Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Thursday, May 15, 2014

5 years today - Hellish conditions in No Fire Zone, Tamil cause will reignite unless self-rule is allowed says Financial Times
15 May 2014-15 May 2009 - Hellish conditions in No Fire Zone, Tamil cause will reignite unless self-rule is allowed says Financial Times

Medical personnel in Vanni told Tamilnet, that over 100,000 Tamil civilians remained in the No Fire Zone.

Losing Sri Lanka




 by Tisaranee Gunasekara
“A profound ignorance, boundless credulity, weak intellect, and warm imagination, are the materials, of which are made bigots, zealots, fanatics, and saints….. The saints and the populace are, in the hands of their directors, automatons, moved at pleasure.”
Baron D’holbach (Good Sense without God)
( May 15, 2014, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The Buddhist flag flying over the Independence Square is symbolic of the anti-Lankan state the Rajapaksas are constructing, post-war.
கூட்டம் கூட்டமாக கொல்லப்பட்ட மக்களை கூட்டாக அஞ்சலிக்க முடியாதாம் 
news
logonbanner-112 மே 2014, திங்கள்

இலங்கையில் தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் புலிகளை நினைவு கூறும்  வகையில் எந்தவொரு நிகழ்வையும் நடத்தக்கூடாது என இராணுவம் தெரிவித்துள்ளதை தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பு கண்டித்துள்ளது.
 
இது மிகவும் மோசமான ஒரு மனித உரிமை மீறல் என்று கூட்டமைப்பின் நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர் சுரேஷ் பிரேமச்சந்திரன் தெரிவித்தார்.
 
உள்நாட்டுப் போரில் உயிரிழந்தவர்களை நினைவுகூர்வதற்கு அனுமதி மறுப்பது ஏற்றுக்கொள்ள முடியாது என்றும், இது காட்டுமிராண்டித்தனமான செயல் என்று குறிப்பிட்டார்.
 
விடுதலைப் புலிகளுக்கு எதிரான போர் முடிவடைந்து ஐந்து ஆண்டுகள் முடிவடைந்துள்ள நிலையில்,அவர்களை நினைவுகூர்ந்து பொது நிகழ்ச்சிகள் ஏதும் நடத்துவதற்கு இலங்கை அரசு தடை விதித்துள்ளது.
 
எனினும் அரசு போர் வெற்றியை கொண்டாடும் வகையில் தென்னிலங்கையில் பெரும் விழாவுக்கான ஏற்பாடுகள் செய்யப்படுகின்றன என்பதை சுட்டிக்காட்டிய அவர், தமிழ் மக்கள் மட்டும் தமது உறவுகளுக்கு அஞ்சலி செய்ய தடை விதிப்பது எந்த வகையில் நியாயம் எனக் கேள்வி எழுப்பியுள்ளார்.
 
தனியாக வீடுகளில் நினைவஞ்சலி சடங்குகளை அனுமதிப்பதாக இலங்கை அரசும் இராணுவமும் கூறுவதை ஏற்றுக்கொள்ள முடியாது.
 
"இறுதி போரின் போது கூட்டம் கூட்டமாக மக்கள் கொல்லப்பட்டார்கள், அப்படியிருக்கையில் கூட்டமாக அவர்களுக்கு அஞ்சலி செய்ய முடியாது எனக் கூறுவது சரியல்ல"
தேவையில்லாத அடக்குமுறையை இலங்கை இராணுவம் கைகொள்வதாகவே தமிழ் மக்கள் இந்த நடவடிக்கையை காண்பதாக அவர் மேலும் தெரிவித்தார்.
- See more at: http://onlineuthayan.com/News_More.php?id=411942992113155207#sthash.RZrycOd6.1rRGExh3.dpuf

President Rajapaksa Phoned TRC Palpita To Ask Colombo Telegraph Blockade


Mahinda Rajapaksa
Colombo TelegraphMay 15, 2014
In a surprising move, the President Mahinda Rajapaksa inquired from the Chairman Telecommunications Regulatory Commission Anusha Palpita about the blocking of www.colombotelegraph.com, the Colombo Telegraph reliably learns.
Related posts;It is understood that Palpita deliberately lied to the President saying that Colombo Telegraph published personal attacks on high ranking members of the Government including the President.  Colombo Telegraph challenges Palpita to cite instances where articles published on Colombo Telegraph contains ‘personal attacks’ on such individuals.
                                                                Mahinda Rajapaksa

Sri Lanka: Daily News Editor doesnt know the difference between War of Independence (1775- 83) and Civil War (1861-64) in America

Editor puts his leg in the mouth
 ” The Editor of the Daily News seems to be all mixed up about the American War of Independence which took place from 1775-1783 and the American Civil War which took place a century later in 1861-64, between the United States and 11 Southern states that seceded from the Union.  The Declaration of Independence is celebrated on July 4, but not the end of the Civil War which took place between the North and the South where over 600,000 people were killed. 

