Don't Like That Israel Has the Bomb? Blame Nixon.

In the summer of 1969, Richard Nixon's administration was absorbed in a highly secret debate: how to address the diplomatic, strategic, and political problems posed by Israel's emergent nuclear weapons program. Leading those discussions were senior Defense Department officials who believed that a nuclear-armed Israel was not in U.S. interests -- it would dangerously complicate the situation in an already dangerous region, they argued.
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
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Saturday, September 13, 2014
Anger mounts in Kashmir after worst flood in over century
BY KRISTA MAHR AND FAYAZ BUKHARI-Sat Sep 13, 2014
Anger Mounts in Kashmir After Worst Flood in Over Century by Thavam
Men involved in Malala Yousafzai shooting arrested in Pakistan
Ten men accused of trying to kill teenage education campaigner detained in operation by army, police and intelligence agencies
Pakistani teenager Malala Yousafzai campaigns for the right of all children to an education. Photograph: Shawn Thew/EPA
Jon Boone in Islamabad-Friday 12 September 2014
A gang of 10 Taliban fighters who tried to kill the teenage education activist Malala Yousafzai two years ago have been arrested, the Pakistanarmy claimed on Friday.
The military said a top commander of the Pakistani Taliban had told the men to kill the schoolgirl and 22 high-profile figures in Swat, the picturesque region where Yousafzai lived before being shot in the head by a gunman in October 2012, when she was 15.
The attack on a girl who had risen to prominence after campaigning against the efforts of the Taliban to violently stop girls attending schooldrew global condemnation. Despite serious head injuries Malala survived thanks to emergency care at Pakistani army facilities and subsequent surgery and rehabilitation at Birmingham's Queen Elizabeth Hospital.
"The entire gang involved in the murder attempt … has been busted," said army spokesman General Asim Bajwa.
The army said 10 members of the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), led by a local furniture shop owner called Zafar Iqbal, had been told to kill Malala and other "significant members" of the local community, including members of an anti-Taliban "peace committee".
The killing spree was ordered by Mullah Fazlullah, who became the overall leader of the TTP last year after his predecessor was killed by a US drone strike.
Nicknamed "Mullah Radio" for his fiery broadcasts at the time, Fazlullah was credited with spearheading the Taliban takeover of Swat in 2007-8. The valley, just a few hours drive from the capital Islamabad, was only reclaimed after a major military operation was launched in 2009.
On Friday the army said the initial arrest of a suspect called Israr ur Rehman revealed information that led to the capture of the other men in a series of intelligence led operations.
The full network was apprehended more than six months ago, an intelligence official said, although the news was kept under wraps for operational reasons.
He said the men had provided useful information for ongoing campaign launched in June against the TTP and other groups based in North Waziristan, a militant sanctuary bordering Afghanistan.
"These men received their orders from Fazlullah so of course they had ties to the militant hideouts in North Waziristan," the official said.
Commenting on the arrests, Malala's father, Ziauddin Yousafzai, said: "This is good news for our family and most importantly, for the people of Pakistan and the civilised world.
"This first step of apprehending Malala's attackers signifies the beginning of real hope for the hundreds of thousands of people whose lives have been affected by terrorism in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, in Swat and the whole country.
"We greatly appreciate the efforts of the security forces and police in bringing these men to justice and fighting for the re-establishment of peace.
"This is the beginning of the real restoration of the writ of the government, where the rule of law and justice prevails for all."
It was not clear whether the arrested men had been charged since their arrest and what legal basis they had been held.
Under the controversial Pakistan Protection Ordinance, recently introduced as a terrorism fighting measure, suspects can be held without charge for up to 90 days.
"Soon they will be brought in front of law and booked according to the law of the land," the official said.
Shortly after the announcement, a former TTP spokesman issued a statement sayingsaid the army's claims were based on "thoughts and fantasies".
Ehsan Ehsanullah, who has since joined a Taliban splinter group, said the initiative to kill Yousafzai had been taken by junior fighters and that the leadership was only informed later. In Swat the news that Yousafzai's alleged attackers had been arrested was welcomed, although many people say the army has still not fully removed the Taliban threat from an area once regarded as a tourist destination.
"I do not trust the army claims of the arrest of those who attacked Malala," said an academic in Swat who did not want to be named because of his anti-Taliban views. "The army always used to claim that they were just about to arrest Fazlullah, but now he is living safely in Afghanistan."
