Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Monday, April 7, 2014



THE COMMEMORATION OF 20TH OF THE 1994 GENOCIDE OF TUTSI IN RWANDA


Rwanda People's Party logo
Fellow Rwandan and Friends of Rwanda,
MONDAY, 07 APRIL 2014
Today is 7th April. On this day, we join millions of Rwandan and Friends of Rwanda at home and beyond, to commemorate the 20th Anniversary of the genocide against the Tutsi, perpetrated by the former genocidal regime of the late Habyarimana, the ex-FAR and its allied Interahamwe militias. We especially salute the survivors of this genocide, accepted as one of the worst atrocities of the 20th century.

Reporting genocide: Too little, too late


RWANDA GENOCIDE 1994-2014 | A lack of coverage in the early days of the bloodletting had the effect of reducing pressure on key UN members



Skulls of those killed during the 1994 genocide are displayed at the Murambi Genocide Memorial Centre in Rwanda. Arthur Asiimwe/Reuters


By Linda Melvern


In a startling rebuke afterwards the characterisation by the press of the genocide as “tribal anarchy” was deemed by an international enquiry to have been fundamentally irresponsible.* In reality, a planned annihilation was under way. This was not a sudden eruption of “long-simmering hatred”. Genocide does not take place in a context of anarchy. This was the deliberate elimination of political opponents and an attempt to exterminate all Tutsi. 
The media’s failure to report that genocide of the Tutsi was taking place, and thereby generating public pressure for something to be done to stop it, was said to have contributed to international indifference and inaction, and possibly to the crime itself. It was left to non-governmental organisations - most notably the UK office of Oxfam - to give the crime its rightful name and lead calls for something to be done to try to draw the world’s attention. The basic inference in the press was that in the face uncontrollable savagery then nothing could be done. One British newspaper reported without question the view of a western diplomat in the capital, Kigali, who told a journalist how "various clans were murdering others”. 
For several weeks a fog of misinformation shrouded what was happening. Roger Winter, the director of the U.S. Committee for Refugees, who had known Rwanda since 1983, and had just returned when the genocide started, was desperate to change the perception in the press that this was tribal warfare. He wrote an article to explain how the violence was political in nature and that this was a plot by an extremist clique to cling to power. This clique, a mafia grouping of murderous northerners known as the “Akazu", was using ethnicity to achieve its aims. Winter’s article was rejected by most American papers, including the Washington Post and The New York Times. It was eventually published in Toronto’s Globe and Mail on April 14.  
The next day an article in The New York Times described Rwanda as small, poor and globally insignificant. Rwanda, the newspaper explained, was in an "uncontrollable spasm of lawlessness and terror”. It was a "failed central African nation-state with a centuries-old history of tribal warfare and deep distrust of outside intervention”. 
On April 20, Jeri Laber, executive director of Helsinki Watch, wrote to The New York Times that the UN should find a means to protect the innocent. To describe ancient hatreds in Rwanda was deplorable, faulty and dangerous.
The lack of adequate newspaper coverage had the effect of reducing pressure on key UN member states who were failing to acknowledge that the 1948 Genocide Convention was applicable. A further failure was to properly hold the UN Security Council accountable for its decision-making over Rwanda and to explain what the options really were to try to stop the killing from spreading. It was in the Council that the decision was taken to withdraw blue helmets and to determine to collapse the UN Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR); in so doing a green light for their plans was given to the killers of the Hutu Power movement. While some 470 volunteer peacekeepers stayed on in Rwanda trying to save as many people as possible, the UN failed even to resupply them.
With no outcry about genocide in the press, no choices were given and no risks were taken. At the very least the genocide should have been condemned in the strongest possible terms by the press. Those responsible for the genocide, and their names were known, should have been publicly denounced. Even the gallantry of Lt.-General Roméo Dallaire, the force commander of UNAMIR, and a brave contingent of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) under their chief delegate, Philippe Gaillard, remained for years unreported.
Why this pitiful lack of coverage of this massive story in this great age of information?  The lack of adequate reporting of the genocide in Rwanda raises some serious questions and 20 years later most of them have yet to be adequately addressed.  Lt.-General Dallaire once told me: “Rwanda was too small, too poor and too black”.
The writer is a widely published investigative journalist and is the author of several books, includingConspiracy to Murder. The Rwandan Genocide (2004). She is an honorary professor in the Department of International Politics at the University of Wales, Aberystwyth. Melvern served as a consultant to the Military One prosecution team at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.
___

