices.

The most harmful trade pact ever for access to medicines.

The TPP, which is currently being negotiated between the U.S., Canada and ten other Pacific Rim nations, is on track to become the most harmful trade pact ever for access to medicines in developing countries, unless damaging provisions are removed before the deal is sealed.


The negotiations are being conducted in secret, but leaked documents reveal that the United States is pushing for stringent intellectual property protections for drugs. These protections could give pharmaceutical companies longer monopolies over brand name drugs. This would allow them to charge high prices for longer periods of time and either stop or delay the generic competition from producing less expensive versions that are vital to global health.
Medicines shouldn’t be a luxury. Time is running out to change a trade deal that could jeopardize people’s access to affordable medicines.
As a medical humanitarian organization working in nearly 70 countries, MSF is concerned about the impact the deal will have on public health in developing countries where the organization works, and beyond. MSF urges the U.S. government to withdraw – and other TPP negotiating countries such as Canada to reject – rules that threaten to dismantle internationally-agreed public health safeguards and restrict access to medicines in developing countries.

More updates on the TPP from MSF's Access Campaign:


Medicines Shouldn't be a Luxury

Médecins Sans Frontières responds to leak of Trans-Pacific Partnership text on Wikileaks

On October 16, 2014, WikiLeaks published a revised copy of the intellectual property chapter from the secret TPP negotiations. The leaked document — dated May 2014 — also discloses countries’ current negotiating positions. Wikileaks had released an earlier version of the IP chapter in November 2013. 
The initial leak of the secret text confirmed that the U.S. government continued to steamroll its trading partners in the face of steadfast opposition over terms that will severely restrict access to affordable medicines for millions of people. The U.S.refused to back down from dangerous provisions that will impede timely access to affordable medicines. 
A preliminary review of the newly leaked text confirms that MSF’s serious concerns about the TPP’s public health impact remain valid: Some of the most damaging intellectual property provisions remain in the text.  Adopting the text in its current form will negatively affect affordable access to medicines and the health of millions of people across the Asia-Pacific region. 
It’s encouraging to see that some governments, including Canada, Chile, New Zealand, Malaysia and Singapore, are pushing back against some aspects of the U.S. position with their own proposal that better protects access to medicines. What is troubling is that the text also shows that some countries are willing to give in to the U.S. government’s damaging demands. MSF urges countries to stand strong to ensure that the harmful terms are removed before this deal is finalized.

Sign the petition to tell Prime Minister Harper to stand firm against the U.S. position on the TPP, and reject damaging provisions that could make this agreement the most harmful trade pact ever for access to medicines.

Op-ed: Keeping medicines affordable for all

Canada cannot allow the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade talks to undermine global access and innovation in medicines.

Rachel Kiddell-Monroe and Stephen Cornish, Originally published in Policy Options, July 2013
The closed-door negotiations to draft the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade agreement include discussions that could severely restrict access to affordable life-saving medicines for millions of people, especially in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). Leaked drafts of the US negotiating positions on the TPP purport to show that Washington is seeking to roll back international public health safeguards in favour of more aggressive protection for intellectual property. These protectionist provisions would buttress the American pharmaceutical industry against competition, an extension of the industry’s long-running campaign that will jeopardize access to price-lowering generic drugs and stifle innovation in public health. And because President Barack Obama has referred to the TPP as a “model not just for countries in the Pacific region, but for the world generally,” there is the alarming possibility that the deal’s intellectual property provisions will set a dangerous precedent and weaken access to medicines worldwide. (Read more)