The young girl has made a remarkable recovery since a gunmen leaned into the back of a converted van she was sitting in to ask which of the girls waiting to be driven home after school was Malala. The schoolgirl had first defied militants by writing an anonymous BBC blog about life under the Taliban.
Two of her classmates, Shazia Ramzan and Kainat Riaz, were also injured in the attack.
Despite world-wide admiration for a teenage girl who subsequently wrote a book, won the European Union's human rights award and was nominated for a Nobel Peace Prize, many of her fellow Pakistanis are deeply suspicious of the global interest in her story.
Conspiracy theories abound, including that the entire incident was concocted by foreign spies to defame the TTP, even though the banned group enthusiastically took credit for the attack and threatened Pakistani journalists who criticised them for it.
Pancreatic Adenocarcinoma
The New England Journal of Medicine
Cancer of the pancreas is predominantly adenocarcinoma and involves activating KRAS mutations in the large majority of cases. Surgical resection can be effective in localized disease; combination chemotherapy offers some palliation in advanced disease. A new review article on this topic comes from Massachusetts General Hospital’s David Ryan, Theodore Hong, and Nabeel Bardeesy.
Pancreatic ductal adenocarcinoma is the most lethal common cancer because it is usually diagnosed at an advanced stage and is resistant to therapy.
Clinical Pearls
•Describe the epidemiology of pancreatic adenocarcinoma.
Pancreatic adenocarcinoma is rarely diagnosed in persons younger than 40 years of age, and the median age at diagnosis is 71 years. Worldwide, the incidence of all types of pancreatic cancer (85% of which are adenocarcinomas) ranges from 1 to 10 cases per 100,000 people, is generally higher in developed countries and among men, and has remained stable for the past 30 years relative to the incidence of other common solid tumors. It is the eighth leading cause of death from cancer in men and the ninth leading cause of death from cancer in women throughout the world. In the United States this year, pancreatic cancer is expected to develop in 46,000 people, and 40,000 people are expected to die from it. Although it is estimated that 5 to 10% of pancreatic cancers have an inherited component, the genetic basis for familial aggregation has not been identified in most cases.
•What is the most common oncogenic mutation in pancreatic adenocarcinoma?
One of the defining features of pancreatic adenocarcinoma includes a very high rate of activating mutations in KRAS (>90%). As the most common oncogenic mutation in pancreatic adenocarcinoma, KRAS activation has been investigated in depth for its contributions to the tumorigenic growth of established cancers. Several studies have shown that the KRAS mutation is a marker of a poor prognosis in both patients with resectable tumors and those with unresectable tumors. Functional studies have shown that KRAS is critical for the sustained growth of advanced pancreatic adenocarcinoma.
Morning Report Questions
Q: What clinical features are associated with pancreatic cancer, and what initial diagnostic tests are most important?
A: Approximately 60 to 70% of pancreatic cancers are located in the head of the pancreas, and 20 to 25% are located in the body and tail of the pancreas. The presenting signs and symptoms are related to the location. Patients with pancreatic cancer most commonly present with abdominal pain, weight loss, asthenia, and anorexia. Jaundice is a common manifestation of tumors in the head of the pancreas. Diabetes is present in at least 50% of patients with pancreatic cancer. Once a pancreatic mass is detected, abdominal computed tomography with both arterial and venous phases is usually sufficient to determine the initial stage and treatment. Pancreatic cancer metastasizes primarily to the liver, abdomen, and lungs. A biopsy of the pancreatic mass is most often accomplished by means of endoscopic ultrasonography. Although the tumor markers carcinoembryonic antigen (CEA) and carbohydrate antigen 19-9 (CA19-9) have neither sensitivity nor specificity for use in screening to detect pancreatic cancer, if elevated, they are useful in following patients with known disease.
Q: What is the prognosis of pancreatic cancer, and what treatment options are available for early stage disease?
