Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Monday, September 22, 2014

Russian peace march draws tens of thousands in support of Ukraine

Demonstrators clash during an anti-war rally and march Sunday in downtown Moscow.Thousands marched through central Moscow to protest the fighting in Ukraine. (Pavel Golovkin/Associated Press)
Photo
 A march for peace in Ukraine drew tens of thousands to downtown Moscow Sunday in a show of protest against Russia’s involvement in the conflict.

Martial law in the Philippines: The horrors of the past

By  Sep 22, 2014
Asian CorrespondentForty two years on, people who tasted firsthand the horrors of martial law can still recall in detail the agony they went through.
Their stories have been told and retold countless times. Yet, they still feel their accounts have not been told enough.
For the 3,000 or so others, their stories are unfinished, like the brothers and sisters, sons and daughters and fathers and mothers of those who went missing and have never been found.
The scars were and are simply too deep to forget.
So when some Facebook account owners began to extoll on their walls the virtues and accomplishments of the dictatorship, those who lived during those dangerous times hit back by giving powerful narratives of their own.
Most media outlets ran the stories of the victims of the ‘darkest period’ of the country, some of them written more than three decades ago.
Like the Philippine Daily Inquirer which published interviews with notable former detainees of martial law, which was declared on September 21, 1972.
Interaksyon, the online publication of TV5, continued with its tradition of reposting accounts of victims while adding more interviews every time the anniversary of the declaration of martial law comes near.
Never again.  Present day activists vow to resist a return to dictatorship.Pic by Edwin Espejo
Never again. Present day activists vow to resist a return to dictatorship.Pic by Edwin Espejo
Gouged, electrified, rendered
Lawsuits began to pile up against the Marcos dictatorship after the EDSA Revolt in 1986 that culminated in the regime’s ouster.
In 1992, after initial setbacks, victims of the human rights violations under martial rule won a class suit against the estate of the late strongman Ferdinand Marcos.
A jury in the case heard by Federal District Judge Manuel Real of Hawaii found Marcos personally liable for the rape, torture, disappearance and murder of thousands of activists and critics of martial law.
Noted script and screen writer Ricky Lee, in an article that appeared in the Inquirer, said he was arrested and detained three times under martial law. He was humiliated to the point he slashed his wrist in an attempt at suicide.
One suspected member of the communist underground movement was said to have his skull opened, brains emptied and stuffed with his own clothes.
Hilda Narciso, who was arrested in Davao City in a raid that resulted into the death of Edgar Jopson, recalled how she was repeatedly raped and her genitals burned with cigarettes.
Repugnant to the senses
For the people behind Bantayog ng Bayani, they said they have barely scratched the wide expanse of blood-soaked ground where more than 10,000 suffered under the brutal regime.
Bantayog put up a granite wall where the names of martyrs of martial law are enshrined.
As of September 22, they have only inscribed 229 names.
The Samahan ng Ex-detainees Laban sa Diktadurya at Amnestiya (Selda) still continues to exist even though its name suggests it should have been deactivated after the strongman was ousted in a popular revolt in 1986.
But because many have not been given justice, they continue to be relevant.
When victims in the twilight of their years were made to line up under the sweltering heat to get their ‘token’ compensation after a US Court awarded them payments for their ordeals under martial law, Selda felt shame and at the same time vindicated that it is here to stay.
It is repulsive for many that the dictator’s son and namesake Sen. Ferdinand ‘Bongbong’ Marcos could someday become president himself, appearing in memes and proclaiming that the best years of the Philippines were under his father’s dictatorial watch.
Forty two years after martial law was declared no one has been convicted for human rights abuses during the 14 years of military rule.
Meanwhile, the Marcoses have been politically rehabilitated with Imelda, the strongman’s wife, now a member of Philippine Congress while daughter Imee is governor in the late strongman’s home province of Ilocos Norte. Bongbong of course is a member of the Philippine Senate.
Some may be too young to fully comprehend the monstrosity of martial law and the dictatorship.
But for the many who lived through the nightmare, the horrors are too horrendous to forget.
One wishes nobody will go through such a terrible ordeal again.

