Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Saturday, October 19, 2013

Modi says must protect Tamils


October 18, 2013
Modi
Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi says people of Indian origin are present in several countries and they have to be engaged effectively and taken care of when in trouble like the Tamils in Sri Lanka.
Modi also said that India’s foreign policy should be built on the foundation of our culture, tradition, strength, economy, trade, strategy and security, the Indo Asian News Service reported.
Delivering the Nani Palkhivala memorial lecture in Chennai today on “India and the World”, Modi stressed that the foreign policy should be drawn up with inputs from states and wondered why not give each Indian state one foreign country to develop better relationship with.
He said India’s freedom struggle was not just about getting independence from British rule but a global anti-colonial movement and these principles should shape up our foreign policy. (Colombo Gazette)

Wigneswaran’s Seven Precepts And The Missing One

Colombo Telegraph
By Hema Senanayake -October 19, 2013
Hema Senanayake
The word precept means ‘a general rule intended to guide or regulates behavior or thought.’ In his inaugural speech, the Honorable Chief Minister Mr.Wigneswaran has set seven precepts for the elected officials of the NPC. He said “At this juncture, I consider it appropriate to put forward Seven Principles that are emphasized in public life.”
Those are (1) Selflessness, (2) Integrity, (3) Objectivity, (4) Accountability, (5) Openness, (6) Honesty and (7) Leadership.
He also gave the reference where he took them. He explained “When John Major was Prime Minister of Britain, he appointed a Committee headed by Nolan to examine and to report to him about principles that those engaged in public life should adhere to. The Committee studied the issues and submitted its First Report in 1996. The above principles were the unanimous conclusions and recommendations of that Committee.” By citing the reference he tried to intimate that those principles are well accepted in the West.
I agree that those principles or precepts are good. However when comes to governance at provincial or at national level there is one more essential precept. I name it as the “collective intelligence.” Democracy and governance usually fail due to lack of it.
French Philosopher Pierre Lévy defines collective intelligence as, “It is a form of universally distributed intelligence, constantly enhanced, coordinated in real time, and resulting in the effective mobilization of skills. I’ll add the following indispensable characteristic to this definition: The basis and goal of collective intelligence is mutual recognition and enrichment of individuals (knowledge).”Read More

Wigneswaran’s Framework


Colombo Telegraph
By Malinda Seneviratne -October 20, 2013 

Malinda Seneviratne
Ex-judge C.V. Wigneswarn is now a politician.  These are early days of his political career.  Early days are typically made of words.  Time will tell us more of ‘deed’ and the distance these have to rhetoric.  We are not talking of the campaign rhetoric, which typically tends to gravitate to vote-getting imperatives.  It is well known that manifestos are junked after election and mandates re-worded to match ambitions and justify decisions.  Even in this sense we are still in ‘early days’ as far as Wigneswaran and the Northern Provincial Council are concerned.
Considering all this, it is important to give the man breathing space, to overlook tendentious utterance and in general accord him the benefit of the doubt.  In these ‘early days’, Wigneswaran, even his most vocal detractors must admit, has succeeded in painting himself as a different kind of politician; time will tell whether he warrants the tag ‘Statesman’, for this requires a lot of deed to go with the lot-of-word the man is made of.  He has nevertheless made some pertinent and refreshing pronouncements.
His outcome-preferences notwithstanding (one never known ‘true intent’ and he cannot do worse than other politicians, seasoned or otherwise, belonging to whatever community, whatever party), Wigneswaran has clearly spelled out the parameters of democratic and civilized process as the non-negotiables.  In other words, if preferred outcomes are not yielded by the processes permitted by this operational frame, Wigneswaran would say ‘hard luck!’.
What is this frame?                           Read More

Documenting stories of forced disappearances in Lanka

Independent film-maker Leena Manimekalai shooting for the documentary 'White Van Stories' in Pesalai in Mannar district of Sri Lanka.Special ArrangementIndependent film-maker Leena Manimekalai shooting for the documentary 'White Van Stories' in Pesalai in Mannar district of Sri Lanka.

