Monday, January 12, 2015

Attention Please; The Greatest Obstacle Confronting The New Govt

By R.M.B Senanayake -January 12, 2015

R.M.B. Senanayake

What is the greatest obstacle confronting the new Government in enacting good policy? In my opinion it is the review of the working of the Provincial Councils. Ranil was the first and only political leader to realize the implications of the Provincial Councils for the South. Won’t the devolution of power to the Provincial Councils render redundant a large National Parliament and a large central government? Can the southern politicians be entrusted with more power? Can they be expected to act in a civilized law abiding manner to provide a civilized civil administration? The present behavior of the Southern Provincial Council Members casts grave doubts about it? I am not even sure hat the present generation of Tamil politicians will act in a civilized manner ensuring a just and fair civil administration in the North. They must prove themselves as law abiding citizens committed to the national state. The educated Tamils of the past have largely gone to the West. But the Northern Provincial Council may have to be tried out with the limited functions and powers they have been entrusted with already. The obstacles in their path have to be removed by replacing the Governor and bringing the staff under the Chief Minister for dual control is anathema to good public administration. The right of the IDPs to return to their lands is recognized by the United Nations and will have to be implemented. The military in the North must be scaled down but trust must be built up by the Tamil politicians that they have given up demand for Eelam and accepted the national state. For a start the military should be debarred from intervening in civilian activities and confined to barracks. As for police powers for a start only Tamil speaking policemen should be deployed in he North. Even in the UK there are village policemen who are no part of a centralized police service. As Dr Frank Silva has pointed out the single centralized police service was only introduced by the British colonial ruler in 1865. Perhaps a separate rural police service may be recruited locally but they may be part of the central government and not of the Provincial Council.

The PCs are required to resolve the Tamil minority problem. The Muslims of the East want a separate kachcheri in Kalmunai or Akkaraipattu which will deal with them in Tamil and eliminate the costs of their travel and say in Amparai where the language of administration is Sinhala. There is nothing wrong in the demand and should be conceded. Remember there were only 9 Kachcheris during earlier British rule.. Then kachcheris were set up for Districts for the convenience of the people. The Muslim demand for a kachcheri cannot be called a demand for a separate state as misinterpreted by the Sinhala Buddhist extremists. As for the PCs in the Sinhala speaking South, Ranil suggested asymmetric devolution. He will have to explain the concept to the leaders of the other Sinhalese political parties and obtain consensus to what he has in mind. The P.C politicians have shown themselves quite unworthy of power for they seem to be plain thugs and criminals. If they are to be given the same powers under the 13th Amendment then the national Parliament will have to shrink to about 100 MPs the most.. The Executive of the Central Government would also have to shrink. This issue should deserve the attention of Ranil on a priority basis. The Northern P.C has been stymied by a Governor who is exercising the powers conferred on him by the Provincial Councils Act which go beyond those of the 13th Amendment. The 13th Amendment would have to be made operative and the powers of the Governor under the Provincial Councils Act should be amended. A clarification is also necessary between the powers of the Governor and the Chief Minister.

| by Nilantha Ilangamuwa

( January 12, 2015, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) It was hopped that the Madamulana Reich had fallen and that a new leader had come to power as I predicted moment after the announcement was made by a then minister, now the President, of his willingness to be the Common Candidate.

Defeating the Rajapaksa administration, or Madamulana ‘Reich’ was the result of collective responsibility. There was a time where only few people had the courage to talk against Rajapaksa’s governance who easily garnered the nation’s traitors. At that time no one really believed that his administration would fall like what we saw in the early hours of January 9.

There are few possibilities of Rajapaksa regaining the leadership in the country again. To accomplish his desire first he has to win the struggle within the party while fuelling the internal crisis. Second, he will have to take the people into the streets, while instigating racism within Sinhalese sentiments. If he can do this he may set foot on the road of his return.

