Friday, September 20, 2013

Centre for Monitoring Election Violence

Northern Provincial Council Election 2013 – Mullaitivu District Situation Report

20th September 2013

Helambawewa Army Camp

There is widespread disillusionment with the election process, which may lead to low voter turnout. Unacceptably long distances to polling center’s will deter others, since even where buses are being provided these services will be minimal and are not free. The Election Commissioner’s Office is doing its best under difficult circumstances but is handicapped by an outdated system in need of reform, compounded by inadequate funds. Yet, the systematic misuse of state resources, notably of the Ministry of Economic Development, to benefit pro-government candidates, and the deliberate violation of election law through combining development activities with election campaigning have irreparably flawed the democratic process in Mullaitivu District. Military interference in the electoral process is mostly indirect, though incidents of coercion to attend meetings of UPFA candidates have been reported.

Northern Provincial Council Election 2013 Situation Report Mullaitivu by nelvely

Nimalka Fernando on Elections and Women's Participation- Video

Details: Created On Friday, 20 September 2013

One of Sri Lanka's pioneer election monitoring outfits Movement for Free and Fair Elections (MFFE) and a network of Women's organizations Mothers and Daughters of Lanka (MDL) are engaging in the monitoring of the Provincial Council Elections including the Northern Provincial Council Elections.

A media briefing has been organized jointly by MFFE and MDL on 18th September 2013 at the National Library Auditorium in Colombo to clarify their position with regard to the election.

Dr. Nimalka Fernando, Legal Adviser to the MDL, Ms. Padmini Weerasuriya, Convener of MDL and Attorney Sampath Pushpakumara, Secretary of MFFE were present at the media briefing.

Please click the link below to watch the presentation made by Dr. Nimalka Fernando in English.

EPDP And The Army Jointly Attack Ananthi Elilan At Midnight

September 20, 2013
The Chulipuram house of TNA candidate Ananthi Elilan was surrounded by soldiers and EPDP personnel and attacked, reported Tamil Win. The following are extracts in translation.

Ananthi Elilan

Seeing this, her supporters, friends and neighbors had come to her defence and the goons had run away. The people who came to her aid forced her to move to a safe-house but nonetheless following that the goons returned to attack those who saved her. Eight of the supporters were badly injured. Ananthi informed reporters that some of them had broken heads, and others broken legs; and vehicles too were injured. Among the injured were Attorney-at-Law Subash who heads CaFFE (Campaign for Free and Fair Elections), the election monitoring agency.

At 2:10 AM TNA MPs Mavai Senathirajah, MA Sumanthiran and E. Saravanabavan visited the scene. They were joined by Elections Commission member Achuthan and other election observers.

Informing LankaSri about the incident, Sumanthiran and Ananthi stated that with the purpose of defeating Ananthi the Army is engaged in a lot of propaganda, spreading false stories. One such story is that her husband of the LTTE who had disappeared after surrendering to the army, had in fact been released and therefore Ananthi was no longer a candidate. As such, the bogus story claimed, there was no need to vote for her. Other sections had argued that Elilan is a murderer and therefore Ananthi does not deserve a vote.

The TNA has affirmed that Ananthi is still a candidate without any doubt and that her number is 1 under the TNA on the ballot paper.

Similar stories have also been created against the Chief Minister candidate C.V. Wigneswaran.

NPC: TNA seeks 2/3 majority to advance struggle

* Overseas Tamils push for diplomatic presence in North
* Arun T warns of possible TNA-SLMC tie-up

By Shamindra Ferdinando-September 19, 2013,

The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) is aiming at a two-thirds majority at the first Northern Provincial Council polls, with the pro-LTTE Diaspora urging the electorate to exercise their franchise in support of the grouping.

UK based Suren Surendiran, of the Global Tamil Forum (GTF), told The Island that in spite of intimidation, of TNA candidates as well as supporters, by the government, the TNA could comfortably secure the NPC at tomorrow’s polls.

Asked whether the GTF was confident of the ability of those deployed on the ground as election monitors to thwart malpractices, which could cause a setback to the TNA plans, Surendiran emphasized it would be grave mistake on the part of the government to undermine the electoral process.

