Black July: Ethno-Political Conflict In Sri Lanka

By Imtiyaz Razak and Ben Stavis -July 24, 2013 

Dr.Imtiyaz Razak

Scholarly works on the Sri Lanka ethnic conflict suggest that communal riots in 1958, 1961, 1974, 1977 and 1983 in which Tamils were killed, maimed, robbed and rendered homeless were carefully designed by the Sinhala elites.This persistent pattern of violence set the stage for violent Tamil retaliation and efforts to secede.

The incident in 1983, known as Black July, is particularly well documented. Approximately two thousand Tamils were killed in July/August 1983 by Sinhalese mobs in an attempt to begin genocide (or at least ethnic cleansing) of the Tamils. Human Right Watch documented the cruelty of the 1983 .“state sponsored.” Sinhalese riots. .“Many neighborhoods were destroyed and nearly 100,000 Tamils in Colombo were displaced. Evidence suggested government collusion in the riots..” Further, an eye witness who rescued a Tamil employee of the state media company-Lake House described the cruelty of the day:

Well organized gangs that had the blessings of powerful Government politicians mainly from the city of Colombo began their orgy of murder, looting and arson in broad daylight while the Police and the Armed Forces appeared to be helpless. I remember taking a vehicle out of Lake House to Wattala, with my colleagues also taking a Tamil accountant at Lake House, Mr. Edward, who also lived in Wattala. Five colleagues and the driver were all Sinhalese and we kept Mr. Edward between us in the middle of the vehicle and at each 100 meters or so gangs armed with clubs, swords and knives stopped each vehicle and inspected them to see whether any passenger or driver was a Tamil. Smoke filled the streets of Colombo and while we were leaving Lake House a flourishing textile shop, Sarathas was being looted while the armed forces and police were turning a blind eye to the crime.

With respect to the state’s role behind the violence, the witness reported:  

Read More

Statement by NDP MP for Scarborough-Rouge River, Rathika Sitsabaiesan, on Black July

2013 07 23

It is with deep sadness that we mark the 30th anniversary of Black July. On July 23, 1983 hundreds of Tamils were killed and thousands more were displaced as their homes and businesses were destroyed.

 The repercussions of these brutal actions and heartbreaking loss can still be felt by Tamils living in Sri Lanka as well as the Tamil diaspora. 

 New Democrats remain concerned about the treatment of minority communities in Sri Lanka. As we remember July 23, 1983, we pledge to continue defending the interests of Tamil Canadians in the House of Commons.

 We also urge the Canadian government to take firm diplomatic action and boycott the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting scheduled to take place in Sri Lanka this November.  Canada must take a principled stance regarding the Sri Lankan government’s continued human rights abuses and refusal to conduct an independent investigation of war crimes allegations.

 Lest we forget.

http://petition.ndp.ca/srilanka

Statement by Liberal Party of Canada Leader Justin Trudeau on Black July

POSTED ON JULY 23, 2013

KELOWNA, BC– The Leader of the Liberal Party of Canada, Justin Trudeau, made the following statement today on the anniversary of Black July:

“Today, we solemnly remember the terrible events and attacks thirty years ago that were directed at Tamils beginning on July 23, 1983. Divisions gave way to racially-targeted riots that saw countless people attacked, killed, and rendered homeless, and resulted in the widespread destruction of property.

Across our country, Tamil Canadians mourn and remember the many murders of Black July, but also the thousands of deaths that ensued in the decades-long Sri Lankan civil war, of which we still lack closure to this day.

We must achieve accountability and justice for the untold innocents who died or had their lives irrevocably changed.

To date, no serious effort has been made by the Sri Lankan government to reconcile with all actors in Sri Lankan society. There is little clarity or resolution after the end of the civil war. Ethnic and religious discrimination is growing, not decreasing.

After the events of 1983, Canada welcomed those Tamils seeking asylum, and we continue to accept refugees and immigrants from Sri Lanka. Today, Canada’s voice must be clearly heard insisting for truth, reconciliation, and an independent and transparent international investigation of alleged war crimes during the Sri Lankan civil war.”

