Thursday, June 5, 2014

The uncommon problem

“You don’t want to run the risk of sclerosis in a democratic society. You want to keep the blood running. You don’t want to get the idea that any country…is dependent on any one person. You look at a lot of these dictators that have been deposed in the last few years…almost all of them at one time were young and idealistic and incredibly capable. And they really meant to do something good. They just kind of outstayed their welcome” – Former US President Bill Clinton on why presidential term limits are important, in an interview with CNN in September 2012
The die is cast, unofficially at least for a presidential election in January 2015.

Thursday 05th June 2014

When the poll is declared, President Mahinda Rajapaksa will create history in Sri Lanka as the only incumbent to contest a presidential election for the third consecutive time. The 18th Amendment to the Constitution, passed by a two-thirds majority garnered artificially by the UPFA in September 2010, paved the way for this third time candidacy in 2015.

The Uncommon Problem by Thavam Ratna

No New Life With Changing Name & Face Of Regime

By Kusal Perera - June 5, 2014

Kusal Perera

The “Modi-fied Indian factor” has stirred Sri Lankan urban political minds, more after President Rajapaksa‘s return from Narendra Modi‘s swearing in ceremony as the new Indian PM, than after Indian Lok Sabha election results. President Rajapaksa’s 20 minute sit-in with PM Modi and Indian MEA officials, reportedly sent shock waves within the Rajapaksa regime. For Modi to have raised the issue of delayed reconciliation with insistence that the 13 Constitutional Amendment should be implemented in full, the request to begin the stalled Sampur coal power project and then the fishermen’s issue was not what was expected immediately after swearing in.

With that Modi as PM raised some confidence and trust for himself in Tamil Nadu and among Sri Lankan Tamils for sure. While Modi could sail through Lok Sabha without any allies and with ease, he still needs allies in the Rajya Sabha. His straight talk with President Rajapaksa was meant for such allies. The “TN lady” who boycotted the swearing in of Modi as PM, wrote immediately to Modi to say she wish to meet him in New Delhi. The 50 minute meeting with PM Modi on Tuesday and then with Finance Minister Jaitely, made all jibes during elections, a thing of the past for Jeyalalithaa. The TNA too wrote, requesting an early opportunity to brief PM Modi on the SL Tamil issue.

Obviously, the Rajapaksa regime has reasons to be disturbed not knowing what they could do, except to say, they would do all what the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) would decide. A PSC, the main Opposition and the TNA have rejected for almost 02 years for now. Meanwhile Navi Pillay has also lined up the mechanism and framework for the probe on war crimes and accountability based on the UNHRC Resolution adopted last March. She perhaps would not leave any loose ends for any other to tie up, when she retires in end August, about 02 months from now.

That external political build up is being ignored and avoided here in Colombo with the regime leaking news about an early 2015 Presidential election, now advanced to late 2014. Probably to late November or early December this year. With that, the oppositional groups are frantically looking for a “Common Presidential Candidate”. Some claim, Rev Maduluwave Sobhitha thero is the most “common” and would honour the mandate given to him. The mandate according to spokesperson Ravi Jayawardne is only to abolish the executive presidencyand that would rally enough support to defeat President Rajapaksa. Defeating Rajapaksa for what, remains an unanswered question.

If and when asked, there are two popular answers for now. One, especially in the Tamil Diaspora and the other in the Sinhala South by those who cater to a “common presidential candidate”. The former would say, war criminals can not be allowed to go scot free. They have to be punished and the Tamil people must have justice, sooner than later. Their other slogan of a “separate Thamil State” posed as the final solution to be internationally sponsored. Within the Sinhala Opposition, the answer reflects a thin consensus that some democratic space has to be regained for anything to happen, for which this Rajapaksa regime has to be replaced. The broadest alliance for such change they argue, is to rally around the promise to abolish the Executive Presidency. As in any political society, there are deviations and differences within both Sinhala and Tamil propositions. Deviations and differences in how each aspiration could be achieved. Yet they all stop with targeting this Rajapaksa regime and not saying what would be left for the future once the regime is replaced.