A: More than 90% of patients who have received a diagnosis of pancreatic cancer die from the disease. Approximately 70% of these patients die from extensive metastatic disease; the other 30% have limited metastatic disease at the time of death, but many of them have bulky primary tumors. Surgical resection is the only potentially curative therapy for pancreatic cancer. A pancreaticoduodenectomy (the Whipple procedure) is required to remove tumors in the head and neck of the pancreas. Only 15 to 20% of patients are considered to be candidates for surgical resection, and many of these patients are found to have microscopically positive margins at the time of surgery. Adjuvant therapy includes systemic therapy to reduce the risk of distant metastases and chemoradiotherapy to reduce the risk of locoregional failure. A series of studies has established that 6 months of chemotherapy with either gemcitabine or fluorouracil, as compared with observation, improves overall survival. Although there is a clear consensus regarding the value of adjuvant chemotherapy, the role of adjuvant radiation therapy is controversial. Two European studies showed no benefit of adjuvant radiation therapy.
- See more at: http://blogs.nejm.org/now/index.php/pancreatic-adenocarcinoma/2014/09/12/#sthash.Lej3X2MC.dpufFriday, September 12, 2014
Scarborough’s Tamil community hosts walk-a-thon to raise funds for Heart & Stroke Foundation
Canadian Tamil Congrees event in Thomson Park on Sunday
6th Tamil Canadian Walk-a-thon – Fit for Heart
Date: September 14th, 2014
Time: 9AM (Registration)
Location: Thomson Memorial Park, 1005 Brimley Rd,
Toronto, ON M1P 3E8

Canadian Tamil Congress walkathon
Photo/MANNY RODRIGUES
Hundreds of people took part in last year's Canadian Tamil Congress walk-a-thon in Thomson Park. This year's walk takes place Sunday, Sept. 14, and is a fundraiser for the Heart and Stroke Foundation.
Scarborough’s Tamil community is joining together for the sixth annual Tamil Canadian Walk-a-thon on Sunday, Sept. 14 at Thomson Park.
The walk, organized by the Canadian Tamil Congress (CTC), is set to raise funds for the Heart & Stroke Foundation. With a fundraising goal of $50,000, the CTC invites everyone of all ages to participate.
“Every seven minutes, someone in Canada dies of heart disease or stroke,” said David Poopalapillai, national spokesperson for the CTC. “South Asians in particular are at a higher risk, so we thought it’s important to bring awareness and contribute to the foundation.”
In previous years, the walk raised funds for many Canadian charities and organizations like Canadian Cancer Society, Sick Kids Foundation, Amnesty International, Centre for Addiction and Mental Health and the Holland Bloorview Kids Rehabilitation Hospital. In five years, the walks have raised $250,000 in funds.
The walk coincides with the Terry Fox Run in Scarborough. But CTC is confident that there won’t be any conflicting issues as the walk and run routes are different.
The Tamil Canadian Walk-a-thon follows a five-kilometre route starting from Thomson Park to north along Brimley Road, east on Ellesmere Avenue., south on McCowan Road and west on Lawrence Avenue back to the park.
“It’s the same route every year,” said Nilani Logeswaran, media liaison for the CTC. “CTC found that holding the walk around this time was ideal; people are more engaged and the weather is great.”
The CTC is a non-profit organization serving the needs of Tamil-Canadians.
It expects the walk to be a “community engagement opportunity.” As the Tamil community in Scarborough is growing in numbers, the CTC believes its community involvement is also growing.
“Canada is a wonderful country,” said Poopalapillai. “We (Tamil-Canadians) have received so much from this country, now we want to give something back.”
Poopalapillai said that social responsibility is an important, fundamental Canadian value and that Tamil-Canadians should do their part to be socially responsible. CTC anticipates the participation of a thousand Tamil-Canadians from Scarborough in the walk.
The walk takes place at Thomson Park on Sunday from 9 a.m. to 2 p.m and will feature speeches, food and activities for participants. One hundred per cent of proceeds will go to the Heart & Stroke Foundation.
Thomson Park is located at 1005 Brimley Rd.
For more information visit www.tamilcanadianwalk.com
Global observer needed for talks with Sri Lanka, says Sampanthan
‘TNA not seeking Defence powers but merely police powers’
- SUHASINI HAIDAR
The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) has sought an international observer’s presence at talks with the Sri Lankan government.
Responding to President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s interview to The Hindu published on Thursday — in which he said his government was open for talks with the TNA — leader of the Alliance Mr. Sampanthan said: “We are prepared to talk to him anytime, but in the past this has been without a time frame. As a result we would very much like an international observer’s presence at talks to ensure that the commitments he gives are known to everyone.”