It was an historical moment and the world was surprised to see the fallen leader and his departure. Though, it was the result of the remarkable administrative skills played by the state apparatus, including the election commission, the police department both headed by respectful gentlemen and later the leadership of the Armed Forces.

It is now common knowledge that the former President tried his best to exercise a similar game as what the former Prime Minister of India, Indira Gandhi did in 1976. While some of the state institutions were willing to support Rajapaksa as they too had so much to lose when the Inspector General of Police and the military had the courage to stand against him, then the former leader realised and took steps to arrange his departure.

The actions and orders made in the early hours of January 9, 2015, by Rajapaksa and his brother who ruled the whole country for a decade, are yet to be investigated. The results of any such investigation may well lead to new dramas in next couple of weeks. It may be similar to what we have seen right after the election in 2010 where former army commander came under the sever harassments of the ruling family and sections of state institutions.

However, it was only moments after the falling of his ‘Reich’ that Mahinda Rajapaksa launched surprise strikes against his rivals, including so called minority people, and now he is collecting his real friends while recognising his real foes.

What will be his next move? Will his dreams of returning to power come true? Will he receive public support to get back what he has lost? These questions remain unanswered as yet but one thing is certain: he will never give up easily.

What we saw with the fall of the Rajapaksa administration is what the basic principle of Buddhism taught us. “Boundless craving will cause you dolefulness”. This is what Rajapaksa has brought upon himself by calling an early election two years before his term ended.

The fall of the Rajapaksa administration lies on baseline of the ideological consequences in where the former President Rajapaksa was attacked by ideas which he conquered long ago. He was overwhelmed by his own might and extra-optimistic of remaining in the power while ignoring the real sentiments of the people. It caused him not only the loss the power but brought shame on him despite the glory he gained after the war.

Rajapaksa is facing two challenges at the moment. First, regaining the “reputation” he earned by giving the leadership to crush the Tamil Tigers in 2009. It will remain in higher degree among certain sections of the Sinhalese but it may not give him any credibility in the political arena. The “reputation” will remains in the celebrity level, if the newly appointed government play the smart card to sideline his politics within the party.

Second is taking over the power of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), which he was heading before the fresh internal split occurred. Therefore his role in the party faces eminent danger as he is slowly losing the power of the party. He may be cornered in a few weeks by the new leadership of the party. But the split will remain while sparking the struggle for power. Rajapaksa is facing what Mangala Smaraweera faced years ago after being kicked out from the party by then President Rajapaksa.

However; it is hard to believe that former President will enter the parliament as a national list member to head the opposition, but apparently he and his core team will play the best role to drag the power by disabling the new leadership within the party. It may be a surprise move by those who supported Rajapaksa and maybe a dangerous signal of the beginning of the real plot within the party. It will face tremendous difficulties if the party does not re-structure and allow all known devils to re-enter the surface. It will give a golden opportunity to Prime Minister Ranil Wicramasinghe and his United National Party.

There are few possibilities of Rajapaksa regaining the leadership in the country again. To accomplish his desire first he has to win the struggle within the party while fuelling the internal crisis. Second, he will have to take the people into the streets, while instigating racism within Sinhalese sentiments. If he can do this he may set foot on the road of his return.

Let us see how the new President and his driving force behind, the former President Chanadrika Bandaranayke, are going to tackle their known devil in the party which formed by her father. It is centralised on the capacity of the new leadership in finding justice to what the fallen leader has done to the party and the nation while abusing his executive power.

However, we should not dream that the new government is going to allow the international community to take the fallen leader out of the country. But it may attempt to solve the problem internally.

New President in Sri Lanka Puts China’s Plans in Check

Sri Lanka’s newly elected president Maithripala Sirisena arrives at the Election Commission office in Colombo on January 9, 2015 (Agence France-Presse photo)
Ellen Barry, The New York Times-

12/01/2015

New Delhi: On a Sunday four months ago, a vessel pulled unannounced into Sri Lanka’s Colombo harbor: the Chinese Navy submarine Great Wall No. 329, which is designed to carry torpedoes, a cruise missile and a 360-pound warhead.
New President in Sri Lanka Puts China’s Plans in Check by Thavam Ratna

Cloud coup-coup land?

