Rethinking strategy: Some reflections on political structures and accountability

The following remarks were made by senior journalist J. S. Tissainayagam at the meeting of the International Association of Tamil Journalists held in London, 11 October 2014  

BY JS TISSAINAYAGAM-

22 OCTOBER 2014

It gives me great pleasure to speak to you today as part of this distinguished panel. I wish to thank the International Association of Tamil Journalists – or IATAJ – which has organised this forum. I also wish to thank the individual sponsors who back this effort through their varied contributions, all coming together to create this event.
Rethinking Strategy Some Reflections on Political Structures and Accountability by Thavam

‘Complex web’ of crises requires human 

rights-based solutions – UN rights chief

High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein. UN Photo/Jean-Marc Ferré

22 October 2014 – At the root of crises confronted by the United Nations usually lies a “complex web” of violations of economic, social, cultural, civil and political rights requiring solutions that can only come from more emphatic and comprehensive protections, the Organization’s top human rights official said today.

Addressing the General Assembly’s main body dealing with social, humanitarian, and cultural issues (Third Committee), UN High Commissioners for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, said the world is currently facing “deepening turmoil” amid “biting constraints” of funding.

The High Commissioner presented a report on the work of his Office (OHCHR) between August 2013 and July 2014, under his predecessor, Navi Pillay.

“From the relentless slaughter in Syria and its spill-over to a new wave of barbarity in Iraq; from the deplorable conflict in Ukraine to the entirely avoidable bloodshed in South Sudan – and…the smouldering spread of Ebola – 2013-2014 was a year of devastating impact on human rights,” Mr. Zeid said.

Moreover, a “toxic tide” of discrimination and xenophobia has undermined the rights of people in several States. The right to development has been threatened by austerity policies that disproportionately burden the poor. Migrants have continued to endure appalling suffering, with deadly events at sea. And women continue to be violently attacked in many countries.

“If, despite all the power and authority at its disposal, the future of a Government hangs on a tweet, a street protest or a helpful report to an NGO [non-governmental organization] or UN agency, then that Government is in far deeper trouble than it believes. For it has forgotten the fundamental principle that the State is the servant of its people – not the other way round,” said Mr. Zeid.

During the period covered by the report, OHCHR conducted three monitoring missions to Mali, in the midst of the crisis; rapidly deployed a comprehensive human rights monitoring mission to Ukraine; issued public reports on human rights developments in Mali, Ukraine and Iraq; deployed a team to the Philippines to provide advice on key human rights responses in the aftermath of the typhoon; and took part in the training, planning, review and reconfiguration of United Nations peace missions – most recently in the Central African Republic.

In fact, OHCHR personnel were the first UN staff to arrive in conflict areas in Ukraine, in Mali and in Kyrgyzstan, as well as several remote areas of the Central African Republic following the outbreak of the current conflicts, Mr. Zeid said.

As of July, the Office supported 68 human rights field presences, comprising 13 stand-alone country offices; 12 regional offices; human rights components in 14 United Nations peace missions; and 29 human rights advisers.

As detailed in the report, OHCHR has provided technical assistance to dozens of countries on a very wide range of issues, spanning our six thematic and cross-cutting priorities – discrimination; the rule of law and ending impunity; poverty; violence; continuing efforts to improve international human rights mechanisms; and widening the democratic space – as well as a cross-cutting theme, migration.

OHCHR’s work with the Human Rights Council has included assistance with panels and reports on issues such as privacy in the digital age; the use of armed drones; and sexual orientation. OHCHR has also supported the work of the Council’s Universal Periodic Review.

“When I took up my mandate as High Commissioner for Human Rights last month, I was startled to discover that all the extensive work of this Office is achieved despite funding shortfalls that burden the Office with significant capacity deficits,” said the High-Commissioner.

And the workload is only increasing, he added, underscoring the growing number of Special Procedures mandates, as well as the Commissions of Inquiry and fact-finding missions mandated by the Human Rights Council and the Security Council. At the end of July, there were 52 mandates and 73 mandate holders, including 38 thematic mandates and 14 country mandates.