The TNA, he said, welcomed Mr. Rajapaksa's statement to The Hindu that he was committed to working with them to implement the 13th amendment. However, on the Sri Lankan government’s reluctance to share police powers — as envisaged in the 13th Amendment that followed the Indo-Lanka Accord of 1987 — the TNA leader said: “We do not agree that police powers should be excluded because one of the root causes of the conflict has been insecurity of the Tamil people over the collapse of law enforcement machinery when there has been violence in the past.”
Devolution of powers
Stating that the TNA was not seeking Defence powers but merely police powers for law and order, part of power sharing agreements anywhere, Mr. Sampanthan said this was “also the commitment given by him to India and the UN to ensure meaningful devolution.”
Other Tamil parties also welcomed the possibility of talks, stalled since the TNA chose to stay away from a parliamentary select committee constituted for the purpose. The PSC’s members are all constituents of the ruling coalition. The main opposition United National Party and the Marxist Janatha Vimukti Peramuna are not part of it either.
Welcoming the possibility of a new round of talks, Democratic People’s Front Leader Mano Ganesan said Mr. Sampanthan’s request for an international observer was justified.
The government and the Tamil leaders have had many rounds of discussions earlier that proved futile and a fresh round of discussions ought to draw upon earlier attempts and documents, he said.
Tamil National People’s Front (TNPF) member Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam said he while concurred with the TNA’s request for an international observer, he reiterated his party’s position that negotiations should be on the basis of recognition that the Tamils have the right to self determination.
SRI LANKA: Confess the bleak (book review

by Nilantha Ilangamuwa-September 12, 2014
“There are many things that can only be seen through eyes that have cried” ― Oscar A. Romero (1917 –1980)
Imagine a tool box in your house that has only a hammer. Perhaps it is natural wanting to use it whenever a problem arises in the house. Killing hundreds of thousands of people who were screaming for freedom and radical change of the society is the result of hammering the society and people’s desire. Right from the beginning there was a lack of intelligentsia in the political parties and movements. Therefore they had to stop before reaching the goal.
Sri Lanka, the country which holds a “rich” history in many ways, is a failed state in pseudo-modernistic times. What went wrong in this country? How did the country turn into the land of jejuneness? Why did the people of this nation allow themselves to be blindfolded by their ruler? How did the nation lose the opportunity to rise with respect along with other countries? Finding facts and figures to answer these very questions is a complicated task and needs collective responses from every layer of society.
The latest autobiography written by an eminent human rights defender and jurist, Basil Fernando, a self-exiled son of this nation, is able to light the candle of new discourse with rich narratives of his personal life. This is a careful selection of his life story which takes up a quarter of his life as a human rights activist and a poet. Most certainly Basil has faced a great deal more in his seven decades of life but for some reason he has chosen to ignore much of it while writing this autobiography.
Fortunately, he has grasped the causes of the disease that has victimised the country throughout its history. The book’s title itself has merged the criteria and the frame that he aimed to describe: “A confession of a lawyer otherwise the story of mine.” I do not intend to quote particular parts of the book as I found every word of this book equally important.
The book has silently, but carefully presented the destruction of the social system, especially the destruction of the civil litigation order or procedure in the country’s justice system. In other words, the book can be the very first publication in Sinhala medium, which discusses what went wrong in the public justice system in Sri Lanka and how it felt for him as a professional in a court room. But an interesting factor is that the book is written with the art of literature rather than engaging in a boring legal discourse. Therefore the book is not only for those who are engaged in the legal profession but every citizen of this nation.
In the present context, Sri Lanka is a country which lost its own identity due to political vulgarism and plundering designed by those who manipulated the system. Basil, in his unfinished confession tries to address this tragic social phenomenon in a different tone and simple language. In some chapters of this book he uses different arts with compassion while in others he offers his deep thoughts on events he has come across. Especially, when he writes about the “village” where he grew up, he has somehow been able to narrate most of the positive outcomes which later influenced his social activities.
It is Basil’s nature to take even the most horrendous, notorious and fatal issues with a greater than the average degree of tolerance. He always talks with all concerned whenever there is social or personal complicity surrounding a situation.
As I quoted at the beginning of this short review, I can do no better than take the serge words of Óscar Arnulfo Romero who was a bishop of the Catholic Church in El Salvador who spoke out against poverty and social injustice. Romero was assassinated while offering Mass in 1980.