The world still failing to act despite Rwanda genocide shame

7 April 2014
The international community has collectively failed to act on the lessons of the Rwandan genocide, said Amnesty International today as the world marks the 20th anniversary of the human catastrophe which left around 800,000 dead
Around 800,000 people were killed during the Rwanda genocide 20 years ago.
Around 800,000 people were killed during the Rwanda genocide 20 years ago.

India Begins World’s Largest Election

Indian voters wait in queues to cast their votes during the first phase of elections in Dibrugarh, in the northeastern state of Assam, India, April 7, 2014

 April 6, 2014
TIME

India’s 814 million registered electors are heading to the voting in stages over the next five weeks in the planet’s largest exercise in democracy. The opposition BJP, making promises of economic change, is looking strong in the opinion polls

(GAUHATI, India) — India started the world’s largest election Monday, with voters in the remote northeast making their way past lush rice paddies and over rickety bamboo bridges to reach the polls. Most parties were campaigning on promises of economic growth.

Sunday, April 6, 2014

Lies and bluster will not work any more

The Sundaytimes Sri Lanka
For long, it had been blissfully believed by this Government that the deliberate undermining of Sri Lanka’s systems of justice could be covered up by outright lies and bluster on the one hand coupled with the resurrection of the eternal bogeyman of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) on the other.
Lying worked to some extent before
This was a simple strategy which seemed to work well at first. Post-war, the aggravated militarisation of law enforcement and the centralisation of power in the Office of the Presidency went almost unnoticed as it were. Protests at the passing of the 18th Amendment to the Constitution were muted, except from the same old voices in the wilderness. A misguided few advocated in fact that Sri Lanka needed a benevolent dictator regardless of the fact that the terms ‘benevolent’ and ‘dictator’ were inherently and dangerously contradictory of each other.
A signal marker was the lamentable acquiescence of the Supreme Court to the 18th Amendment by a Bench (as we must not forget) presided over by a Chief Justice who was later witch-hunted out of office when the smallest judicial murmur was made regarding constitutional propriety to a Presidency grown bloated with post-war arrogance. The rapid politicisation of the Sri Lankan judiciary, evidenced most particularly from 1999, thus came to its inevitable head.
Factors leading to the March  2014 Resolution
As internal systems lost their integrity, Tamil and Muslim minorities became the focus of violent intimidation by self-styled protectors of Buddhism but whose very actions and behaviour confounded basic Buddhist precepts. And the Weliweriya violence showed the Sinhala majority that the glossy ideal of the protective Chinthanaya was a grave misconception. These lessons are now being learnt by Sinhala villagers from Horana to the deep South, month by month, as livelihood battles over water and land take central place.
These were all factors that led finally to the March 2014 Resolution by the United Nations Human Rights Council which has put Sri Lanka into the middle of an external inquiry on accountability issues.
Yet even with this formidable danger looming over its head, this Government appears to be under the impression that lies can still serve its cause. This is very well seen when one peruses the formal response submitted to the Council by the Government reacting to the 24th February report presented to the Council by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR, A/HRC/25/23). This OHCHR report was heavily relied upon by the Council in the passing of the Resolution.
Government report is a shameful exercise
Shorn of numerous references to ‘categorical rejections’ (of the OHCHR stance) which liberally splatter this document, the Government’s report thereto (A/HRC/25/G/9), is a shameful exercise in pure chicanery. Even as a matter of strategy, the assertions made in this report are easily refuted.  Quite laughably for instance, the Government response to the Weliweriya incident is to claim that the protestors turned violent.
And its reaction to attacks on media personnel is to claim that arrangements will be made for complaints to be lodged before the Press Council (see para 44). This is an unacceptable claim. The Press Council is a body that is not accepted by the media industry due to its supremely pro-government composition. Objections have been raised in regard to the appointment process itself. It is preposterous therefore that the Government makes these claims in an official response to the most critical United Nations report ever to come its way in decades.