OHCHR was also assisting or conducting three Commissions of Inquiry or mandated investigations – on the Syrian Arab Republic, Central African Republic and Sri Lanka – with three more soon to become operational, on Eritrea, the occupied Palestinian territory including East Jerusalem, and Iraq.

One of the UN pillars, human rights only receives only a fraction of the Organization’s resources. For the 2014-2015 biennium, $173.5 million was allocated to OHCHR – 87% less than the allocation to the peace and security pillar, and 84 per cent less than the allocation to development.

“This is not sustainable,” Mr. Zeid said.

“When human rights go wrong – when violations and abuses generate explosive crises and conflicts – the cost in bloodshed, in wrecked economies and humanitarian aid is titanic,” he added, urging the world to enable his Office not only with the capacity to detect and alert to violations, but to ensure that the “alarm bells” are followed by swift action.

A Future Bathetic?

| by Tisaranee Gunasekara

“There is no tomorrow in this desert”.

Mahmoud Darwish (A rhyme for the odes)

( October 23, 2014, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) It is another first – full-page, full-colour advertisements in daily papers, by the Ministry of Finance and Planning. Titled, ‘The Five Pillars that Uplift the Nation. Unstoppable Sri Lanka’ the ads laud Mahinda Chinthanaya and the upcoming budget.

A Future Bathetic by Thavam

தமிழ்க் கூட்டமைப்புடன் நேரடிப் பேச்சுக்கு செல்லவேண்டும்: ராஜித்த

Thu, 10/23/2014 

பாராளுமன்ற தெரிவுக்குழுவில் இடம்பெறுவதற்கு தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பு தயக்கம் காட்டிவருகின்றது. வரலாற்று அனுபவங்களை கருத்திற்கொள்ளும் தமிழ்க் கூட்டமைப்பு சந்தேகத்தின் காரணமாக இந்த தயக்கத்தை வெளிக்காட்டுகின்றது. எனவே கூட்டமைப்பின் தயக்கத்தைப்போக்க அரசாங்கம் கூட்டமைப்புடன் நேரடிப் பேச்சுவார்த்தைகளை நடத்தவேண்டும் என்று மீன்பிடி மற்றும் நீரியல்வள அமைச்சர் டாக்டர் ராஜித்த சேனாரட்ன தெரிவித்தார்.

பாராளுமன்றத் தெரிவுக்குழுவில் இடம்பெற தயக்கம் காட்டும் கூட்டமைப்பிடம் தொடர்ந்தும் அதில் பங்கெடுக்குமாறு கோரிக்கை விடுப்பதில் அர்த்தம் இல்லை. மாறாக நம்பிக்கையை ஏற்படுத்தவேண்டும் என்றும் அமைச்சர் குறிப்பிட்டார்.

இந்த விடயம் குறித்து அமைச்சர் டாக்டர் ராஜித்த சேனாரட்ன மேலும் குறிப்பிடுகையில்,

வடக்கு கிழக்கில் என்னதான் அபிவிருத்தி வேலைத்திட்டங்களை அரசாங்கம் முன்னெடுத்தாலும் அரசியல் தீர்வை வழங்குவதன் மூலமே அந்த மக்களின் மனங்களை வெல்ல முடியும். இதனை நாம் உணர்ந்துகொள்ளவேண்டும்.

குறிப்பாக தமிழ் மக்களின் அபிமானங்களை நிறைவேற்றக்கூடிய வகையிலான அரசியல் தீர்வுத்திட்டத்தை முன்வைக்க வேண்டியது அவசியமாகும்.

இதற்காக அரசாங்கம் பாராளுமன்றத் தெரிவுக்குழுவை நியமித்துள்ளது. அனைத்துக்கட்சிகளினதும் பங்குபற்றுதலுடன் அனைவரும் ஏற்றுக்கொள்ளக்கூடிய தீர்வு ஒன்றை நோக்கி நகர்வதற்கு பாராளுமன்றத் தெரிவுக்குழு சிறந்த இடமாகும்.