Return to frontpageKARTHIK SUBRAMANIAN-CHENNAI, October 19, 2013

Leena Manimekalai’s ‘White Van Stories’ inspired by voices of those in search of their loved ones

“You would get arrested, get raped or disappear yourself. Don’t do it.” This advice the independent film-maker and poet Leena Manimekalai got from well-wishers was hardly encouraging, when she told them about shooting a documentary in Sri Lanka on the enforced disappearances in the island nation over the past three decades.
That was three months ago.
Now, the documentary’s post-production work is in full swing, and with ‘White Van Stories’ having acquired a reasonably good shape (the writer was among the first to view the work in progress), Leena has a fresh set of challenges at her hand. She is now trying to get across the documentary, shot undercover in parts evading the constant gaze of the military, to a global audience.
“A lot of talk is going on about rehabilitation of the Tamils and justice to the displaced. But I want to show the world that the country is still militarised to such a level that average voices are often muffled. The presence of the military continues to instil fear among residents.”
Sri Lanka has a long history of unexplained disappearances: in the 1980s, during the armed revolt of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, and later as the civil war intensified in the 1990s up to recent years. The victims were Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims and the perpetrators - all parties to the conflict. Often, victims were taken away in a white van, never to be heard of again.
‘White Van Stories’ is not a damning portrayal of any one side over the other. As an emotionally charged relative of a missing person is shown yelling at a rally organised in Jaffna in August this year, “We are neither against the LTTE nor the Sri Lankan Army. The war has been over for four years now. We deserve to find out what happened to our missing relatives.”
Leena says she was inspired to work on the subject of enforced disappearances when she visited Sri Lanka for a literary festival (41st Ilakkiya Santhippu) in July, and stayed back to travel. The stories she heard of people searching for their loved ones, thousands of whom vanished in the last stage of war in 2009, moved her to make the film.
The rally organised in Jaffna last August, close to the visit of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay, is the common thread that stitches together the story of seven women from different parts of the country and with different ethnic background: the spectrum of the disappeared loved ones, including a political cartoonist, a former LTTE combatant, a youngster who surrendered to the army in the last stage of the war, a fisherman, and a displaced Muslim resident.
The core of the film is the resilience of the women in the forefront of the movement to find the disappeared and their fight for justice.
Leena hopes to finish the entire production of her documentary by this month-end. “There is a closure in cases of death but not in disappearances,” she says. “The least I hope as an artist is to touch as many lives as I possibly can.”
Further details of the documentary are available on www.whitevanstories.com.