Is it because of a misguided belief that these claims will not be examined for their veracity? Or is it due to wishful thinking that foreigners will not venture into the nitty-gritty of local systems? These are beliefs that should be discarded forthwith. Through our own monumental folly, we have placed ourselves in a situation where such outside intervention is now a reality. Lying may have been resorted to as a convenient practice in the past. This is no longer a viable option.
Constitutional theory is no  longer relevant
Indeed, the Government’s response is marked by further absurdities which are too long to be dealt with in these column spaces.  A large part of the response is devoted to refuting the position that Sri Lanka does not have a functional system of justice. We have copious paragraphs citing constitutional provisions.
But the Constitution is now not of any use in Sri Lanka. Surely we know that well? There is therefore little point in quoting it chapter and verse. Instead, what will be looked at is actual judicial performance in restraining arbitrary government action. Solid facts and figures will be important, not constitutional theory.
So what has been the record of the post-2009 Sri LankaP Supreme Court in that respect? How many fundamental rights actions have been decided against the executive and the legislature? How many habeas corpus actions have been determined to afford victims relief? What happened to the applications lodged by victims including those Tamil prisoners who died in the Vavuniya prison incident of 2013? Pleas of family members for redress were, as is a matter of record, literally tossed out of court.
The measure will be substantive  performance
The same logic applies to criminal prosecutions, whether in regard to horrific incidents such as the 2006 Trincomalee killings of students or the murders of the 17 aid workers that same year. Rhetoric on the importance of legal standards such as the burden of proof, (which the Government has indulged in to its hearts’ content in the response), or even the promised enactment of a victim and witness protection law will not help much.
Substantive performance in regard to restoring constitutional values and the Rule of Law is the measure against which this Government will be held to account. Unfortunately for this country and its suffering people, (barring a miracle), it requires little effort to predict the outcome of this process.

Recent European Self-Determination Exercises


Colombo Telegraph
By Kumar David -April 6, 2014 
Prof. Kumar David
Prof. Kumar David
This essay, except in the two introductory paragraphs and in one irrepressible comment, avoids reference to Lanka; readers can draw their own inferences. Had I attempted a comparative discussion with Lanka, a document three times longer would have snapped my editor’s forbearance. Folks in Lanka are emotional and irrational, hence every time one approaches this topic the rudiments of self-determination theory have to be restated. A barebones summary is: (a) if a reasonable sized group, forming a goodly majority in a territory, wishes to secede; it has the moral and political right to do so. Nevertheless (b) a person who accepts (a) has the right to campaign for or against secession, depending on judgement of benefits and losses.
Montenegro, Kosovo and Macedonia are now separate countries Albania was always separate
Montenegro, Kosovo and Macedonia are now separate countries
Albania was always separate
Now to Lanka; if folks in the North plus Baticaloa wish to exercise this right what do I say? I say, OK you have the right to secede or not to secede, but I also say: Taking into account contingent social, economic and international factors at this time, the Tamils, in their own interest, would be fools to secede. If circumstances change, for example if this regime persists in disrupting, damaging and obstructing the Northern Provincial Administration and grinds it into the dust, then it’s hopeless. The conclusion that the Tamils will never be permitted self administration, devolution and material improvement would be irrefutable. They would then need to ponder if they could be better off in a state of their own; it may not be foolish to secede.
Recent European self-determination drives
I will touch on Bosnia-Herzegovina (1991 and 1995–Dayton Accords), Kosovo (2008) and Scotland (2014) and comment on the hot topic of the day, Crimea (2014). To keep it manageable I will pass up Papua New Guinea (1975), Slovenia (June 1991), Croatia (October 1991), Macedonia (1993), East Timor (2002), South Sudan (2005) and Montenegro (2006). The independence date is in brackets, except Scotland where a referendum is due in September. Some in this list are politically stable and making economic progress; others are struggling – drowning would be too strong a word.
Scotland                                                                          Read More