Archbishop Desmond Tutu Calls For 'End Of Fossil Fuels Era'



The Huffington PostBy -09/19/2014 
As the UN Climate Summit approaches, Archbishop Desmond Tutu has recorded anew video calling for "the end of the fossil fuel era."
"The destruction of the earth environment is the human rights challenge of our time," Tutu said.
Uploaded to YouTube by The Desmond & Leah Tutu Legacy Foundation, the video addressed rising greenhouse gas emissions and climate degradation which wreak havoc primarily on the poor and underprivileged.
"Time is running out," Tutu urged.
Tutu called the summit a "decisive moment in the struggle to maintain God's Earth." But the UN alone can only do so much, Tutu said. Independent governments and world leaders must also step up to the challenge to protect the environment for future generations.
The archbishop wrote an article for The Guardian in May saying, "We need an apartheid-style boycott to save the planet."
There is no excuse not to prioritize the earth, Tutu wrote, for climate change affects us all. He encouraged colleges, companies and faith organizations to divest from fossil fuels, as the World Council of Churches has done.
"To serve as custodians of creation is not an empty title," Tutu wrote. "It requires that we act, and with all the urgency this dire situation demands."

Iran Facing Leadership Crisis as Supreme Leader’s Health Worsens

Major power shift brewing as Khamenei’s cancers worsen, intel report claims
Ali Khamenei, Hassan Rouhani
Iran Facing Leadership Crisis as Supreme Leader’s Health Worsens | Washington Free Beacon
Washington Free Beacon
BY: 
Iran is on the cusp of experiencing a major political crisis as regime insiders jockey for power in what intelligence reports indicate is the coming end to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s 25-year reign as head of the country.
Khamenei, who rose to power as Iran’s second supreme leader in 1989, was in the hospital last week to undergo prostate surgery.
The well-publicized surgery—coupled with 2010 U.S. diplomatic cables stating that Khamenei has terminal caner—suggest that the regime is “preparing the nation and the world for a transition to a third supreme leader,” according to a report released by the global intelligence giant Stratfor.
With Khamenei’s health in question, longtime regime insiders appear to already be paving the way for him to be replaced with an equally extremist and hardline ruler who would enter the political fray at perhaps the most significant time in Iran’s history.
Various political factions are now lining up for a fight, according to Stratfor, which predicts that “the process to replace Khamenei will be marred by a major struggle between the various camps that make up the conservative establishment” in Tehran.
The latest sign that Khamenei’s rule is nearing an end came earlier this month when, in a strange move, Iran heavily publicized his prostate surgery.
“The unusual public relations management of what has been described as a prostate surgery suggests Tehran may be preparing the nation and the world for a transition to a third supreme leader,” Stratfor wrote in its brief. “Iranian efforts to project an atmosphere of normalcy conceal concerns among players in the Iranian political system that a power vacuum will emerge just as the Islamic republic has reached a geopolitical crossroads.”
Iran’s most extremist elements are already believed to be plotting against the somewhat more moderate President Hassan Rouhani, who has made nuclear negotiations with the West among his top priorities.
“Pragmatic conservative President Hassan Rouhani’s election in June 2013 elections led to a social, political, and economic reform program facing considerable resistance from within the hard-right factions within the clerical and security establishments,” according to Stratfor. “The biggest issue between the presidential camp and its opponents is the ongoing process of negotiations with the United States over the Iranian nuclear program.”
However, nuclear talks just scratch the surface.
Iran remains at the center of a global terrorist network that opposes Western nations and Israel. It plays a key role in bolstering Syrian President Bashar al Assad and has emerged as a major player in Iraq’s efforts to combat the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (ISIL or ISIS).
A new hardline Supreme Leader could thwart Rouhani’s agenda and significantly complicate U.S. efforts in the region.
“As if the [nuclear] negotiation itself was not enough of a problem for Rouhani, the U.S. move to support rebel forces in Syria that would fight both the Islamic State and Iran’s ally, the Assad regime, is a major problem for Tehran,” according to Stratfor.
“U.S. and Iranian interests overlapped with regard to the IS threat in Iraq,” it states. “But in Syria, the United States must rely on anti-Iranian actors to fight IS and the Obama administration seeks to topple the Assad regime Accordingly, less than a year after the two sides embarked upon a rapprochement, tensions seem to be returning.”
There are also questions at this point as to whether an individual or a joint ruling council will replace Khamenei, according to regional experts.
“The real question though is not simply who will replace Khamenei but whether an individual will,” said Michael Rubin, a former Pentagon adviser on Iran and Iraq. “There has always been a strain of thought that the clerical guardianship at the heart of Revolutionary leader Khomeini’s vision could be a council. This would avoid the need for a full-scale factional battle but could ultimately lead to more factionalism at the top.”
Stratfor’s sources indicate that the main priority is maintaining the regime’s extremist integrity.
“For the hardliners, already deeply unnerved by what they see as an extremely troubling moderate path adopted by Rouhani, it is imperative that the next supreme leader not be sympathetic to the president,” according to the brief. “From their point of view, Khamenei has given the government far too much leeway. For his part, Rouhani knows that if his opponents get their way in the transition, his troubles promoting his domestic and foreign policy agenda could increase exponentially.”
The extremist faction in Iran currently has the advantage.
The country’s ruling “Assembly of Experts is consisted of very radical fundamentalist members and more conservative members,” explained Saeed Ghasseminejad, an Iranian dissident and cofounder of Iranian Liberal Students and Graduates. “There are few moderates but conservative members can easily change their position if the current supreme dies and his iron fist disappears.”
Reformists are almost out of the game; their best candidates are Hassan Khomeini and Hashemi Rafsanjani, who do not seem to have great chance,” Ghasseminejad said.
Most agree that Iran’s powerful Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) will “play a key role” in appointing the next leader, according to Stratfor.
Some well-known Iranian politicians have been lobbying behind the scenes to garner the support needed to replace Khamenei, Ghasseminejad said.
One such individual is Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi, the former head of Iran’s judiciary branch. The current head of the judiciary, Sadeq Larijani, also is in the running, he said.
Rouhani himself is seen as “a less visible candidate,” according to Ghasseminejad. “His conservative credentials along with his intelligence and security background, his popular support, and his calculated distance from reformists makes him hopeful that he may have a chance.”