I have no ambition for power
And so with complete freedom
I tell the powerful
What is good and what is bad,
And I tell any political group
What is good and what is bad
That is my duty (The Violence of Love ~ Oscar A. Romero, March 23, 1980)
In his autobiography Basil attempts to explain what is good and what is bad, in the society in which we live. In other words, Basil’s autobiography is an honest confession, written in a simple language and at the same time revealing the deep insight into the social dynamics of Sri Lanka.
This is a confession against hammering social complicity. This is a confession which is capable of being able to introduce useful tools to re-engineer the social system and bring order out of disorder. This is an awakening call by Basil, though expressed as a personal account; it must spread throughout the Sinhalese heart and mind. This confession help us to awaken with dignity and self-respect.
He has done his duty; it is our responsibility to finish his unfinished confession in order to contribute to the social transformation based on true freedom and justice in our motherland.
Basil Fernando can be reached at basil.fernando@ahrc.asia
ZEID RA'AD AL HUSSEIN, NEW UN HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS, ADDRESSES OPENING OF HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL’S 27TH SESSION
8 September 2014
Twenty years ago, I was exposed to a cruel, pointless, war. I was serving with the United Nations Protection Force in the former Yugoslavia, and learnt then a number of simple lessons. Violence at the extreme is so callous, so sickening and beyond the absurd, the human mind can barely edit into comprehensible thoughts what it sees. No war is worse than another in this regard; all wars, big and small, reveal factories spewing the same wickedness. And yet, astonishingly, the authors of the crimes themselves, and their supporting communities, will always believe their actions were somehow necessary, even if they knew they were also wrong. Indeed, every individual, political party, association, ethnic, sectarian, or national group, or government discriminating and inflicting violence on others, believes that when doing so they are excused, or absolved, by circumstance or history.Human Rights, Addresses Opening of Human Rights Council’s 27th Session by Thavam
Ban Ki-Moon Raises Issues of reprisals in Sri Lanka
UN Secretary General ban Ki-Moon has raised few selected issues of reprisals against Sri Lankan human rights defenders for their cooperation with the United Nations and its its representatives and mechanisms, in his annual report to the UNHRC 27th session.
Cooperation with the United Nations, its representatives and mechanisms in the field of human rights
Report of the Secretary-General
Report of the Secretary-General
- 12. Sri Lanka
1. At the end of her visit to Sri Lanka in August 2013, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights expressed concern at allegations of harassment and intimidation against a number of individuals linked with her visit and urged the Government of Sri Lanka to issue immediate orders to end that treatment. In her report to the Human Rights Council at its twenty-fifth session, to which the Government submitted an extensive reply, the High Commissioner indicated that reports continued to be received of widespread harassment and intimidation targeting human rights defenders, activists, lawyers and journalists for having cooperated with the High Commissioner and her office during her visit to the country. At the same session, the Council adopted resolution 25/1 on promoting reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka, in which it expressed serious concern at the continuing reports of reprisals.
1. On 10 February 2014, allegations of intimidation and reprisals, including death threats, were raised concerning members of the National Fisheries Solidarity Movement, including in connection with the visit of the High Commissioner. On 7 March 2013, Jude Besil Sosai Anthirai was prevented from travelling to Colombo to the United Nations compound, where he wished to submit a petition. On 22 August 2013, Sanja Sandanadas was questioned at her home by officers from the Criminal Investigation Department about her work and told not to organize any event during the visit of the High Commissioner. On 3 September 2013, Selvakumar Krishnapillai was questioned several times by two men about a petition presented to the High Commissioner; two days later he was asked to report to the Ministry of Defence. At the time of finalization of the present report, no reply had been received from the Government to a joint communication sent by several special procedures mandate holders.
2. On 21 March 2014, a group of special procedures mandate holders sent a joint communication regarding allegations that, on 6 March 2014, in its English news bulletin, the State-controlled Sri Lanka Rupavahini (TV) Corporation accused 24 civil society organizations of having issued a joint civil society memorandum to the Human Rights Council and the international community, while broadcasting the full names and images of the leaders of nine of those organizations and the names of affiliated civil society organizations. In the same bulletin, the Corporation allegedly also accused the mentioned organizations of having submitted false information to the international community to discredit the country, claimed that their memorandum would damage the peace and reconciliation prevailing in the country among various ethnic groups and regions and stated that it was common among NGOs to exaggerate information about the situation in Sri Lanka in order to receive funding. At the time of finalization of the present report, no reply had been received from the Government.