It’s Sri Lanka’s justice system, not just one case

  • Sunday, October 20, 2013
  • The predictability of it all would be laughable if it was not so deplorable. In a perfect world, the upcoming Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting (CHOGM) would never have been held in Sri Lanka which, under this Presidency, symbolizes a complete negation of all the values that the Commonwealth stood for.
    A useless extravaganza
    The Sundaytimes Sri LankaYet, as trade-offs continue between Sri Lanka’s spin masters and foreign leaders whom the government dearly wishes to entice into attending this extravaganza, we can only stand back and chuckle.
    The pressure exerted by the Indian government on the Rajapaksa Presidency into holding the Northern Provincial Council election was at least an exercise well worth the effort given the energy that this has injected into the political process.
    But other exercises are far more contemptible, for example the shameful consensus that is now being forged between Australia’s new government and this administration in stopping, by foul means or fair, refugees heading to Australia’s shores in exchange for that country’ support and presence at Sri Lanka’s CHOGM summit.
    These cynical trade-offs do not stop there. The filing of direct indictment by the Attorney General this week against the Tangalle Pradeshiya Sabha chairman and his cronies, (all essential allies of the Rajapaksa’s Southern strongholds or strangleholds as the case may be), in regard to the murder of a British tourist and the brutal rape of his Russian girlfriend has not come about as a magnificent act of benevolence. Instead, it is directly linked to the British government’s intense interest in the case during the run-up to CHOGM. Discerning the link does not need wisdom of a particularly acute kind. 
    Exceptional cases do not make the norm
    True enough, indictment has been filed and we are told that a special prosecutor will be appointed for this case. But whether it is the Khurram Sheikh killing or indeed the 2006 murders of the students in Trincomalee or the killings of the seventeen aid workers in Mutur that same year, the question is not exceptional pressure which propels minimal action being taken in one case or the other. 
    Rather, the central issue is Sri Lanka’s justice system and the general breakdown of the Rule of Law which makes the holding of the CHOGM here close to an obscene exercise. For each exceptional case that is pushed by foreign governments, there are hundreds more instances where victims or their family members languish without relief. And on each instance that the Attorney General refuses to prosecute or the Supreme Court refuses to hear despite clear evidence of violations, we are pushed closer to a despotic state regardless of international summits and useless perorations on the value of democracy. These are however not preoccupations that appear to interest the Commonwealth.
    So the privileging of justice in Sri Lanka depends on whether a foreign government takes an interest in a particular case or not. And while Canada’s Prime Minister must be applauded for his steadfast refusal to attend the CHOGM, perhaps we must be glad that no Canadian tourist has been murdered in Sri Lanka or that the country has not been afflicted by boat people who, as we are told repeatedly by the Australian government, insist on landing on their shores in gargantuan numbers though skeptics scoff at these exaggerations. 
    Witness protection or witness elimination?
    Last week’s reporting in this newspaper of an Assistance and Protection of Victims of Crimes Bill due to be presented in Parliament soon is yet another pre-CHOGM tradeoff. We have not been apprised of its substantive contents. At the outset, it remains a question as to why the Division for the protection of witnesses is located (separately, we are told but there can be no effective separation) within the Department of the Police? In an umpteen number of cases recorded beyond any manner of a doubt, it is the police who is shown to threaten victims and witnesses. Therefore, placing the very Division responsible to protect these special categories of persons within the overall structure of the police raises severe doubts as to the credibility of this mechanism. This was a flaw attaching to the initial draft of the Victims and Witnesses Protection law proposed in 2008 which is apparently still there. 
    Neither is there any reassurance that other flaws in the initial draft have not persisted. For example, clause 7(5) of the earlier version prohibited any receiver or gatherer of information during an investigation to provide, publish or disseminate inter alia, such information regarding the identity of the relevant victim of crime or a possible witness or informant.
    As any competent investigator or criminal lawyer would agree, this is pivotal to a good witness protection programme. However, the initial draft restricted its application only if the life of a victim, witness or informant was placed in danger. This is an unnecessary restriction on the prohibition which should be couched in absolute terms. What about release of information that results in harm qualitatively different to that of placing a life in danger? Would one action be sanctioned but the other exempt from the reach of the prohibition?
    The farce continues to our detriment
    If this government is serious about its pronounced aim to protect victims and witnesses, it needs to re-establish an independent National Police Commission similar to that which prevailed under the 17th Amendment to the Constitution. The ineffectual body that masquerades under that name presently should be done away with. Secondly it needs to delink the Department of the Police from political control and show prosecutorial and political will to punish offenders in all cases not just in one or two pushed by foreign governments. In the alternative, the farce can only continue.