Sexual Violence in Conflict: Sri Lanka - systematic, deliberate and intended to destroy

05 June 2014
Next week, the Global Summit to End Sexual Violence in Conflict is due to take place in London, co-hosted by the UK's Foreign Secretary, William Hague and the Special Envoy for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Angelina Jolie.
In the run up to the ESVC summit, we revisit the mounting evidence which documents the widespread, systematic and on-going use of sexual violence by Sri Lanka's military against Tamils, that occurs with absolute impunity.

See our previous features:

An orgy of rape in final days (02 Jun 2014)

Rape, Sexual Assault and Forced Prostitution of Tamils in Military-Run in IDP camps (03 Jun 2014)

Sexual violence in detention as torture 2009-2014 (04 Jun 2014)

Sexual Violence in Conflict: Sri Lanka - systematic, deliberate and intended to destroy

Photograph Salem News

Testimonies collected from the victims and from those within the Sri Lankan military suggest sexual violence against Tamils, far from being confined to one rogue detention centre or regiment, was widespread and systematic.

Sexual Violence in Conflict Sri Lanka - Systematic, Deliberate and Intended to Destroy by Thavam Ratna

A Dressing Down For JVP Anura

By TU Senan -June 5, 2014

TU Senan

JVP Leader Fails To Satisfy London Meeting Seeking Answers

A late arrival was not enough to save JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayakefrom a barrage of questions. At a meeting held on Saturday 31 May in East Ham, London, organisers prevented the JVP from putting up their banners. This was not ‘a JVP propaganda meeting’ we were informed – and the organisers must be congratulated for showing the JVP for what it still is, a Sinhala nationalist organisation trying to hide behind Marxist rhetoric. But Anura himself was key to exposing this reality.

The JVP is incapable of organising a meeting of this kind anywhere outside Sri Lanka, hence they had to rely on others to organise the event. Not so surprisingly there is no way they can attract Tamils or Muslim minorities to their meetings. This, however, did not stop the JVP from boasting to the Sinhala media in Sri Lanka that they’d held ‘successful meetings internationally’. But the truth is somewhat on the contrary.

The JVP has been trying to revamp their war-tainted image by selecting a new leader and claiming to have changed. Relying on a bit of nationalism, they made a relatively successful comeback in the last provincial elections. However, their support among the Sinhala Diaspora remains very weak.

The creation of the Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) and the international tour by its leader Kumar Gunaratnam has also done huge damage to the JVP. The aim of Anura’s visit, supposedly to recover from this, can without exaggeration be said to have failed.

The London meeting once more demonstrated the inability of the JVP to attract revolutionary sections of the community. Faced with questions, Anura resorted to diplomatic dodging rather than actually attempting to provide answers.

Anura had an opportunity to explain the mistakes of the past to his audience – the JVP’s false perspective that led them to enter a coalition with an anti-worker, capitalist government and to be complicit in the genocidal slaughter of Tamil-speaking people that took place in 2009. But, despite repeated probing, he touched on none of these issues. For Anura these issues may be in the long-forgotten past but they are firmly centred in the minds of many participants at the meeting.

The audience was told not to dwell on the past and instructed to ask questions about the current situation. But the attendees were well informed and the questions were not restricted to issues specifically of interest to Tamils.

முல்லைத்தீவில் சுரேஸ் பிரேமச்சந்திரன் பா.உ. மீது பொலிஸார் தாக்குதல் முயற்சி!

கடைசியாக பிரசுரிக்கப்பட்டது: 5 ஜூன், 2014
பொது மன்னிப்பும் பாதுகாப்பும் வழங்கப்படும் என்ற அரசாங்கத்தின் உத்தரவாதத்தையடுத்து, இராணுவத்தினரிடம் சரணடைந்து பின்னர் காணாமல் போயுள்ளவர்களைக் கண்டுபிடித்துத் தருமாறு கோரியும், இவ்வாறு காணாமல் போயுள்ளவர்கள் தொடர்பில் தாக்கல் செய்யப்பட்டுள்ள ஆட்கொணர்வு மனுக்கள் மீதான நீதிமன்ற விசாரணையைத் துரிதப்படுத்தக் கோரியும் முல்லைத்தீவு பேருந்து நிலையத்தருகில் வியாழனன்று ஆர்ப்பாட்டம் ஒன்று நடைபெற்றது.