Addressing public rallies in Jaffna on the final day of the campaign, TNA Chief Ministerial candidate, former Supreme Court judge Vigneswaran, urged the electorate to ensure a two thirds majority in the council. The NPC council comprises 38 members, including two bonus seats. Vigneswarn said that a two thirds victory would greatly strengthen their ongoing struggle.

SLFP Batticaloa District organizer Arun Tambimuttu told The Island that the TNA was counting on the support of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) to form the first NPC. Tambimuttu alleged that the TNA and the SLMC had been engaged in discussions to pave the way for a possible tie-up, though the

SLMC remained a constituent of the SLFP-led UPFA. Responding to a query, Tambimuttu pointed out that as the SLMC was contesting some of the northern districts on its own, it would have the opportunity for a political marriage of convenience.

The TNA lost its right to ask for Tamil votes during the second week of November 2005 when it ordered people to boycott the presidential polls, Tambimuttu said. "This was done at the behest of the LTTE, which at the time was recognized as the sole representative of Tamil speaking people by none other the then TNA leadership."

Surendiran said that the Canadian Tamil Organization, represented in the GTF, had expressed concern over the heavy presence of the military in plainclothes and the UPFA ally, the Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) in the north.

He said the GTF had requested many countries to deploy as many of their Colombo based diplomatic staff in the Northern Province to help prevent malpractices. The GTF was of the opinion that the presence of diplomatic staff could be a deterrent factor, Surendiran said, adding that it would also use social media to ensure malpractices would get the maximum possible coverage.

Centre for Monitoring Election Violence

Joint Statement issued by Main Elections Observation Missions in Sri Lanka

Mr. Mahinda Deshapriya,
Commissioner of Elections,
Elections Secretariat,
P.O. Box 02, Sarana Mawatha,
Rajagiriya, 10107.

18th September 2013

Dear Sir

Request to Make a Public Statement Ensuring the Secrecy of Ballots Cast in the Forthcoming Provincial Council Elections

Download PDF here.

Elections Observation Missions Request EC to Counter False Propaganda Re Secrecy of the Vote by nelvely

Rajapaksa-allied squad brutally attacks two independent candidates in Jaffna

Independent group attacked by EPDP-UPFA squad

[TamilNet, Thursday, 19 September 2013, 19:17 GMT]
Two candidates of an independent group, contesting the provincial council elections in Jaffna district under Padlock symbol, were brutally attacked in the early hours of Thursday allegedly by EPDP operatives with the facilitation of the occupying Sri Lankan military at Ma'ndaitheevu junction while they were returning from the islets towards Jaffna city. The driver of the three-wheeler in which they were travelling, escaped by jumping into the sea, while the candidates were brutally attacked. The three-wheeler was set on fire by the attackers. The attack has taken place while Indian election monitors and international media personnel were present in the city. The two candidates were attacked as they were dividing the vote bank of the UPFA in Vadduk-koaddai and the vote bank of the EPDP in the islets.

The victims were, 29-year-old Prakalathan Swaminathan and 30-year-old Thesarajeev Kanakasundaram.

They were returning to Jaffna after concluding their election propaganda in Ma’nkumpaan and at Veala’nai of Ooraaththu'rai (Kayts) island Wednesday night.

A squad comprising of EPDP and SL military operatives was continuously following them in a harassing manner during their meetings, the victims have complained.

Mr Balasubramaniam, a former associate of notorious UPFA operative Ankayan Ramanathan, the district organiser of the UPFA in Jaffna, who was not given the chief-candidate nomination in the UPFA list, had split from the Ankayan group and joined the independent group under the Padlock symbol. The independent group is also backed by Ms Vijayakala Maheswaran of the UNP, voters in the islets said.

The commander of the SL military in Jaffna, Major General Mahinda Hathurusinghe, is backing the candidates of UPFA’s Ankayan Ramanathan.