    Tamil Short Stories From Sri Lanka


    By Rajiva Wijesinha -October 20, 2013 |
    Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha MP
    Colombo TelegraphTamil Short Stories From Sri Lanka - Translated by S Pathmanathan -
    It was after well over 30 years that I went back to Jaffna for a literary event. I have been well over a dozen times to the peninsula over the last 5 years, but it was for Reconciliation work, beginning with the Future Minds Exhibition held in December 2008 to encourage youngsters to take advantages of the educational and employment opportunities that would open up with the impending end of the conflict. Since then I have been to Business Development meetings, discussions on Education, and most frequently for meetings of Divisional Secretariat Reconciliation meetings.
    But the last visit was special, for it was in connection with Literature, which had been the reason I last visited Jaffna. In 1981 I had lectured at the University at the invitation of Chelva Kanaganayakam who then headed the English Department. It was a strenuous two days, for as usual on such visits I had six lectures each day. But, despite exhaustion, compounded by having travelled up by train the previous night, I was gently but firmly cajoled by the students at the end of the first day’s sessions to go and visit the burnt out shell of the Jaffna Public Library.
    It was a seminal moment, for it was only then that I fully understood the bullying of Tamils the government, led by J R Jayewardene but propelled by Cyril Mathew, was engaged in. I realized then why my uncle, BishopLakshman Wickremesinghe, had been belabouring his brother Esmond, who was a good friend of both J R and Mathew – though like Lakshman I do not believe he shared their racism – about solving the problem soon, else there would be disaster.
    The resigned bitterness of the students is a memory that still troubles me. It was refreshed when, over a decade later, on a visit to Kattankudy, my Sabaragamuwa students who lived there, and looked after me lavishly, insisted I visit the mosque where the LTTE had massacred Muslims at prayer.
    So much anguish. This comes out through the poetry in ‘Mirrored Images’, the collection I went to Jaffna to launch. It brings together writing by Sinhala and Tamil and English language writers, and was published by the National Book Trust of India. When they asked me a few years back to do a companion volume to the collection of short stories I had edited for them, ‘Bridging Connections’, I was diffident, but then decided I could get help from those who knew about poetry in Sinhala and Tamil.                Read More

    Human rights as a cover


    Editorial-


    India’s participation at next month’s CHOGM in Colombo is still in the balance and speculation is rife that Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh may skip it.

    The Sri Lankan government, no doubt, deserves most of the flak it receives and should get its act together on the human rights front instead of venting its spleen on its critics. If not for pressure Britain has brought to bear on it in the run-up to the Colombo CHOGM the killers of a British citizen would have been handled with kid gloves. But, the fact remains that it is not human rights concerns that have prompted Canada to boycott CHOGM and India to dillydally on its participation.

    Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s decision to skip the Colombo summit has everything to do with domestic political compulsions. His government is dependent on block votes that pro-LTTE groups claim to be able to deliver to a party willing to toe their line. Canadian politicians are vying with one another for those votes. The same goes for the Indian Prime Minister who is doing a Hamlet, due to pressure from Tamil Nadu, in view of the next general election. There is reason to believe that he has already made a decision and is prevaricating, unable to announce it.

    If Canada is a true respecter of human rights and its boycott of the Colombo CHOGM is aimed at registering its protest against human rights violations in Sri Lanka, it cannot take part in conferences in the UK or any other EU country and the US. For, all of them are responsible for the deaths of hundreds of thousands of civilians in Iraq and Afghanistan. Similarly, if India is really concerned about human rights then before being critical of other countries and taking moral high ground at the UNHRC it should clean up its act at home. According to the Global Slavery Index published on Thursday, there are 30 million modern-day slaves and of them 14 million are in India—2.1 million in Pakistan and 2.9 million in China. The Walk Free Foundation has used information derived from government and non-government sources to rank 162 countries on modern slavery characterised by human trafficking, forced labour, debt bondage, forced marriage and sale and exploitation of children. Its report reveals that India, China, Pakistan, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Russia, Thailand, Democratic Republic of Congo, Myanmar and Bangladesh – account for 76 per cent of the total estimate of 30 million in modern slavery. Could India justify its campaign for human rights overseas while doing precious little to protect them at home? Doesn’t it think charity begins at home?

    India is pressuring the Rajapaksa government to devolve power even at the risk of antagonising some of its UPFA partners and a section of its support base while Prime Minister Singh is, in a bid to win an election, going out of his way to placate Tamil Nadu politicians to the extent of subjugating India’s international obligations to their whims and fancies.