3. Visuvalingam Kirupaharan, General Secretary of the Tamil Centre for Human Rights, was reportedly threatened during the twenty-fifth session of the Human Rights Council. On 21 March 2014, Mr. Kirupaharan participated in a side event on human rights in Sri Lanka, organized by the International Buddhist Foundation. After the event, a journalist, reportedly from the Sri Lankan newspaper Divaina, approached Mr. Kirupaharan, stating that he could not return to Sri Lanka and that he would face consequences if he did so. The journalist allegedly told Mr. Kirupaharan that photographs of him at the Council would be published in newspapers in Sri Lanka. At the time of finalization of this report, no reply had been received from the Government to a joint communication sent on 27 March 2014 by three special procedures mandate holders.
Read the full report here; A/HRC/27/38 at OHCHR
Sydney University bows to request from Sri Lankan military and police
Invitations withdrawn from two Sri Lankan human rights organisations to an international conference
Oliver Laughland-Friday 12 September 2014
The University of Sydney has withdrawn invitations for two Sri Lankan human rights organisations to an international conference at the request of the Sri Lankan military, angering campaigners.
The university is due to host a two-day event in Bangkok from Mondayalong with the University of Colombo, which will see delegates from around the world discuss the enhancement of human rights in the Asia Pacific region.
Delegations from the Sri Lankan military and the Sri Lankan police are expected to attend the conference. Leaked correspondence, seen by Guardian Australia, shows that these delegations had originally requested that all non-government organisations (NGOs) from Sri Lanka be uninvited, and organisers subsequently rescinded two invitations.
The civil war in Sri Lanka, in which up to 100,000 people were killed, ended in 2009. The Rajapaksa regime stands accused of war crimes for its brutal suppression of civilians in the north of the country, with both sides subject to a UN human rights council inquiry into alleged war crimes.
Australia was one of 12 countries to abstain in a UN vote for the investigation.
Guardian Australia has also seen a letter discussing the reasons for rescinding the invitations to the two NGOs sent by the conference’s director, University of Sydney associate professor Danielle Celermajer.
“With about 130 people from across the region confirmed from the conference, it would be a disaster for all members of the Sri Lankan forces, who have been at the heart of the project, to withdraw,” it states.
“In fact, should they do so, the conference would be unviable. Moreover, we believe that to insist that the NGOs come would place the CSHR [The Centre for the Study of Human Rights at the University of Colombo] and potentially those NGOs at risk of being punished for this decision.”
Guardian Australia has seen a copy of the running order of the conference. Sri Lankan military officials are due to speak at a number of events, with one titled: “Facing the challenge of human rights protection in the security sector in the Asia Pacific”.
Australian newsgroup Fairfax has reported further correspondence from Celermajer, telling conference delegates to avoid any confrontation with Sri Lankan military officials at the conference.
The UK-based Sri Lanka Campaign for Peace and Justice has publishedan open letter to all other conference guests urging them not to participate in the event.
“By allowing the Sri Lankan Army to dictate who can or cannot attend, the organisers of this conference are, in effect, acceding to that wish, thereby potentially making themselves complicit in the Sri Lankan government’s systematic attempts to suppress dissent and intimidate critical voices within civil society, and to legitimise that policy internationally,” the letter reads.
“We consider this wholly unacceptable, and believe that the conference, in its current form, will do damage to human rights in Sri Lanka – damage that will outweigh any good it might achieve,” it adds.
Brad Adams, Asia director of Human Rights Watch, said rescinding invitations to the two NGOs was “very disturbing”.
“By caving to pressure from security forces this is sending the signal that the voices of security forces are more important than the voices of civil society. It also sends the message that universities can be strong-armed by the Sri Lankan government to drive the agenda and participation of an academic conference, which is very disturbing,” Adams said.
“Defending human rights is about protecting victims, not giving in to intimidating tactics,” he added.
The University of Sydney said it continued to back conference organisers.
“Associate professor Celermajer’s ongoing project involves taking new and considered approaches in its attempt to improve what are often intractable situations in the region,” a spokeswoman said.