The New Rampage

| by Tisaranee Gunasekara
“‘Are their heads off?’ shouted the Queen.
‘Their heads are gone, if it please your Majesty!’ the soldiers shouted in reply.”
Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland (Lewis Carroll)
( April 6, 2014, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The mass proscription of Tamil Diaspora organisations has been followed by the blacklisting of 424 Tamils of Lankan origin as ‘Tigers’. Unsurprisingly Kumaran Pathmanathan alias KP, the hand-picked successor of Vellupillai Pirapaharan and the man once described as an ‘Interpol wanted terrorist’ by the Defence Ministry website is not on the terrorist-list .
The Rajapaksas are on a new rampage, which is likely to push Sri Lanka into the biggest quagmire of her conflict-ridden history.

Bernard, Doric, MD Banda Centenaries And Wigneswaran’s Commemoration Speech

Colombo Telegraph
By Rajan Philips -April 6, 2014 
Rajan Philips
Rajan Philips
The best manifestation of Sri Lankan progressivism these days is limited to the occasions of memorial lectures and birth centenary commemorations of the leaders of the old Left Parties who dominated the island’s politics during the middle two quarters of the twentieth century.  There have been two centenary celebrations so far this year, first for Doric de Souza and more recently forBernard Soysa. We must also add to the list the birth centenary of the UNP stalwart, M.D. Banda, for reason that will soon become clear.
There were in fact two Commemoration Lectures for Bernard. The first was in Sinhala by Prof. Sarath Wijesuria on “Not Sharing Power for the Sake of Power,” and the second in English by Chief Minister C.V. Wigneswaran on “Brother Bernard and the National Question.” I have not seen the text of or any report on Prof. Wijesuriya’s speech, but Wigneswaran’s speech, which he delivered in English obviously to reach a broader non-Tamil audience even though he was invited to speak in Tamil, has been widely reported and commented upon. I would like to offer a few comments of my own on his speech, but, first, a few homages to the ‘centenarians’. For “now is the time to praise great men” (Arma Virumque Cano), as Fr. Paul Caspersz said, quoting Virgil, while inaugurating the Heector (Abhayavardhana) felicitation symposium fifteen years ago.
The Centenarians
Doric de Souza, like Pieter Keuneman, epitomized the finest era in Sri Lankan politics – when someone who did not belong to any of the island’s primordial ethnic or religious groups could become and be accepted as a frontline political leader. But the era eventually ended when the irrepressible Doric, whom Hector Abhayavardhana considered “the most rounded example of a Marxist intellectual in our country”, had to finally put himself in his place and out of the many political forums he once dominated because, as Hector ruefully noted, “he (Doric) suffered from one major political disadvantage – he did not belong to the Sinhala community.”
The “full dimensions of this disadvantage”, Hector went on to say, were not apparent while the British rule lasted, when Doric was the underground hero of the LSSP’s heroic years (1935-47), but they became a “genuine obstacle” after independence. Not just Doric, even the LSSP and the Left as a whole suffered from this political disadvantage – in that their politics was not communal politics. But despite that ‘disadvantage’ the Left leaders who belonged to the Sinhala community strove unto the last to make Sri Lanka belong to all Sri Lankans.  And Bernard was the last of the old Left parliamentarians and the only one to return to parliament, and to Kotte, after the 1977 electoral debacle.
                                                                                                  Read More     