The squad freely passed through the SL military check posts at Ma’ndai-theevu junction after the attack, according to the victims, who have been admitted at the Jaffna Teaching Hospital.
l

One of the candidates admitted at Jaffna hospital

Post - Election cooperation will be crucial to Sri Lanka's unity and People's Development

Friday, 20 September 2013

The forthcoming election to the Northern Provincial Council on Saturday is the most significant political development relating to the ethnic conflict since the end of the war.

By and large the run up to the elections have been free and fair which speaks well for the government and makes reconciliation more feasible. The establishment of a provincial council for the Northern Province is an advance over the existing situation of centralized rule in which the military continues to play an inordinate role. In principle the establishment of the Northern Provincial Council will give to the people of the North, the same devolved power that the people in the other eight provinces enjoy, a right to which they are entitled.

The history of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka is one in which both the government and opposition political parties have used majority Sinhalese nationalism as a counter to Tamil demands for recognition as a minority with the right to cultural and linguistic identity. The Tamil demands for autonomy were branded as a demand for a separate state, and federalism was treated as a demand for secession. Any concessions made by the ruling political party were opportunistically treated as concessions to Tamil separatism by the ruling political party to win votes for the opposition. It is easy to rouse nationalist passions among the majority community by saying that it is the only rightful owner of the country and it is under threat and whip up antagonism against the ethnic and religious minorities.

The TNA manifesto and the speeches of its campaigners during the run-up to the election reveal the same rhetoric of politicians in the power of ethnic nationalism to win votes. These include the demands for self determination and the praise for slain LTTE leader Velupillai Prabakaran. This has evoked a reverse response in the two other provinces where elections are being held. In the North Western and Central provinces, the government campaigners have called on the electorate to vote for a strong government and against separation. Tamil nationalist propaganda fuels Sinhala nationalism.

The National Peace Council believes that the increased polarisation in the polity due to the competing nationalisms of the electoral campaign should be overcome soon after the election is over. It would be best for all politicians to abstain from inciting hate against the other. The TNA is today led by enlightened politicians unlike those who led the LTTE. Living in a multi-ethnic and plural society requires compromise and give-and-take for the sake of peace. In a plural society one community or one group cannot decide by itself what it wants to do, even if it is the majority in that region or in the country.

There is no doubt that the provincial council system should be strengthened, not only in the Northern Province, but in the other eight provinces also. There are modifications necessary to ensure that the provincial councils and the central government work harmoniously. There is a need to ensure that the provincial council system is provided with more powers and resources, including land and police powers that are already granted in the 13th Amendment and form a part of the Constitution. Such changes will need to be mutually agreed upon while the principles underlying the 13th Amendment are respected. The provincial councils cannot do this by themselves. They need the cooperation of the central government if they are to achieve their goals of greater devolved power and more resources. We call upon the government and opposition to ensure the spirit of accommodation and trust for such cooperation to be achieved.

Election Fever!

By Elilini Hoole -September 20, 2013

Elilini Hoole

By Sept. 22, 2013, the day after Northern Provincial Council elections, we will know who will be elected to fill the 38 seats (Jaffna 16, Mannar 5, Mullaithivu 5, Kilinochchi 4, Vavuniya 6, and 2 bonus seats). A good turnout is expected this season. As the first Provincial Election for the Northern Province after theEPRLF’s Varadaraja Perumal was elected Chief Minister of the then merged North-East Province, the province has a chance to design actively its future and choose its leaders.

Talking to my friends and colleagues, I realize that many are excited to vote, but many more are dejected, and wonder what difference it will make if politicians care about little more than power.

Nonetheless, voting is a responsibility. Each vote is a voice. Votes are cast to show support, and yet disapproval as well. During the parliamentary elections of 2011, many voted for the TNA, not because of faith that the TNA would bring change, but merely because they wanted to express their disapproval of the Betel Leaf. I hear the same sentiments echoed this year as well. Sadly, no politician has yet taken responsibility for the poor and impoverished communities that dot the Northern Province. I wonder, who is truly worthy of our votes?