அறிமுகம்
சங்க காலத்தை வீரயுகம் என்று குறிப்பிடுவார், பேரா. க. கைலாசபதி. இலக்கியம் அகம் புறம் என இருவகைப்படுத்தப்பட்டு, போரும் அதனோடு தொடர்புடைய அம்சங்களும் புறத்திணைக்குள் அடக்கப்பட்டன. குறிஞ்சி, முல்லை, மருதம், பாலை, நெய்தல் எனும் ஐவகை நிலத்துக்கும் வெட்சி, வஞ்சி, உழிஞை, வாகை, தும்பை எனும் ஐவகைப் போர் ஒழுக்கங்கள் வழக்கில் இருந்தன. 
சங்கத்துச் சான்றோர், போர் என்பதை இயல்பான ஒரு விடயமாகக் கருதினர். இதனையே, 'ஒருவனை ஒருவன் அடுதலும் தொலைதலும் புதுவது அன்று இவ் உலகத்து இயற்கை' (புறநானூறு: 70) என, 'ஒருவனை ஒருவன் அழித்தலும் ஒருவனிடம் ஒருவன் தோற்பதும் புதியது அன்று, அது இவ்வுலகத்து இயற்கை' எனப் புறநானூற்றுப் புலவர் இடைக் குன்றூர்க் கிழார் குறிப்பிடுகின்றார்.