“These issues are inevitably complex, but intellectual and political breakthroughs require ground-breaking research. The University of Sydney supports academic freedom for all of its staff and encourages them to freely express their views.”
Guardian Australia understands Amnesty International have pulled their delegation out of the conference as a result of the university’s actions. It is understood other attendees are considering a withdrawal.
APPG for Tamils demands SLGovernment adhere to UNHRC Resolution
- Friday, 12 September 2014

Lee Scott MP and Siobhain McDonagh MP said "it is completely unacceptable that after the resolution was passed in March of this year, the Sri Lankan government is still unwilling to participate in this investigation; and is finding ways to regularly prolong and avoid this"
The APPG for Tamils welcomes the speech by ZeidRa'ad Al Hussein, the new High Commissioner for Human Rights Council pledging his commitment to the investigation on Sri Lanka (OISL); who stated “I encourage the Sri Lankan authorities to cooperate with this process in the interests of justice and reconciliation. I am alarmed at threats currently being levelled against the human rights community in Sri Lanka, as well as prospective victims and witnesses.”
As the investigation is being conducted from outside of Sri Lanka by the Office of High Commissioner for Human Right (OHCHR) – we call for an urgent moratorium on deportation of Tamil asylum seekers and potential witnesses to the OISL. The APPG for Tamils calls on the UK government to ensure the safety of very vulnerable war crime witnesses and rape victims, who are already in the UK and under threat of deportation.
We also request the UK Government to take up the matter of Sri Lanka proscribing organisations and individuals abusing UN Security Council Resolution 1373 and to work with others in the international community to ensure the proscription is rescinded.
We call upon the British government to continue to give the Government of Sri Lanka a clear message denouncing their defiance against an inquiry for accountability and justice..
An open letter to participants of the 'Enhancing Human Rights and Security in the Asia Pacific' conference
Here is the text of an open letter we are sending to all participants of the 'Enhancing Human Rights and Security in the Asia Pacific' conference in response to the decision by the University of Sydney to uninvite two Sri Lankan human rights organisations at the request of the Sri Lankan military.
Dear colleague,
I am writing to you about next week’s conference in Bangkok on 'Enhancing Human Rights and Security in the Asia Pacific', organised jointly by the University of Sydney, the Kathmandu School of Law and the Centre for the Study of Human Rights at the University of Colombo.
Having previously invited representatives of two Sri Lankan human rights NGOs to take part, the University of Sydney has now formally disinvited them after being told by the Sri Lankan Ministry of Defence that no official representatives from the Sri Lankan Government would attend if the two NGOs were also involved.
We have been in correspondence with colleagues at the University of Sydney, which sent out and subsequently withdrew the invitations. We know they feel that their work on torture prevention is having a significant positive impact, and that therefore they have no choice but to accede to this ultimatum, for the sake of the greater good of the conference.
We do understand the value of the form of constructive engagement with security authorities which the University of Sydney is attempting. But there is a balance to be struck between this work and the equally important work of challenging the abuse of power. It seems to us that, by insisting on having human rights organisations thrown out of the conference as a precondition for their attendance, Sri Lankan state agencies are showing all too clearly where, in this instance, the balance lies.
We also believe there is a distinction to be drawn between the admittedly valuable work of critical engagement, which is at its most effective in small groups where participants have more freedom to be candid, and this kind of international high-profile conference, where the limelight often prevents such constructive discussions.
We therefore do not consider it proven that this conference is an integral part of the University of Sydney’s work on the issue; and in any case we feel that, having given a platform to members of the Sri Lankan military, there is a moral obligation to accord that same platform to voices that might be critical. Such a principle seems, indeed, to be implied by the Intellectual Freedom provisions of the Enterprise Agreement setting out the rights of academic staff at the University of Sydney.
Several well-respected sources continue to raise the alarm over conditions in Sri Lanka and the continuing dismal outlook for human rights. Our recent report, Crimes Against Humanity in Sri Lanka's northern province, makes the legal argument that these conditions amount to an ongoing crime against humanity by Sri Lanka's security forces against the Tamil population in the north. Elsewhere, our Campaigns Director has outlined the chilling surge in government intimidation of civil society that has taken place over the last year. We can only speculate that the reason the Sri Lankan army wishes to attend this conference and have critical voices excluded is to present a counter narrative which will ignore these inconvenient facts.