Canadian leaders join Tamils in remembering victims of Black July of 1983 

Big Story | By newsadmin-Tue, Jul 23rd, 2013

TORONTO: Standing by the Canadian Tamil community, Canadian political leaders on Sunday paid tributes to the victims of Black July 30 years ago.

Among the Tamils around the world, July of 1983 is remembered as Black July in memory of hundreds and hundreds of Tamils who were massacred and their properties destroyed in week-long attacks by Sinhalese mobs in revenge for the killing of 13 soldiers by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. That was the beginning of the ethnic war in Sri Lanka triggered by the denial of rights to the Tamil minority.

Remembering the victims of the 1983 anti-Tamil riots, the Canadian Tamil Congress said, “Between July 24 and 29 of that year, Tamils were systematically targeted with violence in Colombo and many other parts of the island. During this period, an estimated 3,000 Tamils were killed and thousands of Tamil homes and businesses were destroyed. More than one million Tamils have fled Sri Lanka since July 1983 fearing for their safety, while over a million more Tamils have been internally displaced within the island. ”

- See more at: http://newseastwest.com/canadian-leaders-join-tamils-in-remembering-victims-of-black-july-of-1983/#sthash.rS3rw5Fo.dpuf

Hon. Jason Kenney issues statement on 30th anniversary of the Black July pogrom

July 22, 2013

Ottawa, July 23, 2013 – The Honourable Jason Kenney issued the following statement commemorating the anti-Tamil pogrom commonly known as Black July:

“Thirty years ago today in Sri Lanka, violent mobs of armed extremists began carrying out attacks against the country’s Tamil population. Hundreds of Tamils were killed and thousands of homes and businesses were destroyed in the ensuing riots.

“In the years since the Black July pogrom, July 23 has become a day of mourning and remembrance for members of Sri Lankan Tamil communities around the world, including the 200,000-strong Tamil community in Canada.

“As we reflect on the violence that began on this day in 1983 across Sri Lanka, I take the opportunity to reaffirm Canada’s commitment to promote and uphold our fundamental values of freedom, democracy, human rights and the rule of law.

“I stand with the Tamil-Canadian community in commemorating the senseless destruction and tragic loss of life during Black July.”

Sampanthan 'kills two birds with one stone'

by Manekshaw-2013-07-23

Leader of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), Rajavarothayam Sampanthan, has proved his political maturity and his able leadership in maintaining the integrity of the TNA by getting all five constituent parties in the Alliance to concur with his decision to nominate former Judge of the Supreme Court, C. V. Vigneswaran, as the chief ministerial candidate of the TNA for the Northern Provincial Council, election.

The trilingual Sampanthan is named after South India's Pallava period Hindu saint, Thirugnanasampanthar, who had rendered 10 devotional lyrics in Tamil on the Koneswaram Rock Temple of Lord Siva in Trincomalee in the 7th century.

The members in the TNA or from Sampanthan's own party, the Illankai Tamil Arasu Katchchi (ITAK), may occasionally fall out with the Leader, but his security personnel who are Sinhalese officers from the Sri Lanka Police, treat him with due reverence and utmost care, and will even sacrifice their lives to safeguard him. The devotion is to be expected, as the 80-year-old veteran Tamil politician is extremely fluent in the Sinhala language and is known to treat his men in a gentlemanly manner.

An invincible figure

Sampanthan, an eminent criminal lawyer from the Trincomalee Bar, enjoyed a lucrative practice before entering politics for the first time in 1977. He succeeded late P. Neminathan of the ITAK, though at the beginning, he was reluctant to enter politics. However, on the insistence of the late Leader of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), Appapillai Amirthalingam, Sampanthan entered politics in 1977 and since then has remained an invincible figure in the Tamil political scene, especially in the Trincomalee District.

Reportedly, late President J.R. Jayewardene, had made an attempt to get Sampanthan to his side by offering a ministerial portfolio, similar to the manner in which he convinced the 'die hard' TULF Parliamentarian, Chelliah Rasathurai, to cross over to the United National Party (UNP). On that occasion, JR made Rasathurai the Minister of Hindu Cultural Affairs.