தமிழ்த் தேசிய கூட்டமைப்பு இதற்கான அழைப்பை விடுத்திருந்தது.

அரச தரப்பினருடைய எதிர்ப்பு ஒன்று கூடலுக்கு மத்தியிலும் இந்த ஆர்ப்பாட்டம் நடந்தேறியுள்ளது.

தமிழ்த்தேசிய கூட்டமைப்பின் மாகாணசபை உறுப்பினர் அனந்தி சசிதரன் மற்றும் முல்லைத்தீவு மாவட்ட மாகாண சபை உறுப்பினர்களான ரவிகரன், அன்ரனி ஜெகநாதன், சிவாஜிலிங்கம் ஆகியோர் தலைமையில் நடைபெற்ற இந்த ஆர்ப்பாட்டத்தில் நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர் சுரேஷ் பிரேமச்சந்திரன், பிரதேச சபை உறுப்பினர் சஜீவன் மற்றும் காணாமல் போயுள்ளவர்களின் உறவினர்கள் ஆகியோர் கலந்து கொண்டிருந்தனர்.

இந்த ஆர்ப்பாட்டத்தில் பொதுமக்கள் கலந்து கொள்வதைத் தடுப்பதற்காக அடையாளம் தெரியாதவர்கள் ஆர்ப்பாட்டத்திற்கு அழைத்துச் செல்வதற்காக பேரூந்துகள் வரும் என்று அரச ஆதரவாளர்கள் சிலர் வீடு வீடாகச் சென்று அறிவித்திருந்ததாகவும், அவ்வாறு காத்திருந்தவர்களை சில பேருந்துகள் ஏற்றி வந்து தமது ஆர்ப்பாட்டத்திற்கு எதிராக தாங்கள் நின்றிருந்த இடத்திற்கு சிறிது தூரத்தில் ஒன்று கூடியிருந்ததாகவும் மாகாண சபை உறுப்பினர் ரவிகரன் தெரிவித்தார்.

காவல்துறையினரின் அனுமதி பெற்று தமிழ்த் தேசிய கூட்டமைப்பினரால் நடத்தப்பட்ட ஆர்ப்பாட்டம் முடியும் வரையில் அந்தப் பகுதிக்குள் எதிர்த்தரப்பினரைச் செல்லவிடாமல் காவல்துறையினர் தடுத்திருந்தனர்.

ஆயினும் இரு தரப்பினருக்கும் இடையில் வாய்த்தர்க்கம் ஏற்பட்டிருந்தது; அசம்பாவிதங்கள் எதுவும் நிகழவில்லை.

மற்றொரு ஆர்ப்பாட்டம்

கடத்தப்பட்டவர்கள், காணாமல் போயுள்ளவர்கள், இராணுவத்தினரிடம் சரணடைந்து காணாமல் போயுள்ளவர்களைக் கண்டுபிடித்து விடுதலை செய்ய வேண்டும் என்று தமிழ்த்தேசிய கூட்டமைப்பின் ஆர்ப்பாட்டத்தில் கோரிக்கை விடுத்து கோஷங்கள் எழுப்பப்பட்டன.

இதற்கு எதிராக ஒன்று கூடியவர்கள் விடுதலைப் புலிகளினால் பிடித்துச் செல்லப்பட்டதன் பின்னர் காணாமல் போயுள்ள தமது பிள்ளைகளை விடுதலை செய்ய வேண்டும் என்று கோரியதுடன், விடுதலைப்புலிகளினால் தமது பிள்ளைகள் பிடித்துச் செல்லப்பட்டதை நினைவூட்டி கண்டனம் தெரிவித்திருந்தனர்.