எனவே, போரில் எதிரியை வெற்றிகொண்டு, எதிரி நாட்டை எரியூட்டி, அவர்தம் விளைநிலங்களை யானைப் படையைக் கொண்டு துவம்சம் செய்து வெற்றி வாகைசூடும் வீரச் செயல் குறித்து அரசருக்குப் புகழாரம் சூட்டும் சங்கப் பாடல்கள் பல உள்ளன. எடுத்துக்காட்டாக, பாண்டரங் கண்ணனார் எனும் புலவர், சோழன் இராசசூயம் வேட்ட பெருநற்கிள்ளியைப் பாடிய ஒரு பாடல் இப்படி அமைகிறது:
'வினைமாட்சிய விரைபுரவியொடு
மழையுருவின தோல்பரப்பி
முனைமுருங்கத் தலைச்சென்றவர்
விளைவயல் கவர்புஊட்டி
மனைமரம் விறகுஆகக்
கடிதுறைநீர்க் களிறுபடீஇ
எல்லுப்பட இட்ட சுடுதீ விளக்கம்
செல்சுடர் ஞாயிற்றுச் செக்கரின் தோன்றப்
புலம்கெட இறுக்கும் வரம்பில் தானைத்
துணைவேண்டாச் செருவென்றிப்
புலவுவாள் புலர்சாந்தின்
முருகன் சீற்றத்து உருகெழு குருசில்!
மயங்குவள்ளை மலர்ஆம்பல்,
பனிப்பகன்றைக் கனிப்பாகல்
கரும்புஅல்லது காடுஅறியாப்
பெருந்தண்பணை பாழ்ஆக
ஏமநன் னாடு ஒள்எரி ஊட்டினை;
நாம நல்லமர் செய்ய
ஓராங்கு மலைந்தன பெரும! நின் களிறே.'
போரும் கவிதையும் மஞ்சுளவெடிவர்தனவின் மனிதத்தை by Thavam

BASL tells President to go for integrity, seniority and merit in appointing judges

The Sundaytimes Sri LankaSunday, September 21, 2014
The Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) has put forward to President Mahinda Rajapaksa a set of criteria and processes to be followed when appointing Judges to the Apex Courts following a string of recent appointments that have overlooked both, merit and seniority.
Highlighting the need to establish a formal process after the 17th Amendment was repealed, BASL President Upul Jayasuriya in a letter to the President stated that the matter was of grave concern to the members of the Bar.
The Bar Association recommends that the selection criteria in the appointment of individuals to the superior courts should ensure that the person so appointed has an impeccable record of integrity and be of unimpeachable character. He (or she) must be independent and be perceived to be independent. Such person should have a proven record of being a judicial officer, member of the official or unofficial Bar or as a jurist.
The recommended process for such appointments has also been listed in BASL President Jayasuriya’s letter to President Rajapaksa. Among the matters outlined are;
i) When appointing such superior court judges, the President must consult the Chief Justice, the Attorney General, the Leader of the Opposition and the President of the BASL.
ii) Appointments to the Supreme Court should ordinarily be made in line with the seniority of the incumbent Judges of the Court of Appeal commencing with the President of that Court unless there is manifestly good reason not to do so.
iii) Appointments from the official Bar must be based on a seniority basis and the unofficial Bar based on those with a practice of over 30 years.
iv) Appointments to the Court of Appeal must be from the High Court based ordinarily on seniority, from the official Bar also based on seniority in the AG’s Department and from the unofficial Bar from those with a minimum of a 25-year practice.
The letter urges the President to give due consideration to the promotion of career Judges in the furtherance of good governance, strengthening the Rule of Law and promoting the independence of the Judiciary.
The letter states that the recommendations are made following consultation with all Branch Associations of the BASL and individual members after which a sub committee of the BASL Executive Committee headed by Deputy President Prasanna Jayawardene PC., studied the recommendations with senior President’s Counsel including several past Presidents of the BASL.
BASL Tells President to Go for Integrity, Seniority and Merit in Appointing Judges by Thavam