Jan 12th 2015 | DELHI | Asia

TAKE nothing for granted in Sri Lankan politics. Early on January 9th, to the surprise of almost everybody, Mahinda Rajapaksa conceded defeat in the presidential election conducted the day before. He promised an orderly transition of power and won praise for his unexpected graciousness.
In the days since, however, rumours have swirled in the capital suggesting that Mr Rajapaksa (pictured above, flanked by his men) in fact did so only grudgingly, after he had failed to persuade senior government officials and the army to support a coup instead. A spokesman for the new president, Maithripala Sirisena, who was sworn into office hurriedly on January 10th, said as much on January 11th. Privately other voices in the capital now corroborate the claim. The suggestion is that as Mr Rajapaksa realised that he was losing, early morning at his home in Colombo, he sought the support of the attorney-general, the chief justice as well as the chiefs of police and the army to scrap the announcement of the election results. Only after he failed to win their backing did he concede
Does that matter now? Yes, as an indication that Mr Rajapaksa does not consider this political contest to be over. Mr Sirisena may have been sworn into office, but his camp hardly looks orderly. Over the next weeks he must prove he can co-ordinate a wide coalition of disparate groups. A few minutes after taking charge on January 11th, he also oversaw the swearing in of a new prime minister for Sri Lanka, Ranil Wickremesinghe, who leads the United National Party, and is now supposed to form a government.
Mr Wickremesinghe has been prime minister twice before. According to the 100-day programme set forth during the new president’s election campaign the new government is supposed to have only a small cabinet, not one crammed with cronies and coalition allies. That already looks unlikely. Far harder yet, the constitution is to be redrawn by April 23rd to shift much power away from the over-strong presidential office, in favour of the prime minister. After that, a parliamentary election is supposed to be called.
So far it is unclear whether Mr Wickremesinghe, installed in haste amid fears of a coup, actually has sufficient support in parliament to form a government, let alone the two-thirds majority of MPs that are necessary to change the constitution. The opposition will hope to show, when parliament reconvenes on January 20th, that the new prime minister is unable to command even a simple majority. That at least leaves some time for more MPs to defect to Mr Wickremesinghe’s camp. The new prime minister, and the president, will also want to replace the chief justice, who was appointed by Mr Rajapaksa, but legally they lack the clout to do so. Supposing the justice cannot be persuaded to resign, having him removed will take a two-thirds majority in parliament, which could be used to force an impeachment motion.
Mr Rajapaksa used the weekend to give speeches to his supporters in southern Sri Lanka, promising to fight on. He is hardly sounding gracious now. At one point he said that the election was decided by separatist-minded Tamils in the north of the country and other minorities—an apparent effort to discredit the outcome by uniting the majority Sinhalese against the ethnic minorities that compose a quarter of the electorate.
His Sri Lankan Freedom Party (SLFP) has split, with one faction including senior figures remaining loyal to the ex-president and another group throwing their weight behind the new one. Thus he retains enough clout to cause parliamentary headaches for the new prime minister. One rumour suggests the former president now plans to take a position as an appointed MP in order to lead his party in parliament, as for now it is not clear who leads his party.
In other words, despite a clear outcome to the presidential election, there remains uncertainty about just how firmly Mr Sirisena and Mr Wickremesinghe have a grip on power. Though the talk of a coup, thankfully, has gone nowhere Mr Sirisena needs to show that he can keep the situation stable. He will apparently make his maiden trip abroad to India, winning support from that influential neighbour. But the bigger task is for Mr Wickremesinghe. The sooner he proves he has a parliamentary majority the better.