However, Sampanthan is a different kettle of fish, and remained loyal to his party even during the turbulent days when the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) targeted the elitist Tamil politicians who had supported the Indo-Lanka Accord and the 13th Amendment to the Constitution.

Later, when the Tamil National Alliance was formed in 2002, Sampanthan became the automatic choice to lead the Alliance, which developed closer links with the LTTE when the outfit embarked on its 'globetrotting' peace talks with Norwegian facilitation. Fortunately or unfortunately, the peace talks ultimately fizzled out with the LTTE digging its own grave.

'Escaped unscathed'           Read More                       

The Way Forward

By Kath Noble -July 24, 2013

Kath Noble

For the first time in a long while, I feel hopeful about the future of Sri Lanka. Everybody accepts that the main challenge at this juncture is reconciliation – uniting the country in spirit now that it has finally been united in body. And despite the many appalling failures of the Government – together with the complete inability of the Opposition to make any impact whatsoever on even absolutely mundane issues – there is suddenly reason to feel positive.

The Northern Provincial Council election is going ahead.

It is of course a reflection of the dismal state of post-war Sri Lanka that this very basic democratic requirement should be considered an achievement. Still, after months of frenzied campaigning by Sinhalese extremists, the fact that candidates are being nominated and preparations made is a huge relief.

Denying residents of the North the right to elect their representatives as people living elsewhere in the country do as a matter of course would have given the Tamil separatist project a tremendous boost.

This is no doubt what parties like the JHU want, since there would be no point to their existence if Sri Lankans could get along. Udaya Gammanpila somehow managed to keep a straight face while announcing that the JHU is boycotting the Northern Provincial Council election, as if there were any practical difference between contesting and not contesting when nobody in the North is going to vote for them. If Sri Lanka were to become a genuinely inclusive society, there would have to be a lot more such theoretical boycotts by the JHU.

Even more important than the poll itself are the personalities emerging, in particular Justice C.V. Wigneswaranand Daya Master.

The Government is yet to declare its Chief Ministerial candidate, but the hype in recent weeks has all been about Daya Master rather than Douglas Devananda. If it were planning on fielding Douglas Devananda, the Government could and should have given him the key role in its Uthuru Wasanthaya development programme from the beginning – he might have had some kind of a chance that way. Instead, the President chose to forget EPDP’s contribution to the defeat of the LTTE and put his brother in charge. The future of the Rajapaksas – or more charitably that of the SLFP – was considered more important. Read More

JVP breakaway group FSP displays true socialist sensibilities

WEDNESDAY, 24 JULY 2013
Here is a definite victory now, for the pro-devolution forces. It is not necessarily achieved,with the intervention of the Indian rulers. There is no doubt that Indian pressure is a significant factor, but a combination of forces within Lanka played a key role in pushing the Sinhala chauvinist lobby to a corner.
One thing critical in this combination is the development within the JVP; the most important organisation that backed the military campaign of the Mahinda regime. Its help surpassed in a way, the entire Indian help given in kind.
"The Frontline Socialist Party which broke away from the JVP has brought sense to the student community.  It condemns the unacceptable actions of extremist organisations and has completely dissociated from chauvinist campaigns"



JVP was responsible for the massive mobilisation of the Sinhala village youth for the merciless attack on Tamil rebellion. All educational institutes including all universities in Sinhala areas were covered by the JVP-led ‘patriotic’ campaigns. The latter continuously trampled the freedom of democratic organisations that stood gallantly for the human and political rights of the Tamil speaking people.
Banners saluting military operations filled the empty spaces within universities and higher education institutes. Never in the history of the world was such a betrayal made by a party claiming to be Marxist by supporting the military operation against a plebian uprising within a minority nation.
In spite of the mistakes of the leadership, it was a rebellion of the oppressed. Those days, groups of intellectuals, academics and committed democratic activists who tried to make a noise against this vulgarity within educational institutes were hounded out with organised political terror supported by the rulers. All such activities were done with the open support of the JVP activists.