இதேவேளை, இராணுவத்தினரிடம் சரணடைந்து காணாமல் போயுள்ளவர்களில் விடுதலைப்புலிகளின் திருகோணமலை அரசியல்துறை பொறுப்பாளராக இருந்த எழிலன் உள்ளிட்ட 12 பேரை, நீதிமன்றத்தில் ஆஜர் செய்யுமாறு கோரி, தாக்கல் செய்யப்பட்டுள்ள ஆட்கொணர்வு மனுக்கள் தொடர்பான வழக்கு விசாரணைகள் முல்லைத்தீவு மாவட்ட நீதிமன்றத்தில் எடுத்துக் கொள்ளப்பட்டிருந்த வேளையிலேயே இந்த ஆர்ப்பாட்டம் நடைபெற்றிருந்தது.

இந்த வழக்குகள் தொடர்பிலான அரச தரப்பு சட்டத்தரணி நீதிமன்றத்தில் ஆஜராகாத நிலையில் இந்த வழக்கு விசாரணைகளை வரும் ஜுலை மாதம் 21 ஆம் திகதிக்கு நீதிமன்றம் ஒத்தி வைத்துள்ளது.

ஆட்கொணர்வு மனு

இதற்கிடையில் ஐந்து வருடங்களுக்கு முன்னர், 2009 ஆம் ஆண்டு யுத்தம் முடிவடைந்ததையடுத்து, இராணுத்தினரிடம் சரணடைந்ததன் பின்னர் காணாமல் போயுள்ள விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் பொருளாதாரத்துறை பொறுப்பாளர் கரிகாலன் மற்றும் அவருடைய மனைவி டாக்டர் பத்மலோஜினி ஆகியோர் உட்பட ஐந்து பேர் தொடர்பாக வவுனியா மேல் நீதிமன்றத்தில் ஆட்கொணர்வு மனுக்கள் புதன்கிழமையன்று தாக்கல் செய்யப்பட்டுள்ளன.

இந்த வழக்குகள் தொடர்பில் இராணுவ தரப்பு நியாயங்களை நீதிமன்றத்தில் தெரிவிப்பதற்கு நோட்டீஸ் அனுப்புமாறு உத்தரவிட்டுள்ள நீதிமன்றம் அது தொடர்பான விசாணைகளை வரும் ஜுலை மாதம் 2 ஆம் திகதிக்கு ஒத்தி வைத்துள்ளது.

What Is The Scope Of National Reconciliation?

By R.M.B Senanayake -June 5, 2014

R.M.B. Senanayake

People including scholars are talking about National Reconciliation in Sri Lanka. They are blindly following the Transitional Justice model proposed by western scholars to deal generally with post conflict situations. They say former enemies may have a long history of violence between them and may find themselves faced with the challenge of implementing a new negotiated structure for the future management of their differences. They then argue that one of the biggest obstacles to such future cooperation is that, because of the violence of the past, their relations are based on antagonism, distrust, disrespect, hurt and hatred. But how true is this in the case of the Sri Lankan context.

But what I noticed even during the long war was that there was little or no personal animosity by the Sinhalese to the Tamils in the South. I am not sure about the border villages but leaving them out I think there was no mutual animosity between the ordinary Sinhalese and the Tamils. During the 1983 riots many Sinhalese befriended Tamils. Similarly there is no personal hatred towards the Sinhalese among the Tamils. But the models of transitional justice postulated by western scholars take such animosity and the need for reconciliation for granted. One of the biggest obstacles to resolution of the problem they say is the violence of the past, when their relations were based on antagonism, distrust, disrespect hurt and hatred.

But right from 1956 the Tamil campaign against ‘Sinhala only’ was opposed with violence mainly by mobs commissioned by interested politicians . They were not a spontaneous outburst of anger by the ordinary Sinhalese against the Tamil politicians . The situation changed after the LTTE emerged with war and violence. Even then Tamils lived among the Sinhalese in the South and several Tamils from the North took refuge in Colombo to escape the extortion and demands of the LTTE.