    The greatest disservice that a country can do to human rights is to use them to camouflage its political projects. Therefore, while hauling the Sri Lankan government over the coals for its human rights violations and cavalier attitude, the Canadian and Indian leaders had better come out with the real reason why they cannot attend the Colombo CHOGM—fear of losing elections at home. They must separate human rights from domestic political compulsions. It will be interesting to see how they will justify being part of the Commonwealth with Sri Lanka in the Chair for the next two years.

    The Facebook An ‘Epidemic’? Which Parasites Will Cause The ‘Pandemic’?

    By Chandra Jayaratne -October 19, 2013 |
    Chandra Jayaratne
    Colombo TelegraphFacebook-Epidemics- Parasites and Pandemics
    The media reports that the President has branded the facebook as an epidemic and advised school children to trust the visible gods. The million dollar question now before citizens is to identify the real parasites that may cause a pandemic, which will in turn destroy the emerging ‘Miracle of Asia’.
    Epidemics of infectious disease are generally caused by a change in the ecology of the host population, a genetic change in the parasite population or the introduction of a new parasite to a host population. Generally, an epidemic occurs when host immunity to a parasite population is suddenly reduced below that found in the endemic equilibrium and the transmission threshold is exceeded.[1] When an epidemic affects a substantial number of people over several locations it may be termed a pandemic.[2]
    Casinos the New Parasite?
    Is Casinos the new parasite introduced in to our society? Will this new entrant introduce a genetic change in the host population (ie. our citizens), especially the young, youth and productive contributors to growth? Will the combination of the new and existing parasites together undergo genetic change and produce a deadly virus strain that can cause lethal infections in humans of our society? Will this lead to an uncontrolled pandemic that will result in the core of our society and the nation as a whole being destabilized?
    The Control of Parasites
    It is a matter of utmost priority that the parasites, their agents and complementary partners in the host population are identified, separated and their origins ascertained. Who or what originates them, in what external environments do they grow and how do they become virulent and deadly are facts to be ascertained. Following this, the necessary preventive, control and destroying agents, antidotes along with follow up surgical procedures should also be discovered.
    Parasites are Destroying Society                                Read More

    Sri Lanka's media struggles to cope with death threats and harassment

    Telegraph.co.ukNewspapers are attacked, printing presses burned. As Sri Lanka prepares to controversially host the Commonwealth summit The Telegraph visits the country to discover the state of its media