An Open Letter To …( A Mover And Shaker In The “New Dispensation”)

By Emil van der Poorten –January 12, 2015

Emil van der Poorten

Dear ….:

Rather than simply sending this to you as a personal e-mail, I have chosen to have it published so that a wider readership than just you and I are privy to my thoughts which I am certain will resonate with all those seeking the dawn of a time of justice and honour in our homeland.

I hope also that it will be read by those who might share your beliefs and approach to politics in this country and might also be in a position to influence its governance in no matter how small a measure.

The Presidential Election is over and Mahinda Rajapaksa has been defeated and Maithripala Sirisena elected with a clear mandate to clean up the Augean Stable that passes for “governance” in Sri Lanka.

By Romesh Hettiarachchi -January 12, 2015

Romesh Hettiarachchi

Dear President Sirisena,

I write to you as a member of the Sri Lankan diaspora; a multi-ethnic and multi-faceted community identifying as Sri Lankan but living outside the country. At the outset, let me join many others in congratulating and wishing you the very best on beginning your term as the 6th President of Sri Lanka.

As President, I recognize neither you nor your Government owe any obligations to me, a member of the diaspora, especially since you are likely deluged with so many requests and suggestions from your own constituents so early in your presidency. I am also acutely aware that many if not most Sri Lankans have strong reservations about the Diaspora, arising in part from the continuing support in certain segments of the Diaspora for the goals and objectives of the LTTE.

I nevertheless write to ask you to consider implementing measures that lead to a more constructive relationship between the people of Sri Lanka and the Sri Lankan Diaspora. As you are likely to aware, the global Sri Lankan Diaspora consists of all Sri Lankan communities; there are Tamils living outside Sri Lanka who identify as being Sri Lankan and not Tamil . Even with respect to the self-identified Tamil Diaspora, few generalizations can be made. Your election amply demonstrates these differences: Tamil Diaspora organizations such as the Global Tamil Forum encouraged the Sri Lankan Tamil population to vote in this election as Tamils “still have the good of the country and of all peoples at heart and wish the triumph of democracy and rule of law” while other Tamil Diaspora activists urged the Tamil population to boycott.

Monday, 12 January 2015

The new cabinet of ministers were sworn in a short while ago today (12)

Twenty seven cabinet ministers, 10 state ministers and 09 deputy ministers took their oaths before President Maithripala Sirisena at the Presidential Secretariat.

The list of ministers are shown below.

Cabinet ministers

Minister of Planning and Economic Development - Ranil Wickremesinghe

Minister of Public Security and Christian Religious Affairs - Joseph michael perera

Minister of Food Security - Gamini Jayawickrema Perera

Minister of External Affairs - Mangala Samaraweera

Minister of Buddha Sasana & Religious Affairs - Karu Jayasuriya

Minister of Plantation Industries - Lakshman Kiriella

Minister of Estate Infrastructure Development - P. Diganbaram

Minister of Finance - Ravi Karunanayake

Minister of Rauff Hakeem - Minister of Urban Development & Water Resources Management

Minister of Power & Energy - Champika Ranawaka

Minister of Health & Indigenous Medicine - Rajitha Senaratne

Minister of Irrigation - Duminda Dissanayake

Minister of Highways & Investment Promotion - Kabir Hashim

Minister of Land and Land Development - M.K.D.S. Gunewardana

Minister of Housing & Samurdhi - Sajith Premadasa

Minister of Justice - Wijayadasa Rajapaksha

Minister of Mass Media - Gayantha Karunatillake

Minister of Tourism - Navin Dissanayake

Minister of Ports & Shipping- Arjuna Ranatunga

Rishard Bathiudeen - Industry & Commerce

Minister of resettlement, reconstruction and Hindu religious affairs - D. M. Swaminathan