In the past, typically turnout in the North had been 70% – 80%. Since the war, turnout has dropped. During the parliamentary elections in 2010, only 28% of registered voters turned up, and in the 2011 local government elections 32%. I remember the EPDP, in 2011, exploiting war victims and transporting busloads of paid rural villagers to polling booths hoping for large voter turnout in their favour; but the villagers voted for the TNA anyways. In one of the villages I visited just weeks after resettlement, EPDP candidates visited the severely impoverished villagers. After many speeches, the candidate wrote several cheques for over 1,000/= (which is quite a lot for families with no income living in stick hovels). But it turned out the cheques were consistently written with invalid dates so that they could not be cashed. This year, similar events are being reported.

By Leonard Pinto -

Dr. Leonard Pinto

In recent years the History of Sri Lanka has become an important subject, not only because it is in school curriculum, but also because it has been used to shape politics and justify the ethno-religious basis for State policies. Sri Lankan history has been rewritten, amplifying Portuguese atrocities, making authoritative claims on myths and mere conjectures and overlooking historical facts and archaeological discoveries.

(A) Anuradhapura cross

Some Buddhist monks and nationalists are preaching an exclusive Buddhist-Sinhalese history that ends in intimidation, verbal abuse and violence against minorities. Prof. W.I. Siriweera, (Emeritus Professor of History at the University of Peradeniya) expressed his concerns on the misuse of History in Sri Lanka in saying that “the challenge for Sri Lankan historians today is to study, teach and write history, stripped of its myths, distortions, deformations and communal or religious bias…We are one people. Patriotism should encourage living in harmony” (The Sunday Times, March 17, 2013).

The History of Christianity in Sri Lanka can be divided into 3 eras;

(1) Pre-colonial (72-1505)

(2) Colonial (1505-1948) and

(3) Post-colonial eras (1948- current). Read More

Sri Lanka's Tamils pin fragile hopes on regional vote

Toronto Star Newspapers

Minority seeks end to military occupation, fresh opportunities for thousands still displaced and destitute four years after civil war’s end.

LAKRUWAN WANNIARACHCHI / AFP/GETTY IMAGES

Sri Lankan army troopers patrol in Jaffna, in Northern Province, where thousands of people will go to the polls this weekend for the first time in a quarter-century.

Sri Lanka's Tamils pin fragile hopes on regional vote

By: Rosie DiManno Columnist, Published on Fri Sep 20 2013

JAFFNA, SRI LANKA—One is a fisherman who doesn’t fish. One is a farmer who doesn’t farm.

No livelihood, no home, no land. But Ganesh Thirukumar and Pownan Savarasa, for the first time in a quarter-century, will have a say — at the ballot box.

“Yes, of course I will vote,” says Thirukumar.

“No, it won’t make any difference,” says Savarasa.

Sri Lanka's Tamils Pin Fragile Hopes on Regional Vote by nelvely

Pillay denies Gota’s claims

(Lanka-e-News-20.Sep.2013, 7.00PM) The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay, has denied the claims attributed to Secretary of Defence Gotabhaya Rajapaksa regarding the statue of Sri Lanka’s first Prime Minister from Independence Square.

Her office said that in the High Commissioner’s statement at the end of her mission to Sri Lanka on 31 August, she mentioned the unfortunate fact that at least three Government Ministers had joined in an extraordinary array of distortion and abuse during her visit.

“Unfortunately this practice has continued,” Pillay;s office said.

Her office said that a week ago, on 12 September, her office sent a formal complaint to the Government of Sri Lanka concerning the widely reported comments attributed to the Secretary of Defence that, during her meeting with President Mahinda Rajapaksa, the High Commissioner requested the removal of the statue of Sri Lanka’s first Prime Minister from Colombo’s Independence Square.

The letter from Pillay’s office to the Sri Lankan Government requested an immediate retraction and public correction of the misinformation which has aroused much disquiet in Sri Lanka.