DBS Jeyaraj And The Bogey Of The Reincarnation Of The Tiger: Part 2

Colombo TelegraphBy Muttukrishna Sarvananthan -May 7, 2014
Dr. Muttukrishna Saravananthan
Dr. Muttukrishna Saravananthan
This is the second part of the op-ed entitled “D.B.S.Jeyaraj and the bogey of the reincarnation of the Tiger: Battle of the Fourth Estate in Post Civil War Sri Lanka”. I have undertaken my own investigation about the information (or misinformation) repeatedly churned out by DBSJ in the Daily Mirror (daily newspaper of Sri Lanka) in the past six weeks.
DBS
DBS
In the case of the alleged gunshot fired at police officers in or around the house of Jeyakumari in Tharmapuram, Kilinochchi, to date the authorities have not revealed the name/s of the police personnel who were shot at or injured in the shooting and the hospital in which they had undergone treatment. There is no record of anyone receiving treatment for gunshot injury in any of the hospitals in the region during March 2014 according to my information. Only information we have is that Jeyakumari is a person who jumped in front of the motorcade carrying British Prime Minister David Cameroon in Jaffna in November 2013 to draw his attention to the plight of parents and spouses whose child/ren or spouse had gone missing during the last phase of the civil war or earlier. It is also reported that Jeyakumari had appeared in the latest Channel 4 programme on Sri Lanka telecasted in November 2013.  The arrest and continued detention of Jeyakumari is suspected to be retaliation for democratic protest by an aggrieved mother. Is it a crime to engage in peaceful demonstration or talk to the international media?
There are also allegations about some persons (including some elderly) receiving unusually large amount of remittances from abroad through official banking channels to revive the LTTE. The information we have is that many individuals from abroad (including former combatants living abroad) on behalf of themselves or on behalf of certain Diaspora organisations (suspected by the Government of Sri Lanka) have been helping destitute people in the East and North, mostly ex-combatants, by way of periodic remittances for their livelihood through their contacts in the North. To allege that these remittances were meant to revive the LTTE is a concoction.
                             Read More

A world free from torture: Imagine that.

We have that world clearly in our sights. Amnesty has campaigned to stop torture for over 50 years, and we are not giving up. Because torture is never, ever justified. It is barbaric and inhumane.
As our timeline on pages 6-9 shows, decades of tireless campaigning have already brought huge achievements, including the UN Convention against Torture.
Yet people just like you are still being tortured all over the world. You will meet five of them in this issue of WIRE: Alfreda, Ali, Claudia, Dilorom and Moses (pages 10-17).
By supporting Amnesty’s Stop Torture campaign, you’ll be joining a global movement of millions. Together, we will stand between the torturers and the tortured, sending a clear and simple message to the powers that be: Stop torture.
Join us on our journey. We all have the right to live in a world that is torture-free.
Read about this and much more in WIRE, our global campaigning magazine.

A Perverted Peace


By Sumith Ariyasinghe -May 15, 2014 
Colombo TelegraphRumour has it that there is a saying among the foreign diplomats in Colombo that “Sri Lanka never looses an opportunity to loose an opportunity”. This is profoundly true of the end of the war five years ago. The military defeat of the LTTE was an opportunity like no other since independence to bring together island’s different ethnic and religious groups in one forward looking nation, all groups striving to build a happy and prosperous society for all. Two simple steps would have been sufficient to ensure reconciliation and thereby lay the foundation for a rational, modern nation. These were: (1) providing immediate relief to the affected people and, (2) a democratically based plan for power sharing so that the causes that led to the war are eliminated.
Mahinda-GotabhayaThat these were not forthcoming was made clear almost the instant the war ended, when in his “victory speech”, the president declared that there were henceforth no minorities in Sri Lanka but only patriots and those who were not. Large numbers of war displaced Tamil citizens were in effect incarcerated in virtual concentration camps euphemistically called “welfare villages”, ostensibly for purposes of national security, when in fact the cause of national security would have been better served if those citizens were allowed to go back to their homes and livelihoods, and given social, economic, and emotional support. The Rajapaksa regime was unable to summon the vision and magnanimity needed to take these two steps. Instead, what followed was an orgy of triumphalism that persists in different guises until now, and will be on its gaudy display at the commemorative celebrations in Matara later this week.                  Read More