Minister of Education - Akila Viraj Kariyawasam

Minister of Foreign Employment - Thalatha Athukorala

Minister of Internal Transport - Ranjith Maddumabandara

Minister of Social Services - P. Harrison

Minister of Women's Affairs - Chandrani Bandara

State ministers

Minister of Culture and the Arts - Nandimithra Ekanayake

State minister of Civil Aviation - Faizer Mustapha

State minister of Power and Energy - Range Bandara

State minister of fisheries- Dileep Wedaarachchi

State minister of children's affairs - Rosy Senanayake

State minister of Higher Education - Rajiva Wijesinghe

State minister of Defence - Ruwan Wijewardana

State minister of Education - V. Radhakrishnan

State minister of Plantation Industries - K. Velayuthan

State minister of Youth Affairs - Niroshan Perera

Deputy ministers

Deputy minister of Industry & Commerce - Champika Premadasa

Deputy minister of Policy and Economic Development - Harsha de Silva

Deputy minister of Minister of Highways and Investment Promotion - Eran Wickramaratna

Deputy minister of Justice - Sujeewa Senasinghe

Deputy Minister of Tourism Development - Wasantha Senanayake

Deputy minister of Women's affairs - Wijakala Maheswaran

Deputy minister of External Affairs - Ajith P. Perera

Deputy minister of irrigation - Anoma Gamage

The triumph of good governance: Sri Lanka has shown that it is a true ‘Wonder of Asia’

January 12, 2015

Two different election platforms by the two main candidates
The two main contenders to the presidency at the recently-concluded elections fought their battle on two different election platforms.
The former President Mahinda Rajapaksa sought to sell his infrastructure development, war victory, continuity in government and fear of foreign intervention to the electorate. The current President Maithripala Sirisena fought the battle on restoring democracy, good governance, rule of law, independence of the Judiciary, elimination of corruption, fair treatment of minorities and constitutional reforms seeking to abolish the executive presidency and re-establishing parliamentary powers.

The Triumph of Good Governance Sri Lanka Has Shown That It is a True ‘Wonder of Asia’ by Thavam Ratna

THE FORGOTTEN MAJORITY – THE WAY FORWARD?

by Yohan Abeynaike

- on 01/12/2015

The elections are over and much will be said and written about these historic days. Amidst these discussions I present a preliminary analysis of an often forgotten and misunderstood constituency.

The Change-makers

The euphoria of victory has engulfed us all. Many will want to take credit for their role in the final outcome. Was it the political coup spearheaded by the former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and Leader of the Opposition Ranil Wickremasinghe in getting Mr Maithripala Sirisena to defect that changed the tide? Was it the minority Tamil and Muslim voters who braved physical and other forms of threats to vote overwhelmingly for the opposition? Was it the integrity and courage displayed by the Election Commissioner and his staff together with the IGP N.K. Illangakoon and the police that helped to ensure that the mandate of the people is heard and respected? No doubt, the answer is all of the above and all of these must share some of the credit.

However, there seems to be another group of people that have been largely forgotten in the discussions taking place so far, i.e. the Sinhala voter. The Rajapakse government had long forfeited the support of the Tamil population due to the war and the subsequent refusal of the government to address their legitimate grievances. Despite the efforts of the hardline elements of the Tamil Diaspora to encourage a boycott of the polls, the Tamil population in the country rightly recognized the dangers of that approach for their day to day lives. The Muslim population also did not really ‘have a choice’ after the murderous rampage promoted by the BBS who had state patronage. Despite the long delay of the Muslim political leaders to make the switch, the Muslim population had already made up their minds well in advance of the polls.

This leaves the Sinhala population. The ending of the war was a great positive to the Sinhala voter. The ability to live and work without the threat to life was a powerful incentive to support the incumbent. The very visible development of the infrastructure also created the perception that the country was heading towards a brighter future. However, the cost of living was increasing. The first family was controlling a lion share of the budget. Corruption was on the rise and all forms of dissent were being suppressed. It seems to me that it is the Sinhala population that really had a choice to make – keep the status quo or vote for change. Both candidates had their pros and cons as reflected by the vote. However, the critical mass who defected ensured the victory of the opposition.