So here in Sri Lanka, despite both communities having suffered severely during the war, my impression is that except in border areas and with the army, the Tamil people are not having personal animosity towards the Sinhalese as such.

TNA seeks public views to resolve ‘ethnic issue’

June 5, 2014 03:04

The TNA has sought suggestions from the public on ways to resolve the long-standing ‘ethnic issue’. Tamil National Alliance (TNA) senior parliamentarian Suresh Premachandran said the channels for feedback were now open and will remain so until the end of this month.

“We have had several different attempts made since 1957 to solve the issue. Nothing has materialised ,” he told reporters in Jaffna yesterday.

Premachandran said the Tamil minority has suffered since Sri Lanka gained independence from Britain in 1948 without any meaningful action to deliver justice to the Tamils.

The public could either email the TNA or hand in their proposals to their party office in Jaffna. The majority Sinhalese and the minority Muslims were free to send in the proposals.

The move comes after Prime Minister Narendra Modi in his bilateral talks with President Rajapaksa had made clear last month that India wishes to see Sri Lanka fully implement the thirteenth amendment to the Constitution.

Sri Lanka remains averse to conferring police and land powers on the Tamil-dominated northern provincial council.

External Affairs Minister GL Peiris told the Parliament here yesterday that President Rajapaksa told Modi that granting police powers to the provinces was not possible.

Colombo wants a parliamentary select committee to decide on the powers to be devolved to the provinces.

TNA is suspicious of the move, claiming that the PSC was a mere stalling tactic.

Sri Lanka’s thirteenth amendment was introduced in 1987 as a result of direct Indian intervention, PTI reports.

Sri Lanka again rejects devolving police powers to ease tension with Tamils

BY RANGA SIRILAL AND SHIHAR ANEEZ-Jun 4, 2014

(Reuters) - Sri Lanka on Wednesday again rejected devolving police powers to the provinces as requested by new Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and required by the constitution as a means to ease tension with minority Tamils.

Sri Lanka agreed with India in 1987 to devolve powers, including over police and land, to a regional level as a means to improve relations between Tamils and majority Sinhalese.

A war between the military and Tamil rebels, seeking a homeland in the north and northeast, lasted a quarter of a century and killed more than 100,000 people before it ended in 2009.

"Police power is important for provinces to maintain law and order," Primus Siraiva, a northern provincial councillor, told Reuters. "Otherwise, there could be lawlessness in provinces and the Provincial Council won't be able to control it."

India has demanded successive Sri Lankan governments to implement the 13th amendment to the constitution which came as a result of 1987 India-Sri Lanka accord. Modi repeated that demand after being sworn in last week.

Sri Lankan External Affairs Minister G.L Peiris told parliament that President Mahinda Rajapaksa did not have an in depth discussion on constitutional issues with Modi.

"But we made it crystal clear that devolution of police power is not acceptable," Peiris told parliament, responding to a question raised by the opposition.

He did not gave a reason.

Sri Lanka is facing heavy pressure from rights groups and the West for alleged human rights violations during the final phase of the war.

A “Dissenter” Writing For Publication In Sri Lanka

By Emil van der Poorten -June 5, 2014

Emil van der Poorten

I’ve had friends ask about my recent relative silence in the matter of writing to either the print media or on-line publications and I expect I owe them something of an explanation.

As many of you know I have, at one time or another since my return to the land of my birth, contributed to pretty well all the English-language newspapers of this country, sometimes – for obvious reasons – under a pseudonym and sometimes using the name my parents bestowed on me. With the creeping paralysis that has overtaken the media here and which has paralleled the dictatorial conduct of the leadership of this country, outlets for opinions such as mine have shrunk to nothing. This has happened primarily for two reasons – outright purchases or blockbuster takeovers by minions of or members of that government and self-censorship driven by commercial considerations and/or rank cowardice in the matter of being critical of those ruling Sri Lanka.