The Sri Lankan Muslim Diaspora Dilemma



GroundviewsThis past week, incidents in Sri Lanka and abroad have illustrated the dilemmas facing the Sri Lankan Muslim community and its Diaspora constituents.  These incidents though isolated in occurrence have the hallmarks of being related to a wider malaise afflicting the community and the challenges they face

Thirty Years of Broken Promises


By Salil Shetty, Secretary General at Amnesty International.
Posted on  by Josefina Salomon
I was 23 when the United Nations adopted the Convention Against Torture in December 1984, and the event seemed a world away from my home in Bangalore. India was in deep turmoil. That summer, Sikh militants had occupied the Golden Temple, and the Indian army had been dispatched to clear them out. Hundreds, mostly Sikhs, were killed in the fierce gun battle that ensued.
Months later Indira Gandhi was assassinated in an apparent revenge attack. My father, a journalist for one of India’s leading newspapers, wrote a piece on the Sikh struggle for self-determination. Some time later, the police turned up at our door. It would be weeks before we saw him again.
Back in 1984, a spell in an Indian police station meant a beating — or worse. Police would knock you about and ask questions later. A few years before my father’s arrest, officers had picked up a classmate of mine. When his parents found out, they rushed to the police station – just in time to hear his anguished screams through the precinct walls. Officers had tied him to the ceiling and flipped him so the weight of his body forced his joints apart.
When torture comes to your home, it brings with it fear and helplessness. For too many people in the world today, that fear is still a painful fact of everyday life.
Thirty years on from the Convention, 155 states have put pen to paper committing themselves to wiping out torture and other ill-treatment. Yet in 2014, more than half those states continue the practice. Beating, electric shocks, rape, whipping, burning, using drugs and dogs – the range of techniques humans employ to inflict pain on one another is astounding and appalling. In the course of Amnesty International’s work this year, we recorded at least 27 different torture methods still being used today.
This doesn’t mean the Convention hasn’t worked. For those countries taking their responsibilities seriously, it provides an instruction manual on how to combat torture. It has given the world a benchmark to strive towards and to be measured against. Torturers are now international outlaws.
But it does mean there is still much more work to do. Amnesty International fought for the Convention Against Torture; now it fights for those promises made three decades ago to be fulfilled. On Tuesday we launch a worldwide campaign, Stop Torture, to do just that.
It is time to put an end to prisoners being locked out of sight, left bruised and battered in dark and lonely cells. Prompt access to lawyers, courts and relatives must be guaranteed, and conditions of detention must be humane. Recorded interrogations and spot checks on detention centers will ensure torturers have nowhere left to hide. Independent medical examinations will expose the marks they leave.
We want an end to awkward, shuffling methods of dealing with complaints, rerouting them to the very people who initiated the abuse with catastrophic consequences. Each complaint of torture or other ill-treatment must be investigated effectively, independently and impartially.
And we demand that torturers — whoever they are, wherever they are and whatever their reasons for torturing — are brought to justice. Not just the baton-wielding prison guard, but the commanding officers, too. The responsibility that comes with great power cannot be diminished by thin excuses about the ‘greater good.’
Our campaign is a call for global action — targeting five countries where we feel we can achieve greater impact and contribute to long-lasting change through concerted advocacy, activism and media pressure. Pressure to implement reforms in law and practice that have proved effective in countries all over the world.
In Mexico, Morocco, Nigeria, the Philippines and Uzbekistan we are taking on abusive law enforcement agencies in an effort to force through this change. Amnesty International will focus an international spotlight on one after another.
We will denounce how, in spite of Mexico’s relatively strong legislation to prevent and punish torture, the practice continues tolerated and unabated across the country. According to a global survey we commissioned for the campaign, some two thirds of Mexican people don’t feel that they would be safe in police custody.
We will expose the failure of judges and prosecutors in Morocco and Western Sahara to investigate reports of torture and ill-treatment by law enforcement and security services, allowing torturers to visit violence on their victims with near total impunity.
We will highlight unchecked torture in the Philippines, where five years on from the introduction of an Anti-Torture Act, not one person has been convicted of torture — despite a raft of allegations against police.
We will condemn the routine abuse of suspects by security forces in Nigeria, where torture is not even a criminal offence.
Finally, we will take on the might of the state of Uzbekistan, where prosecutors and judges sing from one song sheet to drown out the voices of victims. A thick shroud of secrecy cloaks the machinations of a paranoid government, and those who dare complain — from the peaceful protester to the out-of-favor oligarch — risk brutal reprisals.
Amnesty’s campaign is for the implementation of recommendations informed by more than 50 years of research into torture.
When my father was taken into custody, my mother and I desperately called around every human rights organization we knew. I believed then that organizations like Amnesty International make a real difference. I believe it more than ever now.
My father was lucky to walk free at the end of his ordeal. Many more in India — and around the world — do not. Torture must be stopped. Help stop it with us.
This article was originally published in Foreign Policy magazine on 13 May 2014
For more information:

Colombo ‘failing to engage’ with Tamil minority - Rajiva

logoColombo ‘failing to engage’ with Tamil minority - RajivaMay 15, 2014 
Five years after the end of Sri Lanka’s decades-long civil war, there are few signs of a government-led reconciliation, MP Rajiva Wjesinha tells DW, arguing that mistrust and suspicion have only grown stronger.

12.05.14 MEDIA RELEASE

The government will be having its “Victory Day” celebration in Matara in the Southern Province on May 18.  In preparation for this celebration the government ordered the closing over 40 schools in the Matara city area for over a week to facilitate the organizing of the logistics relating the celebratory events.  This is an indication of the importance that the government is placing on this celebration in which the bravery and sacrifice of the Sri Lankan security forces will be commemorated.  Concurrently, the government has prohibited any public commemoration of the end of the war in the Northern Province.  The government has expressed its opposition to the occasion being used by political parties and separatist groups in the North to glorify the LTTE.  The diametrically different government positions with regard to public commemorations of the end of the war in the North and South reveals a chasm that continues to exist in the polity.
The National Peace Council is saddened by the continuing emphasis on the divisions that exist within Sri Lankan society instead of on factors that could genuinely unify the polity.  Our country is once again leaving space to the people in the North to develop their own structures to deal with their sorrows and issues which will contribute to a separate state of mind. There is no peace when there is victory and defeat side by side on the same issue.  It was all of Sri Lanka that went through a thirty year war that saw large scale civilian casualties through offensives, bomb attacks and assassinations.  We should remember all who died in the hope that this bloodletting will never occur again.  This indeed is the message and recommendation of the Lessons Learn and Reconciliation Commission appointed by His Excellency the President, which is yet to be implemented in full.
No wise country celebrates war victory after a civil war. The American Civil War is not celebrated as the victory of the North versus the South where 600,000 Americans died.  After the battle of Gettysburg President Abraham Lincoln made his famous Gettysburg address.  He went out of the way to show that it was a common victory.  Unfortunately in Sri Lanka, the political leadership indulged and continues to indulge in triumphalism celebrating the victory over the LTTE.  We call for religious observances islandwide in memory of all those who lost their lives during the war and restoration of normality for war-affected displaced communities.  The need for reconciliation between all communities must be foremost in the minds of all people and our political leaders.
Governing Council
The National Peace Council is an independent and non partisan organization that works towards a negotiated political solution to the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. It has a vision of a peaceful and prosperous Sri Lanka in which the freedom, human rights and democratic rights of all the communities are respected. The policy of the National Peace Council is determined by its Governing Council of 20 members who are drawn from diverse walks of life and belong to all the main ethnic and religious communities in the country.