The JHU’s recent claim to making the difference at the election, however, must be challenged. Their traditional support base is the more hardline Sinhala population. Their main strongholds of Maharagama, Kesbewa, Homagama, Avissawella etc were all won by the incumbent. While the powerful rhetoric of the JHU leaders was attractive and decisive, it is the more moderate Sinhala population that shifted their allegiance to the opposition.

The Opinion-makers

A closer look at the final results shows a glaring divide. 10 of the 22 polling districts were won by President Rajapakse. Mr Sirisena won the Gampaha and Puttalam polling districts only by about 4,500 votes. The Badulla district was won by a meagre 281 votes. It seems that in the Sinhala dominated districts the voters were very much divided about who to vote for. This underlines the fact that the Sinhala voters were the ones who had to make a real choice at these elections.

However, there is another interesting aspect that needs to be mentioned. In a number of the polling districts that President Rajapakse won comfortably, the main town in those districts were won by the opposition. This trend is seen in Matara and Galle where these towns are the only polling divisions in the district won by Sirisena. In Kurunegala and Matale the main towns are 1 of 2 polling divisions won by Sirisena. This goes to show, arguably, that the ‘elites’ in those polling districts have voted counter to their neighbours. They have taken a stand and shouted “not in my name” to the status quo. In the terms of the Roger’s Innovation Adoption Curve, they have become the ‘Innovators’ and ‘Early Adopters’ of the opposition message of good governance. As the country looks to go forward the support of these elites need to be harnessed as they will be the opinion makers of their respective areas. This will be the challenge of the new administration.

The Peace-makers?

The message of good governance has resonated with the electorate. The new President has received the support of all the communities to establish the basic tenents of a democracy. He has shown courage to step out of the status quo and run counter to his political masters. However, his thoughts and ideas with regard to the national question are still largely unknown. The broad coalition that he has built around good governance must extend to tackling and resolving the ethnic conflict in our country. This election has shown that there is a critical mass among the Sinhala population who are willing to go beyond ethnic loyalties and personal preferences to bring in something that is good for the wider nation.

These opinion makers must be mobilized to also act courageously with regard to the ethnic conflict. They are the ones who can provide leadership and attitudinal change among those in their neighbourhoods. President Rajapakse missed out on the great opportunity he had for this in the immediate aftermath of the war. President Sirisena has this same opportunity now. We pray that his response will be different from his predecessor.

Your Excellency, Don’t Take The Wrong First Steps

January 12, 2015

By Janakie Abeywardane, Shanthi Sachithtanandam, Prema Gamage, Christine Perera and Visakha Tillekeratne -

It was only the day before yesterday that we wrote a letter to you asking you to “honour our trust” – the trust we placed in you with our ballot and our not too obvious support of your campaign. We mentioned that we would be watching you closely.

Our initial observations worry us, that our hopes of good governance will not be materialized. Why do we say this?

There is a saying in Sinhala about the prediction of a young person’s future. The saying being “hedena gaha depeththedee denei”. This translates into “we will know by looking at the growth of a young plant, if it is evenly growing on both sides” – indicating proper growth from the beginning. Likewise we are looking at the growth of your fledgling government and its governance. What are the first indicators?

The 100 days program is already behind schedule.

Appointments to Senior Administrative Positions

Many Sri Lanka Administrative Service (SLAS) Officers are quite disturbed about the appointments of Permanent Secretaries to the President and the Ministry of Defence. Both these gentlemen are on their 4^thextension of service. This is not good governance. Both of them have been intensively violating election law, by canvassing the support of SLAS officers and cadets to vote for ex President Rajapaksa. Therefore they are not neutral officials acting professionally. These persons will block your path in 2 ways; by not sincerely supporting the 100 days program and beyond and also by destroying the confidence of other officers in your efforts for good governance. Another officer you have appointed to a high post, is accused of sexual harassment and misconduct. This kind of start is not healthy.