But today, the JVP plays a neutral role in relation to Bodu Bala Sena and other similar organisations. No; they have gone beyond to condemn the activities of these hooligans.
The Frontline Socialist Party which broke away from the JVP is responsible for bringing sense to the student population; though hesitatingly. Before all that, the breakaway group of Vimal Weerawansa was a god-sent opportunity for the JVP; because Vimal carried with him the chauvinist mantle of Wijeweera; to become the bogus people’s liberation hero of the parochial people. His party is more a political drama group with Vimal playing the lead role. Trimmed properly by knowledgeable people Vimal is a Che Guevara on television screen. All his activities are plays with scripts written with the connivance of blessed ‘Rajano’.

Sans all that lunacy the JVP has become a sober party with repentance. Re-evaluation within the JVP has developed into a rebellion thus creating the new party; the Frontline Socialist Party. The radicals blamed the top leadership, for allowing chauvinism to dominate leading positions, before leaving the party. Also, they blamed the bureaucratic management structure for the failure to recognise the just critical voice from below. They wanted a radical change in the management structure, thus the new party became an arena for continuous discussion and debate.
All that created a qualitative change in the consciousness of the Sinhala youth; in particular in the student movement in the South. This became a decisive factor in preventing mobilisation on the issues brought out by organisations such as Bodu Bala Sena and Ravana Balakaya.
Both the JVP and the breakaway Frontline Socialist Party condemn the dirty actions of these organisations and they dissociated sharply from these chauvinist campaigns.

"But today, the JVP plays a neutral role in relation to Bodu Bala Sena and other similar organisations. No; they have gone beyond to condemn the activities of these hooligans."


It was the resources given by a section of the government that kept these chauvinist outfits floating. They had wild authority to break the law, investigate and arrest people. Police could not do anything but obey their orders, while they barged into shops and houses to ‘investigate whether any crime is committed according to their sense of justice and law’. Increasingly these were aimed at minority groups and many attacks made on Muslims highlighted the daring nature of the attacks they made.



But as the JVP was negative to their appeals while the radicals condemned sharply, these chauvinist movements could not grow as mass movements. This positive development within the JVP-oriented petty bourgeoisie was and still is an obstacle faced by the Sinhala chauvinism. In this scenario, I was very happy to participate in the massive campaign held outside the Fort Railway Station by the IUSF, demanding the release of Sanjeeva Bandara.

Friends, Sinhalese, Countrymen, Lend Me Your Ears

By Anandaraj L. Ponnambalam -July 24, 2013

Anandaraj L. Ponnambalam

With due respects to William Shakespeare, and to be read in conjunction with:

• “Vanni 2002 – 2006; What I Owe the People of the Vanni” –  CT of Feb 7, 2013
• “A Plea to the Pundits: Seek Truth, Accountability, and Justice” – CT of April 26, 2013

Friends, Sinhalese, countrymen, lend me you ears;

I come to bury the Nation of the Tamils and the People of the Vanni, not to praise them.

The evil that men do lives after them,

The good is oft interred with their bones;

So let it be with the Nation of the Tamils and the People of the Vanni.  The noble Sri Lankan government and the noble Sri Lankan military

Hath told you the Nation of the Tamils and the People of the Vanni were ambitious, separatists and terrorists;

If it were so, these were grievous faults,

And grievously hath the Nation of the Tamils and the People of the Vanni answered it.

Here, under leave of the Sri Lankan government and the rest,–

For the Sri Lankan government and the Sri Lankan military are honorable men;–

So they all, all honorable men,–

Come I to speak in the funeral of the Nation of the Tamils and the People of the Vanni.

Read More

WikiLeaks: SLFP Proposal Removes Police And Land Powers, But Replaces Them With Nothing – EPDP Vigneswaran

July 24, 2013 |

“Dr. K. Vigneswaran, a member of the APRC Experts Committee, told us that Tamils do not believe that devolving powers to the district level will meet their aspirations. The concept of the merged Northeast Province speaks to their need for security and for proper representation, he said. Tamils fear that the Districts, whose heads are to be appointed by the President, will be subject to manipulation by the central government. Tamils believe that “colonization” of their traditional areas by Sinhalese would accelerate. Further, Vigneswaran argued, the SLFP proposal removes the powers of police, land and irrigation from the provinces, but replaces them with nothing. He asserted that reserving the security, land and water portfolios to the central government leaves it unclear what is left to be devolved to the districts.” the US Embassy Colombo informed Washington.