ஆனால் பாராளுமன்ற தெரிவுக்குழுவில் இடம்பெறுவதற்கு தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பு தயககம் காட்டிவருகின்றது. வரலாற்று அனுபவங்களை கருத்திற்கொள்ளும் கூட்டமைப்பு சந்தேகத்தின் காரணமாக இந்த தயக்கத்தை வெளிக்காட்டுகின்றது.

எனவே கூட்டமைப்பின் தயக்கத்தைப்போக்க அரசாங்கம் கூட்டமைப்புடன் நேரடிப் பேச்சுவார்த்தைகளை நடத்தவேண்டும் என்ற நிலைப்பாட்டில் நான் இருக்கின்றேன்.

குறிப்பாக என்னதான் கூறினாலும் கூட்டமைப்பு பாராளுமன்றத் தெரிவுக்குழுவில் இடம்பெறுவதற்கு பாரிய தயக்கத்தைக் கொண்டுள்ளமை தெளிவாகிவிட்டது. எனவே தயக்கத்தை போக்குவதற்காக இருதரப்பு பேச்சுக்களை நடத்துவதே ஒரே வழியாகும்.

பாராளுமன்றத் தெரிவுக்குழுவில் இடம்பெற தயக்கம் காட்டும் கூட்டமைப்பிடம் தொடர்ந்தும் அதில் பங்கெடுக்குமாறு கோரிக்கை விடுப்பதில் அர்த்தம் இல்லை. மாறாக நம்பிக்கையை ஏற்படுத்துவதே இங்கு முக்கியமானதாகும் என்றார்.

SRI LANKA: Is it a crime to call the President an Ekadhipathiya - ඒකාධිපතියා (Authoritarian ruler)?

October 21, 2014

On the 19^th October 2014 BBC Sinhala Service broadcast, the United National Party Member of Parliament Ranjan Ramanayake, complained that there was a plan to assassinate him due to his participation in a televised debate. On air, he had provided details of the information he had received regarding the alleged assassination plan. Replying to these allegations, Cabinet Minister of Co-operatives and Internal Trade, Johnston Fernando, said that Ranjan Ramanayake had called the President – who had saved the nation – an ekathipathiya (authoritarian ruler) and that this was the reason for the commotion. Minister Fernando, however, dismissed the allegation of an attempt to assassinate Ramanayake.

The important question is whether it is criminally wrong to have an opinion to the effect that the President is an authoritarian ruler and to express that opinion in public. The impression that Minister Johnston Fernando gave was that to express such an opinion is absolutely wrong and it is not wrong to aggressively retaliate against a person who expresses his or her opinion.

However, there are many others who have held the same opinion and publicly declared their opposition to the authoritarian form of rule that is being implemented in Sri Lanka and called for the need to do everything possible to bring back a democratic way of governance. Most recently, such expressions were expressed at a public meeting held by the “Hela Urumaya” party, which is a party in partnership with the government, and which has attracted large number representatives that hold a wide variety of perspectives within the political spectrum of Sri Lanka. All of those attending the meeting were of the opinion that the present presidential system of government has destroyed Sri Lankan democracy and that this system is kept alive only for the benefit of the person who holds the position of Executive President. They demonstrated their complete opposition to the existing constitutional framework of governance in Sri Lanka by presenting a draft of an amendment to the Constitution, suggesting drastic change to all vital aspects of the Constitution. Strangely enough, President Mahinda Rajapaksa himself did not disagree with the open condemnation of the Constitution; instead, he said that “he, more than any other person, wanted to change this constitution”. He went on to say that he will do so only if, those who are still calling for a separate state will abandon such a claim. Thus, going by his own public claims, the President himself agrees that the Constitution is not compatible with democracy – which, of course, is not a new position. Former President Chandrika Bandaranayake Kumaranatunge already promised this in 1994 and President Mahinda Rajapaksa re-affirmed the commitment to abolish it in 2005. There was also the near unanimous opinion of the whole of the Parliament in 2001 when the 17^thAmendment to the Constitution was adopted in order to control the damage done by the 1978 Constitution to the democratic structure of the country.