The solution is to use existing instruments such as the SLAS Association and the Committee on High Posts or even to set up strong Ad Hoc Committees of capable and knowledgeable people to formulate lists of persons suitable to positions such as Secretaries and Chairpersons of Statutory Bodies and go through time tested selection criteria.

Formulating Ministries and Allocation of Subjects

As your initial task is to complete the 100 days program, subjects should be allocated to Ministries in a logical manner. Of course this should be balanced with the profile of existing Ministries as there is no time to change completely. As an example there is no point in isolating Women’s Affairs and Child Development in a separate Ministry that does not have much resources. This Ministry should be combined with Social Services as many problems of women and children could be addressed through the window of social welfare. Women and children clubbed together with culture has no meaning whatsoever. Logical examples from other countries include The Ministry of Food, Environment and Rural Affairs, The Ministry of Universities, Science and Cities in the UK and a Ministry of Communities and Local Government (covering women and children as part of a family and a local government beneficiary) also in the UK.

Appointing Ministers and Deputies

We are aware that some matching of professions to portfolios has already been done. This is a refreshing change after many years. However, it should be those persons who supported the campaign for change that get these portfolios and not those who now support you for their own advantage. It is also important to consider the experience of candidates in achieving proven success in their own field. But most of all their conduct should have been and continue to be exemplary.These persons will make positive changes for sure.

It is very important to stick to the number of Ministries you have stated in your election pledge and not to increase this number of expediency.

Your Excellency, we sincerely hope you can rectify these issues right from the beginning, in order to give your governance system and yourself, much needed credibility. The public of Sri Lanka are fed up of excesses and failed promises.

We won’t join Govt. but shall join National Executive Council

MONDAY, 12 JANUARY 2015

A press conference was held by the JVP at its head office at Pelawatta today (12th) participated by the Leader of the JVP Anura Dissanayaka, General Secretary Tilvin Silva, Information Secretary Vijitha Herath and the Member of the Political Bureau K.D. Lal Kantha to clarify the situation in the country and to explain the future programmes of the JVP.

The Leader of the JVP Anura Dissanayaka said, “We put forward two slogans when we entered the presidential election campaign. Chasing out of the despotic Rajapaksa regime has been successful. The JVP carried out a great task in this regard with dedication. We are happy about this victory.

Now the second phase of this agenda should be launched. Establishing good governance, consolidating democratic rights etc are slogans that should be fulfilled after 8th January. We all have to play an important role in achieving this. Our party was openly invited to join a national government. However, we have no intention of joining the government. We do not accept any ministerial portfolios. The Ministry of Agriculture would be able to cultivate only one harvesting season within 100 days. The Department of Education would not be able to complete one school term. The Ministry of Housing would be able to lay only the foundations. Hence, no work that would impress masses could be done during this period. Also, it is very unpleasant to witness attempts made by some to enter a small cabinet of only 100 days. We have a good understanding regarding the 100 day cabinet.

The people expect us to carry out primary affairs such as stabilizing democracy, establishing good governance and implementing programmes to get rid of frauds and corruption. We, as a political movement, have a responsibility to fulfill people’s aspirations.

The people in the country too have a responsibility to take action to achieve victories under the 100 day programme. However, they should not have big expectations. The country asks for a broad socio-economic-political transformation. Such a broad transformation cannot be carried out within 100 days or within the existing system. As such, the JVP, considering all these factors, is rallying forces that are necessary for a broad social transformation and is getting organized for such a task. There is a proposal to establish a ‘National Executive Council’ which would be above the cabinet. The JVP expects to be active in this Executive Council.