Armed men assault Tamil farmer, father of three reported missing in Ampaa’rai

TamilNet[TamilNet, Saturday, 05 April 2014, 23:14 GMT]
A 54-year-old Tamil man from Thampiluvil in Ampaa’rai district is reported missing after he went herding cows on 25 March to Kagnchi-kudichchaa’ru is reported missing while his clothes were recovered and four men carrying automatic rifles assaulted a Tamil man, who went herding cattle at the same jungle on April 01. The attackers had bound the 37-year-old man to a tree and left the site into Paavaddaa jungle. The Tamil people, uprooted from Kanchi-kudichchaa’ru area say they are being threatened by the occupying Sri Lankan military which is trying to appropriate their lands for Sinhala colonisation. 

The armed men armed with AK-47 type of automatic rifles, were in blue t-shirts, said Mahendran Samithamby, who was bound to a tree for around 2 hours till he was saved by sand scooping workers who were on their way in a tractor. He has made a complaint to the SL police at Thirukkoayil police station. 

The 54-year-old man reported missing is Packiyarasa Paranirupasingam, a father of three from 2nd division on Aalaiyadi Road in Thampiluvil. He uses to herd his cows to Kagnchikudichchaa’ru and return in the evening. 

When his relatives went searching him next day, they located some of his cloths and a small bag. 

The assault on Mr Samithamby was reported 1 km close to the site where the cloths of Mr Packiyarasa were recovered. 

The British-trained elite counter-insurgency commandos, known as Special Task Force (STF) together with the Sri Lankan Police and the Sri Lanka Army soldiers have been chasing the Tamil people away from their traditional villages in Kagnchi-kuddichchaa’ru after the end of war.

‘Is this a govt. of laws or a govt. of men?’