However, what is pertinent to note is not the correctness, or otherwise, of calling the President an ekadhipathiya (authoritarian ruler), but to safeguard the right of any person to have an opinion to that effect and to be able to freely express it. That is all that the opposition Member of Parliament Ranjan Ramanayake has done. And, according the MP, doing so has provoked a situation in which, as per the information he received, there is now a scheme to assassinate him.

It is also important to note that these incidents are taking place on the eve of a possible election. Will this particular incident be an omen of the type of election that is going to be held? Will those who will face this election with the singular cry – for the abolition of the authoritarian style of governance and its replacement with a democratic style of a Constitution – be treated with the same anger and aggression?

Elections are about opinions. Two or more sets of opinions are placed before the people, and the people are expected to consider these alternative opinions in an environment of peace, and then be able to express their opinions without fear. If such an environment of peace and such a possibility of expressing a vote without fear do not exist in Sri Lanka, then there cannot be a free and fair election.

The question that is placed before the people is to decide, through a free and fair election, whether the President and the current system should be rejected in favour of a democratic scheme of governance or if they should remain as they are. If that question cannot be asked, discussed, and decided upon, without resorting to violence, then talking about the elections will become farcical, in a manner similar to what has already happened to so many other vital aspects of Sri Lankan life.

Rajapaksa 'politically vulnerable' ahead of early Sri Lanka polls

• Date 22.10.2014

Nearly two years ahead of schedule, Sri Lanka will go to the polls in January, with Mahinda Rajapaksa set to run for a third term; a move likely triggered by the President's fading popularity, says analyst Alan Keenan.

"There will be presidential elections in January," Cabinet spokesman Keheliya Rambukwella said on October 20, failing to name an exact date. The move is seen as an attempt by President Rajapaksa to seek a fresh six-year mandate amid signs of fading popularity.

Rajapaksa, who first came to power in 2005, scrapped the two-term limit on the presidency soon after winning re-election in 2010. The 68-year-old is under intense international pressure to probe war crimes allegations and promote reconciliation with the country's Tamil minority following a decades-long civil war. He has also been accused of rights abused and nepotism.

In a DW interview, Sri Lanka expert Alan Keenan says there is growing discontent at the high cost-of-living and lack of an economic peace dividend in Sri Lanka, with many analysts arguing that while Rajapaksa is still the clear favourite, the longer Rajapaksa delays the next election, the smaller are his chances of victory.

Keenan: 'The longer Rajapaksa delays the next election, the smaller his chances of victory.'

DW: Why would President Mahinda Rajapaksa call a snap election Sri Lanka nearly two years ahead of schedule?

Alan Keenan: President Rajapaksa and his advisors appear worried by the relatively poor showing of his United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA) in recent provincial elections. While the UPFA gained a slim majority in the Uva province in September, its share of the vote fell dramatically from preceding elections, with the main opposition United National Party running a surprisingly strong campaign. While Rajapaksa is still the clear favourite, most analysts believe that the longer Rajapaksa delays the next election, the smaller his chances of victory.

Why is Rajapaksa's popularity fading?

There is growing discontent at the high living cost and a lack of an economic peace dividend, despite the regime's numerous post-war Chinese and Indian-funded infrastructure projects. Corruption, including among members of the Rajapaksa family, is widely believed to have reached unprecedented levels.

The president's popularity is further damaged by concerns over the rise in violent crime and abuse of power by ruling party officials at all levels of government. Rajapaksa has never been popular among Tamils, and support among Muslims is evaporating in light of the government's continued tolerance of the violent anti-Muslim campaign led by the militant Buddhist groups.

There seems to be some controversy as to whether Rajapaksa is legally entitled to run for a third term. What is your view on this?