In a context where those similarly targeted by this government have met fates far grimmer than mine, it is still cold comfort to be told that “you could have been worse off!” The fact that Lasantha Wickremetunge is dead,Frederica Jansz lives in exile in the North Western United States, a bunch of other journalists are in political exile in Britain and Western Europe, Mandana Ismail Abeywardene has seemingly taken a vow of silence andTisaranee Gunasekara, arguably the bravest and most skilled journalist in this country, cannot find a newspaper to publish what she writes is very obviously meant as a chilling reminder to any lesser lights with the temerity to raise their voices against the monumental parody of a democracy that is Sri Lanka today.

For those leopards among us who cannot change their spots, particularly when they are closer than ever to the proverbial four-score in the matter of life span, all of this statistical information is of no consequence, not because of some irresistible urge to be a 21^st Century Don Quixote but because there are some matters of behaviour – classify them as belonging in the realms of morality, ethics or principle – that one simply cannot divest oneself of. It is as simple as that and, I’d suggest, a code that every religion and philosophy extols and all those in a country so full of self-identified “religious” and “moral” people pay seemingly never-ending lip service to.

| by Tisaranee Gunasekara

“If the President tells me at some point, ‘You must do politics; the country needs your services,’ I will have to do politics

Gotabhaya Rajapaksa (Deshaya - 1.6.2014)

( June 5, 2014, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The Rajapaksa colossus has a colossal weak-point, which, under certain circumstances, can bring down the entire edifice.

The Prime Minister is not a Rajapaksa.

Enter Gotabhaya by Thavam Ratna

POST-ELECTION 2015 SCENARIO: GOTABAYA’S ENTRY TO ELECTORAL POLITICS

Image courtesy Business Today

by Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka

- on 06/04/2014

The news, based on an exclusive interview, that Mr Gotabhaya Rajapaksa may formally enter mainstream politics by contesting Colombo at the parliamentary election (Deshaya and Daily FT) casts a significant light — some may say shadow— on the character of the regime as it will emerge recomposed after that election which will almost certainly be in the first quarter of 2015.

Post-election 2015 Scenario Gotabaya’s Entry to Electoral Politics by Thavam Ratna

Bogollagama thrown out, Gota to Kotte!

Thursday, 05 June 2014

Deciding to appoint Gotabhaya Rajapaksa as the SLFP electoral organizer for Kotte electorate in Colombo district, president Mahinda Rajapaksa has told incumbent, former foreign affairs minister Rohitha Bogollagama, to resign, sources say.

After he takes up the electoral organizer position, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa is to be appointed to parliament on the national list and then assigned as the minister of urban development and deputy minister of defence, according to the sources.

The defence secretary stressed in an interview to ‘Deshaya’ newspaper last Sunday that he was prepared to enter politics if the president made a request. Although the president had decided to field him from Kurunegala district at the last general election, he had refused to enter politics from Kurunegala district.

The president has decided to post Gotabhaya to Colombo immediately in order to give him the district leader position as he expects UPFA front-liners in Colombo Wimal Weerawansa, Champika Ranawaka and Thilanga Sumathipala to dodge their responsibilities.

The president has taken this decision as he knows that it is tactically important to keep Colombo and Gampaha, the districts with the highest populations, under his two brothers, sources add.

முள்ளிவாய்க்கால் நினைவை தடுத்தார் மகிந்த - தியனான்மென் சதுக்கநினைவை தடுக்க முயல்கிறது சீனா-

உலக தமிழ்ச் செய்திகள்04 ஜூன் 2014

சீனத் தலைநகர் பீஜிங்கில் உள்ள தியனான்மென் சதுக்கத்தில் 1989ல் நடந்த ஜனநாயக ஆதரவு ஆர்ப்பாட்டக்காரர்களை அரசு ஒடுக்கிய நிகழ்வின் 25வது ஆண்டு நிறைவு இன்று அனுசரிக்கப்படாமல் தடுக்க அந்த சதுக்கத்தில் ஆயிரக்கணக்கான சீனப் பாதுகாப்புப் படையினர் குவிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளனர்.