The Sundaytimes Sri LankaLawyers, academics and activists hit out at the growing militarisation of every aspect of society at a forum organised by the BASL to analyse the implications of a gazette vesting police powers in the armed forces
Speakers at a crammed public forum this week denounced increasing military encroachment into various aspects of civilian life and warned that it boded ill for the country’s future.
Jayantha Danapala
The gathering was held by the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute auditorium to analyse the implications of a gazette vesting police powers in the armed forces. A spokesman said the BASL will also organise such discussions in other parts of the country.
Issued under Section 12 of the Public Security Ordinance, the relevant gazette is renewed every month. It sees President Mahinda Rajapaksa calling out all members of the armed forces for “maintenance of law and order” in all administrative districts of Sri Lanka. Each of the ten speakers at the forum emphasised that this was not conducive to peace, democracy and the rule of law.
It is nearly five years since the war against terrorism ended and “we still unfortunately see the prevalence of a military presence, not only in the north, but also in the south,” observed Jayantha Dhanapala, former UN Under-Secretary General for Disarmament Affairs. It was important to have a sustainable peace, he stressed, and “not the securitisation of the State, which is what we see today”.
A comparison of the Defence Ministry budget allocations of 2009 and 2014 shows a substantial rise that cannot be accounted for by
Upul Jayasuriya
inflation, Mr. Dhanapala said. There was also a significant increase in the armed forces and in the strength of the armed forces which “cannot be explained”.
Mr. Dhanapala cited the Government’s own Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission as recommending that it was important for normal civilian life to resume in the war-affected provinces. The LLRC called for a “viable demilitarisation” and a return to full civilian administration. “An environment of fear and mistrust is incompatible with reconciliation,” he said.
Every seat in the large auditorium was occupied forcing some listeners to remain standing. The address by Chandraguta Thenuwara, spokesman for the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations (FUTA), drew laughter from the audience. He said the government now takes a new type of credit called “Chi-naya”—“Chi” being short for China and “naya” being the Sinhala word for loan. The State has cut funding to universities while allocating more money to the Kotelawala Defence University.
Savitri Goonesekera
Mr. Thenuwara criticised the leadership programmes run for new university entrants by the military. The university system also did not require protection from the army’s new security company called Rakna Lanka. Having existed for more than 100 years in Sri Lanka, universities were capable of meeting their own protection needs.
A team of professors from Kelaniya University had for the first time devised a course in forensics, Mr. Thenuwara said. The authorities had feared that they would sell out the country as forensics concerned dead bodies. It resulted in the lecturers being summoned for a “cordial” meeting with Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his staff.
The army did everything from planting flower gardens to growing vegetables, Mr. Thenuwara said. Soldiers were being deployed like slaves to build parks and highways. “Militarisation, in whatever form, cannot be supported,” he asserted. “If the war is over, the army must go home. It must be reduced, not expanded. They must become ordinary citizens. They have today shoved aside ordinary citizens and put in their place soldiers in civilian clothing.”
BASL President Upul Jayasuriya accepted that the army or military was an integral part of a State’s defence system. “However, they have no role to play in policing a society,” he said. “On the contrary, they are regimented to act on the dictates of politicians in power.”
“In this backdrop, society has rapidly been tilted towards militarisation,” he cautioned. “The military rule which has been enforced under the guise of the civil war, is gradually over shadowing a democratic society.”
Chandraguta Thenuwara
The gradual decline of the rule of law over the last few months has now “reached a critical point”, Mr. Jayasuriya said. “Human rights and Humanitarian laws have been completely disregarded,” he continued. “The entire society has fallen prey to subjective standards of a few who hold unlimited power and a few others who are closely linked to them. Laws that must apply to all persons irrespective of their status do not seem to apply to them. They appear to act above the law.”
Mr. Jayasuriya accused “those in the highest level of governance” of blatantly violating the law in the full glare of public scrutiny. “If this situation is permitted, it would create a dangerous trend where privileged persons would have no law to obey.”
T. Thamilmaran, Dean of the Colombo University’s Faculty of Law, held that the relevant section of the Public Security Ordinance was more suitable to a parliamentary system than to an executive presidential system where the political authority empowered to involve its provisions is “a head of State, a head of Government, head of Cabinet, Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces and also the leader of a political party”.
“Like in the case of proclaiming the state of Emergency, it is the sole discretion of the President who decides on the existence of the circumstances endangering the public security,” he explained. “Is the discretionary power of the president subject to any check? Is it a government of laws or is it a government of men?”
Dr. Thamilmaran also lamented that, in Sri Lanka, whenever the actions of the Government were criticised, it was construed as being against the State. He was supported in this view by Prof. Savitri Goonesekere who said that, “Those who talk about the rights of people, guaranteed within our constitution, are nevertheless considered traitors and as people who are challenging the path to national development.”
“What we see today is a manipulation of the idea that the military is important for national security to undermine the rule of law and the guarantees of the rights of the people through a process of militarisation that goes into the area of civilian governance,” Prof. Goonesekere analysed.
Even in colonial times, the courts of Sri Lanka have upheld the importance of the core values of human rights such as freedom from illegal detention, she emphasised. Many cases integrated the idea of human rights into our legal systems.
“When the constitution of 1978 actually incorporated Chapter 3 on Fundamental Rights, that was a continuity of a legal tradition that was very much a part of the history and experience of this country on governance,” she remarked. “We are constantly told that human rights are a western ideology that has come from somewhere else, that is alien from our experience. Today is an occasion to reinforce that this is not so at all.”
Chandra Jayasuriya, a good governance activist and a former head of the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce criticised the “expropriation bill” under which the government took over businesses in violation of international agreements. He said funds are passed, enacted and spent outside the annual Appropriation Bill despite the Constitution and the Supreme Court holding that finance is a function of Parliament. Among other things, he said the armed forces run businesses in competition with markets in both the north and south.
“There is a new tendency to use revanchist logic in the beautification of the country,” he said. “Through the power of the military, the poor are suppressed.” These are shown to be positive features “but it’s a measure of control and militarisation in the guise of economic development,” he warned.