The ‘National Executive council’ should take over several definite tasks. It should take over tasks that are difficult to be implemented in ministries and need urgent implementation. This council could carry out constitutional changes such as abolishing the 18th amendment and enforcing the 17th amendment, abolishing executive powers in the presidency and presidential immunity. There could be attention also regarding constitutional amendments and legal reformations that could be carried out through this council. Adopting the Right to Information Act, appointing an audit commission and broadening powers of the Bribery Commission are examples. This institution should be handed over such sensitive tasks that should be fulfilled urgently so that they would have an impact on the masses. Also, providing relief to the masses could be done efficiently by taking over such tasks by this institution. Establishing a formal institute to take urgent action against corruption should be taken over by the National Executive Council. The JVP would actively mediate in fulfilling such progressive tasks within the 100 day programme.

Already, fraudsters are fleeing the country. They should not be allowed to go scot free. They are sending away billions that have been plundered from the people in this country. The JVP would be very alert and would act against such moves. As its first step complaints would be filed in the Bribery Commission tomorrow (13th) against Namal Rajapaksa, Basil Rajapaksa and Ajith Nivard Cabraal. Meanwhile, files are being prepared against many other fraudsters.

It has been revealed that Mahinda Rajapaksa had engaged in a conspiracy to hold on to power despite the election result against him. Taking legal action against this is a compulsory act. Rajapaksas, have started making various communal statements after their defeat to destabilize the country. President Maithripala Sirisena has been elected with the wish of all people including that of the North and the East. We should be happy that people in the North and the East have taken part in the election with dedication and massive sacrifices. We emphasize that the government should consider this optimistically and take measures to solve people’s issues instead of seeking more power. At the last moment Rajapaksa launched a sinister, brutish and tribal attempt to extend his term. It is clear that an attempt is being made to rouse communalism and create clashes. Rajapaksa’s insane attempt should be defeated. Rajapaksa has not learnt any lesson either in victory or in defeat. All approaches for communalism should be defeated.

Considering the situation after the election many atrocities, plunder and grabbing Mahaweli lands arbitrarily are taking place. We condemn such acts carried out as part of political agendas as well as to create chaos. The JVP, as a party, condemns using political power wrongfully. The government should draw its attention specially to post-election violent activities. We have made all members of our party structure to act against such moves.”

Responding to questions raised by journalists Mr. Dissanayaka said, “It is the right of the Bar Association to discuss regarding the removal of the Chief Justice. Impeaching Dr. Shirani Bandaranayaka indicates how Rajapaksa regime completely nullified good governance and interfered in the affairs of the judiciary. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka has pointed out that sacking Dr. Bandaranayaka as well as appointing Mohan Peiris are unconstitutional. It is the responsibility of the government to take appropriate measures if the sacking as well as the appointment is unconstitutional. Punishing perpetrators according to the existing laws is not political revenge. If sacking Dr. Shirani Bandaranayake or removing Mr. Sarath Fonseka from the position of ‘General’ is unconstitutional taking constitutional measures to correct those wrongs cannot be political revenge or awarding special privileges.

Hence, each incident should be studied separately. Then only it would be possible to judge whether one is a political revenge or not.

Former president carried on his presidential duties as a good actor. He also did a good performance when he was defeated. Even the way he is behaving now is undemocratic and felonious. He becomes enraged and vindictive in victory. That’s why Sarath Fonseka was targeted. He becomes enraged and vindictive in defeat as well. This is what is displayed in his attempt to sabotage the 100 day programme. He behaves as an idiot and gives protection to a group of political refugees. It is the responsibility of the new president to stop Rajapaksa’s sinister moves. The President should recognize the behavior and moves of a person enraged in his defeat and should take measures to defeat such moves.

According to information that is being received regarding conspiracies, those who participated in such conspiracies should not be allowed to flee the country. The information is being revealed gradually. Hence, we should accept that action cannot be taken speedily.

The rumours about stoning army camps in the north were rejected by officers who are in responsible positions. The Army media spokesman, the police media spokesman as well as the DIG in the North confirmed that there were no such incidents in the North.

The defeated clique is trying to drag the country towards communalism and attempt to come back to power through such vile moves. These rumours are a threat to national security and those who spread them should be punished.”