முள்ளிவாய்க்கால் நினைவை தடுத்தார் மகிந்த - தியனான்மென் சதுக்கநினைவை தடுக்க முயல்கிறது சீனா-

இந்த நிகழ்வை அனுசரிக்கவோ அல்லது விவாதிக்கவோ கூடாது என்று மக்கள் தடுக்கப்பட்டிருக்கின்றனர்.

இந்த நிகழ்வில் பல நூற்றுக்கணக்கான ஆர்ப்பாட்டக்காரர்கள் கொல்லப்பட்டனர்.

சதுக்கத்துக்கு வெளிநாட்டு செய்தியாளர்கள் சென்ற போது அவர்களை பாதுகாப்புப்படையினர் அந்த இடத்திலிருந்து வெளியேற்றினர்.

அந்தப் பகுதி வழியாகக் கடந்து சென்றவர்களையும் போலிசார் சோதனையிட்டு அவர்களது அடையாள அட்டைகளைப் பார்வையிட்டனர்.

சமீப வாரங்களில் பல ஆயிரக்கணக்கான ஆர்வலர்கள் தடுத்து வைக்கப்பட்டிருந்தனர். சமூக ஊடகங்களும் கண்காணிக்கப்பட்டன.

தியனான்மென் சதுக்கத்தில் 1989ல் நடந்த ஆர்ப்பாட்டங்கள் அரசியல் சீர்திருத்தங்களைக் கோரி நடந்தன.

ஆனால் இதை ஆளும் கம்யூனிஸ்ட் கட்சிக்குள் நடந்த அரசியல் அதிகாரப் போராட்டத்தில் வென்ற கடும்போக்குப் பிரிவினர், பலத்தைப் பிரயோகித்து ஒடுக்கினர்.

இந்த எதிர்ப்பு ஆர்ப்பாட்டங்களை புரட்சிக்கு எதிரான வன்முறை என்று வர்ணித்து இதில் இறந்தவர்களுக்கு நினைவஞ்சலி எதையும் அனுசரிக்க அனுமதிப்பதில்லை.

ஆனால், அருகேயுள்ள ஹாங்காங்கில், இன்று தியனான்மென் சதுக்க நிகழ்வுகள் குறித்த பேரணி ஒன்று நடத்தத் திட்டமிடப்பட்டிருக்கிறது.

தைவானிலும் இதே போன்ற நிகழ்வுகள் திட்டமிடப்பட்டிருக்கின்றன.

China: Yesterday, Today And Future

By Imtiyaz Razak -June 5, 2014

Dr. Imtiyaz Razak

A quarter century ago today, [June 4, 1989], China had experienced one of large anti-regime protests since 1978. It is commonly known as the June Fourth Incident or ’89 Democracy Movement. Students from Beijing University [where I earned my Masters degree in International Politics in 1996] and students from some universities in Beijing joined the popular demonstrations in Beijing.

There are socio-economic origin behind the rebellions, protests and mobilization. Rebellion or revolutions do not occur in the absence of social and economic problems. Studies on political mobilizations in China suggest interesting reasons behind the students-led popular movement. Chinese history is full of revolutions and rebellions since 17th century. Some rebellions succeeded and some failed. One of the successful rebellions against the regime is the Chinese communist party led revolution aiming at overthrowing the regime led by Chinese nationalists, commonly known as KMT.

Tiananmen Square Massacre

Since the communists led by Mao Zedong capture of power in 1949, there was another rebellion against the regime. This rebellion led by Mao Zedong against the communist party.This is commonly known as cultural revolution. Though Mao mobilized and lead the rebellion, it didn’t succeed its major goals, but proved Chinese spirt of protests. The death of Mao Zedong brought what is described as capitalists roaders to power. Deng Xioping, close associate of Mao Zedng and an ardent pro-market comrade during Mao’s period, as expected, came to power.