By allowing the Sri Lankan Army to dictate who can or cannot attend, the organisers of this conference are, in effect, acceding to that wish, thereby potentially making themselves complicit in the Sri Lankan government’s systematic attempts to suppress dissent and intimidate critical voices within civil society, and to legitimize that policy internationally. We consider this wholly unacceptable, and believe that the conference, in its current form, will do damage to human rights in Sri Lanka – damage that will outweigh any good it might achieve.
For this reason we are urging all participants in the conference to write to the organisers protesting against the decision to exclude the Sri Lankan human rights organisations. If these organisations are not re-invited we would urge other participants not to attend,so as to avoid colluding with a process which is silencing Sri Lankan human rights defenders. If some participants none the less feel compelled to attend, we urge them to challenge, robustly and publicly, both the decision to exclude the two organizations and the narrative that the Sri Lankan Government will doubtless present.
Should you wish for any further clarification or advice, please do not hesitate to get in touch.
Yours sincerely,
Edward Mortimer
Chair
The Sri Lanka Campaign for Peace and Justice
Dear colleague,
I am writing to you about next week’s conference in Bangkok on 'Enhancing Human Rights and Security in the Asia Pacific', organised jointly by the University of Sydney, the Kathmandu School of Law and the Centre for the Study of Human Rights at the University of Colombo.
Having previously invited representatives of two Sri Lankan human rights NGOs to take part, the University of Sydney has now formally disinvited them after being told by the Sri Lankan Ministry of Defence that no official representatives from the Sri Lankan Government would attend if the two NGOs were also involved.
We have been in correspondence with colleagues at the University of Sydney, which sent out and subsequently withdrew the invitations. We know they feel that their work on torture prevention is having a significant positive impact, and that therefore they have no choice but to accede to this ultimatum, for the sake of the greater good of the conference.
We do understand the value of the form of constructive engagement with security authorities which the University of Sydney is attempting. But there is a balance to be struck between this work and the equally important work of challenging the abuse of power. It seems to us that, by insisting on having human rights organisations thrown out of the conference as a precondition for their attendance, Sri Lankan state agencies are showing all too clearly where, in this instance, the balance lies.
We also believe there is a distinction to be drawn between the admittedly valuable work of critical engagement, which is at its most effective in small groups where participants have more freedom to be candid, and this kind of international high-profile conference, where the limelight often prevents such constructive discussions.
We therefore do not consider it proven that this conference is an integral part of the University of Sydney’s work on the issue; and in any case we feel that, having given a platform to members of the Sri Lankan military, there is a moral obligation to accord that same platform to voices that might be critical. Such a principle seems, indeed, to be implied by the Intellectual Freedom provisions of the Enterprise Agreement setting out the rights of academic staff at the University of Sydney.
Several well-respected sources continue to raise the alarm over conditions in Sri Lanka and the continuing dismal outlook for human rights. Our recent report, Crimes Against Humanity in Sri Lanka's northern province, makes the legal argument that these conditions amount to an ongoing crime against humanity by Sri Lanka's security forces against the Tamil population in the north. Elsewhere, our Campaigns Director has outlined the chilling surge in government intimidation of civil society that has taken place over the last year. We can only speculate that the reason the Sri Lankan army wishes to attend this conference and have critical voices excluded is to present a counter narrative which will ignore these inconvenient facts.
By allowing the Sri Lankan Army to dictate who can or cannot attend, the organisers of this conference are, in effect, acceding to that wish, thereby potentially making themselves complicit in the Sri Lankan government’s systematic attempts to suppress dissent and intimidate critical voices within civil society, and to legitimize that policy internationally. We consider this wholly unacceptable, and believe that the conference, in its current form, will do damage to human rights in Sri Lanka – damage that will outweigh any good it might achieve.
For this reason we are urging all participants in the conference to write to the organisers protesting against the decision to exclude the Sri Lankan human rights organisations. If these organisations are not re-invited we would urge other participants not to attend,so as to avoid colluding with a process which is silencing Sri Lankan human rights defenders. If some participants none the less feel compelled to attend, we urge them to challenge, robustly and publicly, both the decision to exclude the two organizations and the narrative that the Sri Lankan Government will doubtless present.
Should you wish for any further clarification or advice, please do not hesitate to get in touch.
Yours sincerely,
Edward Mortimer
Chair
The Sri Lanka Campaign for Peace and Justice
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