Enemies Of The President’s Promise – Sleepy (Concluded)

By Rajiva Wijesinha -October 23, 2014 

Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha MP

In 2011 then it seemed that GL was intransigent about granting anything the TNA wanted. Obviously however this was not because of any principles, given that in 2002 he had been excessively indulgent about giving the LTTE anything they wanted. The conclusion then is inescapable that he simply deduced what his patron of the moment wanted, and then went much further.

In 2002 he had been serving Ranil Wickremesinghe who was complaisant about LTTE demands, since he saw an agreement with them as the key to his future electoral success in contesting the presidency. In 2011 however GL served a different master, and this was not it seems the President, given his refusal, on the grounds that his neck would be on the block if things went wrong, to follow the President’s instructions about submitting a draft in accordance with what had been agreed with the TNA. Rather, it would seem that GL was working in accordance with what he thought were Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s predilections. Basil certainly seems to have been of this view, and was bitterly condemnatory of GL when he mentioned him.

Another instance of GL’s acquiescence in the Defence Secretary’s agenda was apparent late in 2013, when the South Africans launched an initiative to promote Reconciliation. The South African ambassador to Sri Lanka, who seemed anxious to help Sri Lanka, had no reason to have faith in GL, since it was not likely he would pass on any serious messages. The High Commissioner therefore had himself met the President to promote a dialogue, and the President proved enthusiastic and met with a high level South African team late in 2012 to formulate a plan – without GL being at the meeting.

.Read More

STATEMENT ON THE LEGALITY OF THE 

PROPOSED THIRD PRESIDENTIAL TERM

Published on October 23, 2014 by Centre for Policy 

23 October 2014, Colombo, Sri Lanka: It has been strongly suggested by government sources in recent days that there is to be an early presidential election in January 2015. In this connection, there has been public discussion whether or not President Mahinda Rajapaksa is legally entitled, under the terms of the Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution, to seek a third term. It has been widely assumed following the abolition of the presidential two-term limit by the Eighteenth Amendment that President Rajapaksa would seek a third term at some point.

However, the former Chief Justice, Sarath N. Silva, P.C., has strongly argued that President Rajapaksa is legally disqualified from seeking re-election. He has argued that in terms of the principles of interpretation set down in the Interpretation Ordinance 1901 (as amended), the Eighteenth Amendment should have made the abolition of the term limit applicable to the incumbent president by express words. In the absence of such express words, he further argues, President Rajapaksa became disqualified immediately upon being re-elected for his second term in January 2010. The weight of academic authority has been added to Mr Silva’s interpretation by the written legal opinion of Professor Suri Ratnapala of the University of Queensland commissioned by the Bar Association of Sri Lanka.

The government and commentators writing in support of its position maintain that there is no legal prohibition or restriction on President Rajapaksa seeking a third term or his decision to call an early presidential election. Their position is that the provisions of the Eighteenth Amendment are clear in their favour on both these issues. It is possible that the Supreme Court may be moved in the coming days, by way of a presidential reference or by an individual application, for a determination of these constitutional issues. It would be crucial for the Supreme Court to demonstrate its independence, impartiality, and integrity to the highest international standards given the political sensitivity and constitutional significance of these issues.

Having considered the views expressed in the public domain, CPA firmly believes that the position advanced by Mr Silva and Professor Ratnapala is more persuasive on the legal merits. We do not believe that those supporting the government’s position have adequately answered the issues raised by Mr Silva and Professor Ratnapala. Our position therefore is that notwithstanding the abolition of the term limit by the Eighteenth Amendment in September 2010, President Rajapaksa remains disqualified by virtue of the unrepealed Articles 31(2) and 92(c) applying to him at the time of his second election in January 2010. In the absence of an express provision in the Eighteenth Amendment specifically or generally including the incumbent president within its terms, relevant provisions of the Interpretation Ordinance, which are themselves principles developed by the common law over a long period of time and are part of the general principles of the Sri Lankan legal system, operate to deny retroactive application of the Eighteenth Amendment. For these reasons, the incumbent president, as well as any other person twice elected to the office of president prior to the Eighteenth Amendment, remains disqualified.