SRI LANKA IN 2014 : REPEATING PAST MISTAKES




GroundviewsOur long-drawn out internecine war in recent history came to an end in May 2009 with the military defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Thamil Eelam (LTTE). We thus had an opportunity once more, post-war, to address anew the underlying causes for violent conflict in our society, come together as a country and find ways and means to reconcile ourselves to our monumental losses. Prior to the military defeats of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) in 1989 and the LTTE in May 2009, the governments of the day were urged both by its supporters and foes alike to ‘fight fire with fire’ because a majority of the civilian population had had enough of our ‘liberators’. Tragically, however, we failed to seize the moment. Both the Premadasa administration and the Rajapaksa-led regime exploited their respective military conquests solely for the consolidation of their political bases. The continuing tragedy is that neither in the post-1989 period nor post-2009 was a genuine effort made to put in place mechanisms that could have led to national healing and wholeness.

Five Years After The War: Meandering, Dreary Reminiscences Of My Losses


By S. Ratnajeevan H. Hoole -May 15, 2014
Prof S. Ratnajeevan H. Hoole
Prof S. Ratnajeevan H. Hoole
Colombo TelegraphForeign Doors Closed?
Diaspora
Five years after the war the situation for the Tamil in the North-East has few bright spots. We older folk do not matter. The young do.  The schools in Sri Lanka are better built but bereft of the teachers who taught the older generation. The level of English has collapsed. Few Tamils from the North-East will get the required English scores to enter western universities. Even if they did, western universities that my generation had access to now have prohibitively high tuition fees. Migrating as a refugee is no longer an option. The Tamils who can most easily escape from Sri Lanka are those with family members who have already made it and whose sponsorship under family reunification will ultimately bear fruit. If they do manage to migrate, what awaits them?
Local Options
So those who are left behind in Sri Lanka are best off making the most of what there is.  The universities are in a parlous state. The lucky ones, who get into Moratuwa, Colombo and Peradeniya, still have to contend with communalist teachers. For example, there are those who teach in Sinhalese after admitting Tamils to a so-called English medium course. Then there was the student at Peradeniya who topped his class of some 324 students and had difficulties getting postgraduate admission in the West. It turns out that a Peradeniya colleague of mine was asked to write a confidential reference to the university, and wrote that he did not think this batch-topper was capable of finishing his doctorate (I came to know through my colleague at this end who could not believe his eyes and took the student into his group).
                         Read More

I WAS TORTURED IN SRI LANKA FOR HARBORING TAMILS

Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott. Photo via Wikimedia Commons
By Michael Allen 
Last week, the Australian government decided not to co-sponsor a UN inquiry into human-rights abuses in Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan government praised its "bold" decision, and Defense Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa posed for a celebratory shot with Australian Immigration Minister Scott Morrison as the former handed the latter a premium box of Dilmah tea.
The new government’s foreign policy must not be ad hoc 

Poll personnels with EVMs on their way to the remote villages of Sunderban (Hingalgunj) on the eve of the last phase of Lok Sabha elections. (Subhendu Ghosh / HT Photo)
May 14, 2014

Among the many challenges that the new government will face, one will definitely be foreign policy. The world is going through testing times: The US is due to pull its troops out of Afghanistan, Russia’s economic clout is receding, West Asia is in turmoil, and the world economy is still in the doldrums. India’s new foreign policy will have to factor in all these and much more before the government comes up with a viable blueprint.

More than the West, the next government’s policy trajectory towards the neighbourhood will be crucial. Under the UPA, India made some positive moves towards increasing trade and interactions with China. The new government must carry this forward. With Pakistan’s General Raheel Sharif saying that India is the country’s ‘jugular vein’, and various terror groups threatening to attack India, New Delhi will have to keep its expectations of peace at realistic levels. The recent arrest of an alleged Inter-Services Intelligence agent in Tamil Nadu, who has named an official of the Pakistan high commission in Colombo, is another indication that Islamabad will not give up its destablising game. On the contrary, it is now trying to exploit India’s vast coastline. With Sri Lanka, India needs to discuss issues like the arrests of fishermen from Tamil Nadu and the democratic rights of the Lankan Tamils. New Delhi should also allay fears about the Sethusamudram shipping canal project. The next government should not take Bhutan for granted and do more to bring stability to Nepal. India should also give more of an economic thrust to its ties with Myanmar, Maldives and Vietnam.

For long there has been a perception that India’s foreign policy is risk-averse. If India needs to be taken seriously in the comity of nations, this has to change. The next government must come up with a foreign policy that demonstrates a degree of flexibility where required while safeguarding India’s interests.