    Paper is stacked on a desk near burned out printers at the Uthayan printing press in Jaffna, 400 kilometres north of Colombo. Photo: AFP
    Paper is stacked on a desk near burned out printers at the Uthayan printing press in Jaffna, 400 kilometres (250 miles) north of Colombo.
    By Jaffna-18 Oct 2013-Fires burn on a printer at the Uthayan printing press. (AFP)
    David BlairThe journalists of "Uthayan" newspaper in northern Sri Lanka are wearily accustomed to death threats, harassment and sometimes assault. When three gunmen broke into the head office at 5.30 one morning, however, they tried a more direct method of shutting down the independent daily.
    The attackers, armed with Kalashnikov rifles, made their way to the printing press, fired two rounds through its control panel and then doused the machinery with diesel before setting it alight. For good measure, they also put a bullet through the roof.
    The men duly wrecked the printing press, inflicting what the newspaper called "irreparable loss with the aim of stopping the publication of 'Uthayan' completely".
    But Premananth Thevanayagam, the editor, saw the opportunity for a gesture of defiance. An obsolete press lay forgotten in a shed behind the office. He brought this machine back to life, ensuring that "Uthayan" hit the streets the day after the attack without missing a single issue. "This is a fight for freedom of speech, so we thought the paper must appear," he said. "We gave a message: we will not bow down for you."
    That incident on April 13 might have been the first recorded destruction of a printing press in Sri Lanka, but journalists here are routinely threatened and attacked. The annual press freedom index compiled by Reporters without Borders, a campaign group, places Sri Lanka 162nd out of 179 countries, ranking below Burma, Russia and Iraq.
    When David Cameron and the Prince of Wales join the leaders of 50 other countries for the Commonwealth summit in Sri Lanka next month, they will be meeting in a nation where journalists work in a climate of fear.
    "Uthayan", based in the northern city of Jaffna and serving the Tamil minority, has suffered more incidents than any other newspaper. Ten days before the sabotage of the printing press, seven masked men had broken into a regional office, beating up the manager and three delivery workers.
    In January, another "Uthayan" delivery worker was attacked by a mob carrying iron bars wrapped with barbed wire. In all, 10 serious assaults on staff have taken place since 2011.
    "Every day, our people face risk," said Mr Thevanayagam. "And not only our journalists: all our staff are facing this kind of threat."
    Last week, a female receptionist was followed home by a man on a motorbike who told her: "I'm always watching you. I'm always watching when you are coming to work and going home."
    One result is that "Uthayan" does not have a single journalist over the age of 40. Whenever staff get married, they come under family pressure to find a safer job. "When they marry, the families will not allow them to work here," said Mr Thevanayagam, 35. "They are scared about them doing this job: their families want them to live."
    All the incidents are reported to the police, but no action is ever taken. As for who is responsible, the editor blamed the state. In particular, only the regime had a motive to burn the printing press and the ability to send armed men to do the job. "Without government support, nobody can do it," said Mr Thevanayagam.
    The campaign against "Uthayan" verged on the farcical last month when a fake issue of the paper appeared in time for local council elections. The aim was to spread a false story that a Tamil party was boycotting the contest.
    But readers quickly spotted something unusual: the forged "Uthayan" was handed out for nothing. "That was their big mistake – we never give anything away for free," said the editor.
    Yet all the pressure has been damaging. "Uthayan" is one of the rare newspapers that can sell as many copies as it prints. Before the destruction of the press, Mr Thevanayagam could run off 40,000 copies every day; now, the old machine manages fewer than 25,000.
    The Sri Lankan regime is often accused of using commercial means to subdue the media. Government advertising is directed towards favoured newspapers, while wealthy allies of President Mahinda Rajapaksa have bought up independent titles.
    "It's a far more nuanced form of censorship," said Sanjana Hattotuwa, the founder and editor of Groundviews, a website for citizen journalism. "What the government has discovered since the war is you don't really need to kill outright. You just need to create a climate of fear."
    Mr Hattotuwa added: "The risks are ever-present. One negotiates it constantly. You never really know when you cross the line and so you're always very fearful. There are extremely high levels of self-censorship."
    This combination of hidden and direct pressure has allowed the regime to create a tamed media. "That's pretty much what they've got," said Mr Hattotuwa. "Every single thing they have done as regards the media has reeked of control, of containment and of censorship."