Sunday, September 21, 2014

Protest To Be Held Outside UN Headquarters Against President Rajapaksa

Colombo Telegraph
September 21, 2014 
Tamils from US and Canada are due to gather before the UN headquarters in New York on Wednesday (24) afternoon, in protest of President Rajapaksa‘s visit to New York and his address before the UN General Assembly.
Rajapaksa
Rajapaksa
The rally is due to be held from 1 – 5 pm outside the UN office and it is held in order to urge the UN officials including UN General Secretary Ban Ki-Moon and the UNGA President to:
- Condemn Sri Lanka’s denial of visa to the OHCHR panel appointed to probe in war crimes allegations in Sri Lanka
- Ensure the protection of witnesses and urge the Sri Lankan President to refrain from harming Tamils who testify before the UN body
- Warn the Sri Lankan President of the cosequences for intimidating and persecuting potential witnesses of the OHCHR probe, as Government Ministers have already threatened with legal action against those testifying before the UN inquiry
- Urge all present before the assembly to refrain from allowing President Rajapaksa from using his appearance before the UN to sanitize his international crimes
“President Rajapaksa is not just a war criminal but a perpetrator of genocide,” the TGTE has further stated in the media release circulated on the rally that is to be held on Wednesday.
President Rajapaksa left for New York today to address the UNGA on September 24.
  • The vexed issue re-surfaces
By Nirmala Kannangara-Sunday, September 21, 2014
The re-merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces as a single political administrative unit is the only solution to the Tamil issue, along with the right to self-determination, Tamil National Alliance (TNA) Spokesman and MP, Suresh Premachandran, said.
Premachandran said the re-merger of the North and the East had been their demand right from the beginning, and most Tamil lands in the Northern Province had been taken over by the military after the de-merger.
“The lands were taken over for security purposes but never returned to the owners after the war. When we filed a petition in the Supreme Court demanding that the lands be returned to the rightful owners, we were told that the lands will be returned after the de-mining process is concluded. But the lands in question are yet to be given back, although the government keeps claiming that they have de-mined most of the areas,” Premachandran alleged.
According to him, lands that had been owned by the Tamils are now used for ‘fake’ development in the North by the military, as well as to maintain the high security areas although the government claims that there is no threat to anyone’s life in the country after the war.
“Why do they want to maintain the high security zones in the Northern Province if there is peace in the country?” Premachandran questioned.
He noted that private lands in the Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mannar and Vavuniya Districts, thousands of acres in extent, are now being made use of under the guise of development by the military.
“Most of the beach-front properties in the North and the East had been taken over and given away to those in the Tourism industry to build hotels. These were ancestral properties of the Tamils, and in addition, their agricultural lands too had been taken over which is distressing,” Premachandran added.

Weaken the Tamil constituency
He also said that unless the Northern and Eastern Provinces are re-merged as a single political administrative unit, through which a negotiated political solution with the right to self-determination could evolve, the military will keep on acquiring their lands further, while Sinhala colonization is also taking place rapidly in the two provinces in order to weaken the Tamil constituency.
The TNA Spokesman said they will campaign for a single political administrative unit in the North and the East, and they will work towards power devolution in the two provinces, as far as possible.
He went on to say the TNA wants the early establishment of civil administration in the North, the dismantling of the military camps, the completion of the resettlement of displaced persons, and the release of detainees.
“The military has formed Sinhala colonies in the North, thereby depriving our population the right to their own lands. This issue started after the controversial Court ruling to de-merge the two provinces. This situation deteriorated after the end of the war. Sinhalese from the South had been settled in our lands and the government has deliberately changed the demography in the North and the East. Tamil ancestral lands in Murugandi that the military had taken over had been used to construct housing projects consisting of more than 10,000 housing units with Chinese aid, for the military personnel,” Premachandran claimed.
The de-merger had been carried out for political reasons as the Sri Lankan government had committed to a merger of the North and the East, according to the Indo Lanka Accord signed in 1987, Premachandran said.
“Under the Indo Lanka Accord, these two provinces were merged while a referendum was to be held after one year to ascertain whether the merger should be permanent or not. Under the administration of Presidents J.R. Jayewardene, R. Premadasa and Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge, the referendum was not held, and under the present regime, the two provinces were de-merged,” he explained.
Premachadran further accused the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) for not demanding that the two provinces be merged once again to safeguard the rights of the Muslim community. He added, the Muslim leaders should work for the betterment of their community, and not according to their personal agendas.
“The minority Muslims want the provinces to be merged once again, but their voices had been silenced by their leaders,” Premachandran alleged.