If this is the true legal position with regard to the relevant constitutional provisions, a potential constitutional crisis is created if President Rajapaksa nonetheless seeks re-election in January 2015 without an authoritative settlement of the doubts. If he is re-elected in such a context, moreover, persistent questions about the legality and legitimacy of his position would also inevitably follow. Needless to say, it is undesirable for such doubts to attach themselves to the office of the President of the Republic.

Download a PDF of this press release here. Available in Tamil here.

Our Politicians Would Make Machiavelli A Minor Miscreant

| 

by Pearl Thevanayagam

(October 23, 2014, Bradford UK, Sri Lanka Guardian) Honourable Minister Dr Mervyn Silva is off my list for the time being and now it is Sajin Vaas Gunawardena who is the focus of my attention. Please do not get me wrong and I still treasure this minister since he is more sincere to the President than all his ministers put together and he never fails to get the media on his side. The President could not have chosen a better person as PR minister than our Mervyn. May he be blessed with long life and serve the country as only a true Buddhist patriot can?

Our Politicians Would Make Machiavelli a Minor Miscreant by Thavam

PREVIEW-Sri Lanka president prepares budget with eye on election
Thu Oct 23, 2014

* President, also finance minister, unveils budget on Friday

* Rajapaksa seeks unprecedented third term as leader

* Aims to trim borrowing despite likely populist steps

* Opposition questions foreign loans, off-budget spending

By Shihar Aneez

COLOMBO, Oct 23 (Reuters) - Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa is expected to present on Friday a populist election budget for 2015 that manages to contain borrowing thanks to an expected pick-up in the pace of economic growth.

The 68-year-old leader, who is also finance minister, will seek early re-election in January for an unprecedented third term, his party said on Monday, seeking to pre-empt any decline in support after nearly nine years in power.

On Thursday, Rajapaksa tweeted that the budget theme will be 'Unstoppable Sri Lanka'.

So far, he faces no challenger from a divided opposition, though one should emerge. His record features winning a 26-year civil war and building massive infrastructure, but issues could include allegations of corruption and nepotism in his administration.

In 2010, when one year was left in his six-year term, Rajapaksa called an early election and got 58 percent of votes.

The 2015 budget gives Rajapaksa an opportunity to play up his economic record - Sri Lanka's per capita output at $3,280 is twice India's - but he has dismissed speculation that he will offer giveaways to voters.

The budget "will consist of many proposals that will upgrade the standard of both the people and country," Rajapaksa was quoted in state media as saying on Sunday. "The budget is not prepared targeting elections."

Rajapaksa has forecast Sri Lanka will grow 8.2 percent in 2015, up from this year's expected 7.8 percent. He wants to trim the budget deficit to 4.4 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) from this year's planned 5.2 percent.

POPULIST INITIATIVES

He aims to reduce total public debt by four percentage points to 71 percent of GDP, while increasing public investment to 6.5 percent of GDP in 2015 from 6 percent.

Sasha Riser-Kositsky, an analyst at the Eurasia Group, said he expects Rajapaksa to commit to high-profile infrastructure projects, hike civil service wages, lower loan-costs for farmers and raise defence spending to ensure loyalty among the military.

"To aid the campaign, the government is likely to use the budget to launch populist initiatives," Riser-Kositsky said in a research note.

"Despite the anticipated new spending, the government remains committed to its ... fiscal deficit target of 4.4 percent of GDP, suggesting that populist announcements will not be immediately implemented."

A massive infrastructure drive has boosted the economy since the end of a 26-year war against Tamil Tiger separatists in 2009, though the private sector is yet to expand and invest more despite record low interest rates.

Credit growth remains sluggish, which some banks and economists attribute to high taxes and low disposable income. Analysts say a lack of transparency in government contracts had also dampened sentiment.