    China to crown Lankan ties with FTA


    October 18, 2013
    • China’s International Trade Minister Yu Jianhua says proposed FTA with Sri Lanka is the biggest leap since ’52 Rubber-Rice Pact
    • Stresses Lanka a priority country for China; FTA not only for trade but goes beyond
    • Sino-Lanka historic trade up by a massive 306%
    • 8,000 products open for you through our FTAs: Rishad
    The forthcoming China-Sri Lanka FTA is the biggest development in Sino-Lanka cooperation history since the 1952 Rubber-Rice Pact and China is keen to see the groundwork on this FTA completed by December this year.
    “My mission is to start the China-Sri Lanka FTA process. The forthcoming FTA is the biggest development in China-Sri Lanka bilateral cooperation since the historic 1952 Rubber-Rice Pact between the two countries. We expect that the preparatory process of the forthcoming FTA to be completed by December this year. Then we can go to the next stage in 2014,” said a confident Yu Jianhua, the powerful Deputy International Trade Representative of the Ministry of Commerce of China on 17 October in Colombo.
    Jianhua was addressing Minister of Industry and Commerce Rishad Bathiudeen, in the presence of Ministry of Industry and Commerce Secretary Anura Siriwardena and officials of the Department of Commerce.
    Jianhua’s powerful portfolio covers the Chinese Department of International Trade and Economic Affairs, the Department of WTO Affairs (China WTO Notification and Inquiry Centre), the Department of Asian Affairs, China International Centre for Economic and Technical Exchanges, China Association of International Trade and China Society for World Trade Organization Studies.
    According to the Department of Commerce of Sri Lanka, the total trade turnover between Sri Lanka and China which stood at US$ 658.94 m in 2005 has increased by a massive 306% to $ 2676.13 m by 2012. In the corresponding period, exports to China increased by 286% to $108 m. This is an achievement considering the fact that of the 50 Asian countries only eight – including Sri Lanka – were able to maintain a positive export growth to China since 2008. Latest statistics show that China has also entered the first 25 export destinations for Sri Lankan products.
    “Sri Lanka is a priority country for the China Ministry of Commerce. The FTA will not only upgrade trade levels between Sri Lanka and China but will also enhance trade skills of both countries as well. We will work diligently in our joint efforts. Before coming to Sri Lanka I looked at our trade with Sri Lanka very carefully in aspects such as tariffs, market access in China, diversifying of Sri Lanka’s exports and overall enhancement of Sri Lanka’s export potentials to China. The FTA is not only for the sake of trade but something beyond to materialise and institutionalise our strategic cooperation partnership as mandated by leaders of both countries. We are also encouraging Chinese firms to come and involve in Sri Lanka’s economic development. My MOFCOM is thankful to Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Industry and Commerce for its ongoing support. I am also honoured to chair this morning’s meeting with your Treasury, which was a successful meeting with frank and friendly exchanges,” Jianhua said.
    Minister Bathiudeen, responding to Minister Jianhua, said: “This FTA is the most promising development in China-Sri Lanka trade relations, thanks to the initiative of President Mahinda Rajapaksa. It will be stepping stone in our ongoing trade with China and we are very hopeful that with the implementation of the FTA, our trade with China will grow to a significant level. I am also pleased to hear that your meetings with the Treasury have resulted in successful outcomes, which is good news for our export and business communities. I invite Chinese investors for joint venture partnerships in textiles, mineral sands, graphite and mining as well as tourism sectors and access the huge South Asian market using our FTAs with India and Pakistan where more than 8,000 export product lines are open for them upon 30% or more value addition.”
    Secretary Siriwardena, apprising Minister Jianhua, said: “Our Treasury has also given the go-ahead for our FTA technical team on the FTA tech teams of both sides have identified aspects and sectors of cooperation.”
    During the in-depth discussions on 17 October noon, both Ministers also focused on such additional aspects of cooperation as Lankan rural sector/SME development and tourism with Chinese assistance.

    Attempt to keep media out of EPC meeting

    no mediaThe chairperson of the eastern provincial council is making an attempt to ban the media from covering the monthly meeting of the council.
    The reason for her decision is the telecasting by Hiru TV about an exchange of views at an EPC meeting with regard to the 13th amendment to the constitution.
    However, her attempt has met with objections by councillors.
    The chairperson is also attempting to ban the bringing of mobile phones to the EPC meeting to prevent proceedings being reported to the outside.

    Rajapaksas Are Comfortable With Me – Rajpal Abeynayake

    White Van Stories – a 2 hour documentary feature on enforced disappearances in Sri Lanka by Leena Manimekalai.

    Film

    They hijack your lives. By the shadows of night; by the piercing light of day. They come for you in aggressive military green. Sometimes in cunning civilian shades. They grab you by the throat without reason; they collar your shoulder without a warrant. Like slaves to savages you are led against your will. You are forced to leave behind a home of broken spirits to lament your loss; loved ones who will tirelessly look for you.
    A search that will only leave them dry lunged and distraught in the face of unsympathetic officials and hostile threats.
    Nobody knows where you are. You are no longer a recorded statistic of society.
    You just don’t exist anymore.
    Read the full article in Colombo Telegraph
    Read the full article in Kafila Blog

    Kanavuppattarai Productions presents…


    White Van Stories – a 2 hour documentary feature on enforced disappearances in Sri Lanka by Leena Manimekalai.


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