Muslims underwent severe hardships
Meanwhile, political analyst, Ahilan Kadirgamar, said it is up to the Muslim community to decide whether they want a merger or not as the Muslims underwent severe hardships during the war.
“Politically, it is up to the Muslims to decide whether they want the North and the East to be merged, or whether they want the East to go alone as a province,” Kadirgamar said.
Kadirgarmar further voicing his views said that after the Northern Province was de-merged and the two areas became the Northern and Eastern Provinces, Tamil colonization was taken over by the military to weaken the Tamil constituency.
“It was under the Indo Lanka Accord in 1987 that the two provinces were merged, and after the controversial judicial ruling that de-merged the two provinces, the Tamils had to face many issues including the issue of land. The military is taking over Tamil lands without any restriction. They take over the lands under the guise of establishing security zones or security bases. But in reality, they are giving these lands to private parties in the North and the East,” Kadirgamar alleged.
According to Kadirgamar, a considerable number of Tamil colonies had been taken over by the military after the de-merger. He added that the de-merger had weakened the Tamils and they had been marginalized over the past eight years.
“Powers were not evolved and the de-merger had resulted in the Tamils facing a crisis. Not only had the military taken over lands in the northern part of Jaffna and Vavuniya; it is the same situation with other parts of the country as well as the South,” Kadirgamar further alleged.
Meanwhile, National Organiser, Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU), Nishantha Sri Warnasinghe, said the demand made by the Tamils that the North and the East be merged once again, would only be a dream.
“We hail the landmark verdict given by the Supreme Court on the de-merger. The latest verdict given on land powers under the 13th Amendment that, rights over land are vested with the Central Government and not with the Provincial Councils has strengthened the hands of the government, further. Although land and police powers are devolved under the 13th Amendment, these powers had never been granted to provincial administrations,” Warnasinghe said.
Warnasinghe dismissed the allegation levelled against the military that land belonging to the Tamils had been taken over for ‘fake’ development. The lands had been taken over to establish security points to provide security in the North and the East, he affirmed.

Port City project: Sweeping tax concessions to China

Sunday, September 21, 2014

panda flagThe Sundaytimes Sri LankaA gazette notification containing tax concessions to Chinese firms building the Colombo Port City artificial island has been cancelled and a new one granting even broader terms has been issued. This includes a complete, eight-year waiver of corporate income tax for China Harbour Engineering Company Ltd. (CHEC), which is the contractor for engineering, procurement and construction of the project.
This concession had earlier been granted only to C/c China Communication Construction Company (CCCC), a subsidiary of CHEC that is handling the Colombo Port City Project. Implementation will be done by a fully-owned company of CCCC set up in Sri Lanka and it will be called CHEC Port City Colombo (Pvt) Ltd. The Government of China is the majority shareholder of CCCC.
The new gazette issued by Investment Promotion Minister Lakshman Yapa Abeywardena allows for the “transfer or lease of reclaimed lands to the prospective buyers”– a clause that was notably absent from the earlier one, which he rescinded. The transfer or lease of reclaimed lands to the project company or by the project company to prospective buyers has been exempted from the payment of Value Added Tax. The Nation Building Tax is waived for the project company and for the contractor and subcontractors during the project implementation period.
The old gazette, dated January 24, 2014, was rescinded on September 11. A new one with amendments was issued on the same day but its contents were not available on the website of the Department of Government Printing till September 15 — the day before Chinese President Xi Jingping’s arrival. When the Sunday Times on September 13 asked Minister Abeywardena about the new gazette, he said there were “minor changes” but did not specify what they were. However, several significant amendments have been introduced.
The cost of the project has risen by US$ 37 million (Rs. 4.8 billion) to US$ 1,337 million (Rs. 174 billion) in the eight month period between January and September 2014. The investment is to be made by CCCC.  The island will be 233 hectares in extent. Once completed, CCCC will have effective control of 108 hectares of land—20 hectares on freehold basis; 88 hectares on a 99-year lease. The Sri Lankan Government will have 62 hectares for development and 63 hectares for common facilities such as roads.
The clause related to exemption of CHEC from corporate income tax reads: “The provisions of the Inland Revenue Act, No. 10 of 2006 relating to the imposition of income tax on the China Harbour Engineering Company Ltd (CHEC) on the profit and income generated from the activities from the said Project shall not apply for a period of eight (08) years.”
“The said Tax Exemption Period of Eight (08) years shall commence from the year in which the China Harbour Engineering Company (CHEC) commences the construction of the Project,” it adds.  On Tuesday, President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his Chinese counterpart, President Xi, witnessed the signing of a “term-sheet” agreement on the Colombo Port City Developing Project (Phase I). According to the official media statement, CHEC Chairman Mo Wenhe signed on behalf of Sri Lanka while China Development Bank Chairman and Executive Director Hu Huaibang signed for China.
The online Investopedia dictionary defines “term sheet” as a non-binding agreement setting forth the basic terms and conditions under which an investment will be made. It serves as a template to develop more detailed legal documents. Once the parties reach an agreement on the details laid out in the term sheet, a binding agreement or contract that conforms to the term sheet details is then drawn up.
Another agreement related to the Colombo Port City was entered into on the same day between the Sri Lankan Government and CHEC Port City Colombo (Pvt) Ltd. R.W.R. Pemasiri, Secretary to the Ministry of Highways, Ports and Shipping, signed for Sri Lanka. Chen Fenjian, President of CCCC, signed for China.