OPPOSITION CRITICISM

Harsha De Silva, economic affairs spokesman for the main opposition United National Party, said the budget would rely on sleight of hand to deliver upbeat economic numbers and pay rises for government workers.

Rajapaksa "is going to take a lot of the expenditures off the budget," De Silva said.

He said the government had used foreign loans of more than $1.7 billion, borrowed by state-banks from international capital markets, since early last year.

"These loans don't come into the budgets. They will be on the banks' balance sheet... there is absolutely no fiscal responsibility," he said.

Treasury Secretary P.B. Jayasundera has said the 2015 budget will not be a "bag full of election goodies", but a development-oriented budget in line with the government's medium-term direction.

"The fiscal deficit is being managed in a consistent direction towards 3 percent of GDP in the medium term," he told a forum in Colombo. (1 US dollar = 130.75 Sri Lankan rupee) (Reporting by Shihar Aneez; Editing by Douglas Busvine and Richard Borsuk)

புலிகள் மீதான தடை நீக்கம் குறித்து பிரிட்டன், நெதர்லாந்து கடும் அதிர்ச்சி: சுமந்திரன் கருத்து

[ வியாழக்கிழமை, 23 ஒக்ரோபர் 2014, 10:37.51 AM GMT ]

ஐரோப்பிய ஒன்றியம் விடுதலைப் புலிகள் மீது விதிக்கப்பட்டிந்த தடை நீக்க விவகாரம் குறித்து பிரிட்டன் மற்றும் நெதர்லாந்து நாடுகள் அதிர்ச்சியடைந்துள்ளதாக நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர் சுமந்திரன் தெரிவித்துள்ளார்.

இது குறித்து சிங்கள இணையத்தளம் ஒன்று செய்தி வெளியிட்டுள்ளது. விடுதலைப் புலிகள் இயக்கம் மீது விதிக்கப்பட்ட தடைநீக்க விவகாரம் முற்றிலும் சட்டத்திற்கு உட்பட்டு மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டது.

ஐரோப்பிய நாடுகள் உள்ளிட்ட மேற்கத்தேய நாடுகளில் நீதிமன்றத்தினால் வழங்கப்படும் தீர்ப்புகளுக்கு எதிராக அந்நாடுகளின் அரசுகள் செயல்பட முடியாது.

அந்த வகையில் ஐரோப்பிய ஒன்றிய நீதிமன்றத்தின் தீர்ப்பு அரசியல் தலையீடுகள் இன்றி வழங்கப்பட்ட தீர்ப்பாகும் என்றும் நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர் சுமந்திரன் தெரிவித்துள்ளார்.

Govt and opposition vie for Sinhala votes over EU Court ruling on LTTE

23 October 2014
In an ongoing political spat, the Sri Lankan government and opposition party, UNP, sought to blame each other for the decision by the General Court of the European Union to annul the Council's anti-terror measures taken against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) on procedural grounds earlier this month.

Following the ruling, posters were displayed in Colombo with a picture of a tiger and the words, "Who is the opposition MP behind lifting the ban on the LTTE", written in Sinhala, in an apparent reference to the UNP leader Ranil Wickremasinghe who recently travelled to UK where he sought to meet with Tamil diaspora groups.



However, the UNP MP Lakshman Kiriella, in the party's latest attack on the government regarding the EU ruling, blamed the government for decision.

“When we study the case and the verdict, it is very clear that no one was present to argue the case on behalf of the Sri Lankan Government. It is doubtful whether the External Affairs Ministry and the Attorney General’s Department were even aware of the existence of such a case. It is important for the Government to engage in such matters,” Kiriella was quoted as saying by the Daily Mirror.