“Firstly, we categorically deny that the High Commissioner ever uttered a single word about the statue of Prime Minister D.S. Senanayake at any point during her visit to Sri Lanka, let alone asked the President to remove it. This claim is without a shred of truth. Secondly, there has been a further distortion concerning comments the High Commissioner made to the President concerning a flag in Independence Square. The High Commissioner discussed with the President her concerns with rising inter-communal tensions and incitement to violence on the basis of religion in Sri Lanka. In this context, she asked why the only flag flying, other than the national flag, in such a symbolic location was that of one religious community, and suggested it might be more inclusive to fly only the national flag which is a symbol that unites the nation, no matter who they are or what religion they adhere to. At no time did she request any flag to be removed,” Pillay’s office said.

Her office said that it is deeply regrettable that government officials and other commentators continue what appears to be a coordinated campaign of disinformation in an attempt to discredit the High Commissioner or to distract from the core messages of her visit.

The High Commissioner will be updating the Human Rights Council on her visit and progress on accountability and reconciliation in Sri Lanka on 25 September.curtsy - Colombo Gazette

Although appointed to protect the law, Nanda breaks the law

Thursday, 29 August 2013

The history of Maj. Gen. Nanda Mallawarachchi, appointed secretary of the newly-formed Law and Order Ministry, is replete with corruption and fraud, Army sources say.

The only qualification of the retired Maj. Gen. Nanda Mallawarachchi to be given this position is that he is a batch mate of Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. When he was the Chief of Staff of the Army, he was a puppet of the Access Group, which had appointed one of its directors, named Gomes, to solely deal with him.

During the war, Mr. Nanda Mallawarachchi, as the head of the Army’s procurement board, had helped Access Group in an unlimited manner to import military hardware. In return, Access Group provided financial support for him to build a huge house in Battaramulla. When an extension was built for that house, the timber needed for the door and window frames were acquired by felling several jak trees in the land owned by the Kotalawala Defence Academy. At that time, Nanda Mallawarachchi was Cheif of the Kothalawala Defence Academy.

Further, the then Army commander General Sarath Fonseka had ordered an inquiry into the death of an on-duty soldier who had been deployed in the private security service run by Nanda Mallawarachchi. The first owner of this security service is Dambo Jayatileke. Following his demise, his son Kesara Jayatileke ran the security service. Mr. Kesara Jayatileke was a close friend of Mr. Anura Bandaranaike, and like him, he too, died due to alcoholism. The ownership then went to Mr. Kesara Jayatileke’s sister Mrs. Shari Jayatileke who is married to Nanda Mallawarachchi. But, its true owner was Mr. Nanda Mallawarachchi.

In an attempt to cover up the inquiry against Mr. Nanda Mallawarachchi ordered by the Army commander, the Defence Secretary posted his batch mate to Indonesia as Sri Lanka’s ambassador. The tenure of a diplomat is usually three years, but owing to his close connection with Mr. Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, Nanda Mallawarachchi received two extensions. After being in service as the ambassador for six years, he was recommended for yet another extension. He was recently appointed by the president as the secretary to the Law and Order Ministry.

A credibility test

Editorial-September 19, 2013

Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa set the cat among the pigeons the other day by telling a Sunday newspaper that UNHRC chief Navi Pillay had, at a recent meeting with President Mahinda Rajapaksa, wanted the statue of Sri Lanka’s first Prime Minster D. S. Senanayake and the Buddhist flag removed from the Independence Square. An irate UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe lost no time in writing to Pillay, and rightly so, asking whether she had actually said what had been attributed to her. The UNP bigwigs accused the government of trying to concoct an excuse for removing the DS statue. (What will happen to the statue of SLFP founder leader and Prime Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike at the Galle Face Green, when a sprawling star class hotel comes up in the area, remains to be seen.)

The statue dispute, as it were, took a dramatic turn on Tuesday, when UNP Spokesman Tissa Attanayake told the media that Pillay’s spokesman had verbally denied the government’s claim. He went on to flay the government for fabricating a story with an ulterior motive.

This is a very serious diplomatic issue which needs to be treated as such. The UNHRC has, according to Attanayake, denied as baseless a high ranking Sri Lankan government official’s statement based on what allegedly transpired at a meeting between the UN human rights chief and Sri Lanka’s President with several diplomats and state officials in attendance.