Uva: The Slap And The Signal


| by Tisaranee Gunasekara
“Now near enough.”
Shakespeare (Macbeth)
( September 21, 2014, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Uva is an electoral slap in the face for the Ruling Family, a clear sign that the Rajapaksa magic has begun to wane.
The Rajapaksas scraped through in Uva, with an unflattering, uncharacteristic 51.2%.
This lacklustre performance is post-18th Amendment which created a lopsided electoral playing field; it is with an inept elections commissioner whose forte is buffoonery and a subjugated police force which could neither prevent election violence nor arrest a single lawbreaker; it is despite a campaign waged like a mini-war by the regime.

The Rajapaksas did not make it to the 50% mark in Badulla. The UPFA got 47.37% while the combined UNP, JVP, DA vote was 50.6%.

Even in the Moneragala district, which suffered through an extremely violent election campaign, the Rajapaksas vote base and their margin of victory decreased drastically, from an all time high of 81% at the 2009 provincial election. (It will be interesting to see how Shashindra Rajapaksa has fared personally, both vis-à-vis his performance in 2009 and Harin Fernando’s performance this time.)

Uva election was marred by overwhelming violence, overwhelming abuse and overwhelming bribery. Had the election been less unfree and unfair, and had the Opposition been united, the Rajapaksas could have been defeated in Uva.

Uva has always been good to the Rajapaksas – in the past. In Uva, the UPFA scored 72.39% at the 2009 provincial council election, 58.6% at the 2010 presidential election, 63.6% at the 2010 parliamentary election and 55.87% at the 2011 local government election.

Given this past performance Uva should have been a cakewalk for the Rajapaksas.
It was anything but. In Uva, the Rajapaksa performance was worse than in any other province, barring the North and the East.

There is no doubt that Harin Fernando’s candidacy had a huge impact on the election outcome. In previous provincial elections, a key problem faced by the UNP was its inability to field suitable chief ministerial candidates. The UNP’s other chief ministerial candidates may have been popular in their own areas but none of them had a national profile. In the eyes of the electorate, they lacked gravitas. By deciding to give up his parliamentary seat and contest Uva, Harin Fernando filled this important gap. Mr. Fernando did what Sajith Premadasa should have done in Southern Province, Ravi Karunanayake or Harsha de Silva should have done in Western Province and Dayasiri Jayasekara should have done in North-Western Province – should have done but did not. Whatever happens in the future, Mr. Fernando deserves praise for his courageous decision which obviously gave the UNP a much needed boost in the arm. (Incidentally, the UNP’s remarkable performance was not due to the supposed Sajith Factor, Sajith Premadasa appeared only in a handful of election rallies and reportedly spent the crucial final week not in Uva but in Hambantota.)