Related articles:

UNP blames government for EU ruling on LTTE (21 Oct 2014) 

Diaspora attempts to oust president through lifting EU proscription on LTTE says Rajapaksa (20 Oct 2014)

Sri Lanka to challenge EU court annulment of anti-terror measures on LTTE (20 Oct 2014)

EU will have to rethink 'flawed' proscription of LTTE says ECJ lawyer (19 Oct 2014)

Sajin Vaas, BBS warn EU annulment of LTTE proscription measures aids Tamil diaspora(18 Oct 2014)

Kshenuka : A Cabbitch

( The following article based on the letter written by the author to the Minister of External Affairs in Sri Lanka)

| by Vasantha Senanayake

(October 23. 2014, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The recent reports on the vicious physical and verbal assault against High Commissioner Nonis are sad, and at an international level absolutely disgraceful!

As intimated to me when I called him, this incident happened in The United States on the Eve of the President’s address to the United Nations. The prolonged silence of the High Commissioner (now former high commissioner) was most commendable and only reflects that gentleman’s upbringing.

It was reported that the President had asked for an inquiry into the incident. It was interesting to note that Kshenuka Seneviratne who was the subject of the dispute and physically present when the battery occurred and could possibly be the instigator, has now submitted a report transferring blame upon the victim. This is not surprising when one considers the latest trends in Sri Lankan justice!

1)You will recall an instance when a government servant was tied to a tree, who later admitted or was induced to admit that he tied himself to the tree.

2)You may also remember an instance of policy makers attempting to regulate the horrendous crime of rape by suggesting that the victim be married off to the rapist and thereby nullifying the offence!

3)Similarly according to emerging statements may be the general public is being asked to accept that Dr. Nonis slapped and punched himself and thereafter resigned.

With reverse logic such as this can right-minded people ever expect justice? Is it also not blatantly unfair that so much weight is attached to a report on the incident made probably by the inciter! This can be likened to the classic Sinhala saying ‘horage ammagen pena balanawa’ (trying to ascertain whereabouts of the stolen goods from the mother of the thief)

I reliably learn that the secretary to your ministry Mrs. Seneviratne has been responsible for many disastrous incidents. These allegations ought to be looked into.

a)Did she undermine Indo-Lanka relations by conveying falsehoods to the President about Mrs. Sushma Swaraj who headed the Indian Parliamentary delegation that came to Sri Lanka in 2012 and is now Minister of External Affairs? I learnt that it was the Secretary to the President who intervened to change the President’s inclination not to meet the delegation based on blatant untruths expressed by her. Is this true?

b)That there exists an unanswered audit report alleging misconduct and abuse of funds in relation to the residence of the PR in Geneva which also allegedly involved awarding a contract to an agency with links to the LTTE. Is this at all true? If so, what does the good lady do to continue justifying being employed by the Government?

c)Did she not give the appalling advice to the President regarding a visit to Britain in November 2010 to address the Oxford Union despite written advice from the High Commissioner in London at the time to the contrary?

d)I have also learnt from sources that an attempt was made to force Hon. Douglas Devananda to quit the Geneva sessions in 2012 based on untrue information that the President wanted him to leave, while conveying to the President that the Minister was too nervous to stay. Is this true?

I write to you knowing that you may have the answers to these allegations or at least access to the answers. An investigation if any ought to be conducted fairly and not with a predetermined conclusion as I see in the so-called investigation on the assault on Dr. Nonis. It is not only the conduct of hon. Sajin Vaas Gunawardena and Dr. Nonis that requires investigation but also that of Mrs. Seneviratne.

I am reminded of the Sinhala proverb ‘Rilavata deli pihiya dunna wage’ (giving a chimpanzee a razor blade). It is one thing if the chimpanzee discovered the blade himself, and caused the devastation. It is a totally different scenario if a more dangerous animal calculated the damage to be caused and provoked the chimp and watched delightedly as the grand plan unfolded!

I anticipate an early response

( The writer is a member of Parliament, Sri Lanka )

Video: Snap presidential election is unconstitutional – JVP tells EC

THURSDAY, 23 OCTOBER 2014 
There is a dialogue in the society regarding a snap presidential election to be held despite two more years are left for such an election. The President too has directly said he would contest the presidential election to be held soon.

Video Snap Presidential Election is Unconstitutional – JVP Tells EC by Thavam