Souvenirs Of Rural Life


Colombo Telegraph
By Emil van der Poorten -April 6, 2014 
Emil van der Poorten
Emil van der Poorten
It is essential that the picture that accompanies the text of this column is published and I expect It will.  Otherwise, I’m sure the text will not see the light of day and legitimately so!
For the uninitiated, the picture appearing here, not deliberately “gussied-up” by fallen yellow Tabebuia flowers by the way,  is of what, appears to be the front leg of a bovine.  Judging by the size of the limb, the animal had to have been a largish calf.
That this was only recently severed from the animal which it adorned until only recently was evident from the lack of anything resembling putrefaction of the meat under the skin and the fact that the hair on that skin was not in the process of being shed. Finding something like this in one’s front yard could be considered unusual even in rural Sri Lanka in the 21st Century except under the most ghoulish of conditions.
EmilA safe guess would be that our “rice hound” of indeterminate parentage but unusual intelligence had found this somewhere in the neighbourhood and brought it home for display as some kind of a prize as she is often wont to do.  But then, you don’t find calf limbs lying around our neighbourhood or most neighbourhoods for that matter.  Someone or some animal had brought it within reach of our dog which doesn’t stray too far from home base at any time.  The guess was that it was a member of the several packs of feral dogs that had brought it within our dog’s reach.  The next question is, “Where would a feral dog (or dogs) find such an object to begin with, starting this strange relay?”  We have very few cattle anywhere near us and none within a couple of miles and, in any case, cattle don’t go around shedding their limbs!  And inquiries from those known to have a cow or calf in our neck of the woods drew a blank in the matter of a lost calf, leave alone one that had been slaughtered. The most reasonable explanation for the presence of the bovine limb in our yard went as follows:

Free And Fair Election in Sri Lanka: An Independent Election Commission a must

Can the Elections Commissioner be blamed?   Daily Mirror opinion
The elections to the Southern and Western Provincial Councils have just been concluded. People were able to witness some violence although no major incidents were reported. As in many other elections in the recent past, the candidates carried out their elections campaigns insulting the intellect of the general public while breaking most of the rules imposed by the Elections Commissioner.

 In this backdrop Democratic Party Leader Sarath Fonseka is reported to have described Elections Commissioner Mahinda Deshapriya as a ‘scarecrow made of hay’ who did little against the perpetrators who blatantly violated election laws. People would see a point in Foneseka’s allegations if they recollect the number of election law violations they saw while going to work during the last few months.
But then again, can we put the blame solely on the Elections Commissioner for this situation? Given the current political context the elections are held, it is not at all reasonable. The Elections Commissioner who appears to be a respected public official with a good track record was seen trying his best to hold a free and fair election within boundaries his jurisdiction allowed him to. However, unfortunately this was not enough.
In response to Fonseka’s allegations, the Elections Commissioner clearly explained the limitations he has to operate within and like his predecessor urged the need to appoint an Independent Elections Commission"

In response to Fonseka’s allegations, the Elections Commissioner clearly explained the limitations he has to operate within and like his predecessor urged the need to appoint an Independent Elections Commission, which was provided in the 17th Amendment to the Constitution.

But, there does not seem to be even the remotest possibility that the Mahinda Rajapaksa-led government is going to implement the 17th Amendment to the Constitution and thereby introduce an Independent Election Commission. Nor there will be a Judicial Commission or a Police Commission.

 As a result of this, a question will always arise about the credibility of the elections that have already been held and the ones that are going to be held in the future. It is believed that the Uva Provincial Elections are just round the corner.

The need for independent elections, judicial and police commissions is now being felt more than ever given the visible deterioration of these institutions. Besides, the pressure on Sri Lanka by the international community is mounting on issues that centre on good governance, accountability, rule of law and human rights.

Therefore we urge the government to take necessary steps to appoint these independent commissions as soon as possible to ensure free and fair elections and good governance.