A Path to the Future

Uva election proves beyond reasonable doubt that a united opposition fielding a strong candidate can mount a very serious challenge to Mahinda Rajapaksa. Such an opposition will have an excellent chance of preventing an outright Rajapaksa victory and pushing the election into a second round.
The average national vote of the UPFA at 2012/13/14 provincial elections was an unimpressive 54%. 
Different dynamics operate at national and non-national elections; it is also possible that Mahinda Rajapaksa is more popular than many of the UPFA provincial politicians. Even so one conclusion is logically possible – the popularity of the Rajapaksas has dropped quite substantially compared to the 2010 peak levels.

After unexpectedly losing the 1988 Plebiscite, Chile’s Augusto Pinochet had no intention of leaving power and was planning to stage another coup. Former air force general and member of the then ruling Junta Fernando Matthei revealed in his memoirs that he and other Junta members opposed Gen. Pinochet’s plan to ignore the popular verdict . If Mahinda Rajapaksa fails to win outright and the presidential election goes into a second round, the Rajapaksas may find key elements of the state not so willing to do their bidding. Such a situation may also embolden closet SLFP dissidents to come out and declare themselves against Rajapaksa power.

But for any of that to happen there must be oppositional unity.

The JVP is necessary in Lankan politics. And when it comes to propaganda and organisation, the JVP has unmatched capacities. But for better or for worse, Sri Lanka is still a two party electorate. Nationally the third party is not the JVP but the TNA. The JVP needs to understand this reality. If it refuses to do so, its false consciousness will prevent it from doing its part in defeating Rajapaksas rule.

The UNP too must understand that though the JVP is not a major vote-getter, it can still make the difference between victory and defeat in a closely contested national election.

The JVP and General Fonseka need to be realistic and the UNP needs to be generous and accommodating. All three parties will lose much if the Rajapaksas win again.

Opposition unity needs to happen along ethno-religious lines as well. If the Rajapaksas win the next election, they will use that victory to disembowel the 13th Amendment still further and to create game-changing facts on the ground in the North and the East. In a Rajapaksa third term, the demographic reengineering of North/East will accelerate phenomenally. And once that transformative project is completed, the politico-electoral bargaining power of the minorities will be drastically reduced. That is why the minorities need to back an Oppositional alliance, because they can afford another Rajapaksa term even less than the Sinhalese.

According to the latest public opinion survey by the CPA, 43.4% of Uva respondents think their economic condition got a little worse in the last two years while 31.9% think their economic condition got a lot worse. 28.6% of Uva households had to go without medicine or medical treatment in the last year while 43% had to make cutbacks in the quality of food purchased .

Obviously economics played a significant role in Uva vote. Abolishing the Presidency (a necessary task given its malevolent potential) might be the platform on which the opposition can unite. But the opposition cannot de-prioritise popular economic concerns and win elections.

Perhaps a good place to start would be to oppose the UDA’s wanton and illegal destruction of lower-middle class houses in 34 Watta in Wanatamulla. The demolition commenced even as the Uva campaign came to an end. This is an injustice which can and must be resisted by both the UNP and the JVP; a joint protest can even become the first step in a future oppositional alliance.

The Rajapaksas have been forewarned in Uva; they will spend the next several months arming themselves with every possible weapon. Already plans are afoot to amend elections laws so that certain unfair electoral-practices will cease being illegal .

The Presidential election will be infinitely more violent, unfree and unfair than Uva. The Opposition’s only chance in prevailing against the resultant juggernaut lies in unity. If that essential precondition is fulfilled, the country and the people might yet be spared of another Rajapaksa term and the horrors it will beget.
References;
  1. http://en.mercopress.com/2003/08/12/pinochet-s-1988-coup-attempt
  2. http://groundviews.org/2014/09/19/infographic-views-from-uva/
  3. http://www.sundaytimes.lk/140921/news/violation-of-election-laws-to-be-legalised-119085.html