There has also been a breach of protocol, we reckon. Why has the UNHRC chief got her spokesman to reply verbally to a letter addressed to her by Sri Lanka’s Opposition Leader, seeking a clarification from her in writing? The reply should have been conveyed to Wickremesinghe direct by her. The UNP ought to insist that Pillay clarify her position in a letter, which should be released to the media.

It will be interesting to know what the government has got to say to this. Minutes of every meeting between the President and any foreign dignitary are always taken by both sides and the government should be able to produce verbatim what Pillay is alleged to have said about the DS statue and the Buddhist flag. Their meeting was also attended by high ranking government and UN officials and they should be able to tell us what really happened. The government’s silence on this issue will be tantamount to its admission that the statue and flag story is a total fabrication.

The public have a right to know who is lying. Is it the Defence Secretary or the UNHRC chief? The UNP could help ascertain who the liar is by demanding that Pillay sends her reply in writing and challenging the government to prove her wrong.

If it could be established beyond any doubt that the Defence Secretary has made a false claim, the government must apologise to Pillay, and the UNP will be able to justify its position that the government is trying to relocate the DS statue on some flimsy pretext.

Similarly, if the government could prove that Pillay has lied in a bid to save face, then her credibility will suffer irreparably and its delegation to the UNHRC may be able to mine a rich seam thereof in Geneva when she presents her report on Sri Lanka, based on information which she claims to have elicited from reliable sources.

Global Parliament; Amplifying The Crisis Instead Of Seeking The Solutions

By Upul Wickramasinghe -September 20, 2013

Upul Wickramasinghe

At present, concepts of ‘Global Parliament’ and ‘world citizen’ are frequent themes in many academic discussions of West and Europe that there are instances of such topics go beyond mere academic discussions and enter the practical political arena as well. Considerable economic support and involvement of the renowned ‘intellectuals’ are also visible in this regard. This text is a political analysis of the session of the ‘Model Global Parliament’ held at Canberra, in Australia recently (27^th of July) with the presence of political leaders, university lecturers and university students representing several countries.

This is the link to the Bob Brown’s speech at National Press Club, Canberra, 29^th June 2011;

*Translated by: Anjanee Sewvandika Wijewardane Read More

A Memory On Election Related Violence Valid Still Today

By Thrishantha Nanayakkara -September 20, 2013

Dr. Thrishantha Nanayakkara

Jan. 26, 2010 was an auspicious day for the people of northern Sri Lanka. They were eagerly waiting to vote in the first presidential election since the Sri Lankan Civil War between the Tamil Tigers and the Sri Lankan Government came to an end in May 2009. But what followed was a crisis that requires international attention.

The ruling party candidate, Mahinda Rajapakse, asked the people to show gratitude for bringing the 30-year war to an end, and to strengthen his mandate to continue his policies. A coalition of opposition parties offered former Army Commander General Sarath Fonseka as their common candidate and asked for a mandate to start a reconciliation process with the Tamils in the north. They also demanded the abolishment of the executive presidency, which is powerful enough to overrule decisions made by the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka, in order to empower the Parliament to be more responsible to the people by enacting new laws to fight state corruption, foster democracy, and promote freedom of expression. These demands stemmed from the fact that Sri Lanka has already had three armed uprisings after independence because of a rigid system of government.

Following unprecedented levels of abuse of state media by the ruling party candidate, the election commissioner demanded that all media follow ethical guidelines. Upon the state’s failure to enforce law, on Jan. 16, the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka ordered the media to follow the guidelines of the election commissioner. This order fell on deaf ears. Violence escalated, and by Jan. 26, four people had died.

The violence did not stop there. On election day, people in the camps for internally displaced people in northern Sri Lanka waited in vain for the buses that were supposed to bring them to their polling stations. Thebomb blasts that rocked some areas in the north reminded them of the horror of the war that ended just few months ago and scared many voters away. Fear brought voter turnout down to 20 percent in the north. But 70percent out of those who ventured out to vote chose Fonseka’s cause. That sent the south a strong message that people in the north were thirsty for reconciliation, democracy, and freedom.Read More