Dr. K. Vigneswaran

The Colombo Telegraph found the related leaked cable from the WikiLeaks database. The ‘Confidential’ cable discusses the governing SLFP’s devolution proposals. The cable was written on May 04, 2007  by the US embassy Charge d’Affaires James R. Moore.

Moor wrote; “A senior UNP Member of Parliament we contacted said he had spoken by phone on April 3 to party leader Ranil Wickremesinghe. The MP believed that the newspaper had taken Choksy’s comments out of context. What Choksy meant, he said, was that only the UNP and SLFP, working together, could put forward a viable proposal that could command the necessary majority in the South and in Parliament. However, he noted that the UNP had for months insisted that the 2000 proposal by then-President Chandrika Kumaratunga was the minimum benchmark to meet. The SLFP proposals represented a step back even from the status quo under the 13th Amendment and were therefore ‘a waste of time’. He and three UNP working committee members we saw separately all expressed deep skepticism that the SLFP proposals were serious. It appeared to them that the President was simply trying to play the ball back to the UNP. They saw this as an attempt to shift the onus to the UNP for advocating concessions to the LTTE. They made it clear that the UNP was disinclined to fall into this trap.”                     Read More 

‘IC neglected responsibility to take timely action in Sri Lanka’: Report

[TamilNet, Tuesday, 23 July 2013, 19:02 GMT]
In face of the mounting civilian casualties between January and May 2009 in the island of Sri Lanka, the international community “did little beyond issuing statements of concern” and “neglected its responsibility to take timely action when it was apparent that violations of humanitarian law were taking place”, states a report authored by Madeleine K. Albright, former US Secretary of State and Richard S. Williamson, former US presidential special envoy to Sudan. For Sri Lanka, the report lays emphasis on the IC supporting a “national reconciliation” process. The report titled “The United States and R2P: From Words to Action” released on Tuesday, analysing cases of Kenya, Cote d’Ivoire, Libya, Syria, Sudan and South Sudan, Congo, and Sri Lanka, provides general recommendations for US policy vis-a-vis R2P. Tamil activists have taken a different perspective on R2P’s role in Sri Lanka. 

The failure of the international community to invoke the third pillar of the R2P in Sri Lanka to prevent genocide of Tamils has been noted earlier by Tamil analysts, activists in the homeland and in the diaspora.

The recently released “Findings towards a Formation of Policy” document at the diaspora youth event ‘Seeking Perception sans Conditioning’ also touched on this subject. 

“The International Community and the UN failed to invoke the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2009 to save the Eelam Tamils from a blood bath in May, preferring instead to protect the Sri Lankan state. A genuine political gesture by the International Community towards the Eelam Tamil nation in the current period of structural genocide in our homeland would be the recognition of our right to Remedial Sovereignty,” the document stated. 

Earlier in February 2013, the Tamil National People’s Front (TNPF), in its appeal to UNHRC members regarding the resolution on Sri Lanka, had said “What is now public knowledge of credible allegations of what transpired during the last stages of the war, amply points to the complete failure of the UN and the international community in its obligations under the doctrine of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) to have intervened on behalf of the Tamil Nation.”
* * *
The “United States and R2P” report, released at the US Holocaust Memorial Museum, Washington, by the ‘Working Group on R2P’, recommends to the US that “U.S. policy should be to endorse and support all three pillars of R2P, recognizing that the doctrine provides an essential but not necessarily exclusive mechanism for preventing genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity. U.S. leaders should be clear that our government retains the responsibility, within or beyond the framework of R2P, to assist populations that are threatened by mass atrocities, especially when one or more well-established regional or subregional organizations support such an endeavor.” 

However, despite the genocidal nature of the war on the Eezham Tamil nation till May 2009, and the ongoing structural genocide through militarization and Sinhalicisation of the Tamil homeland – not to mention the routine abuses that forcible military occupation brings about – the report authored by Albright and Williamson is still referring only to the first and second pillars of R2P with regards to the international community dealing with Sri Lanka. Likewise, the legitimacy of the unitary state structure of Sri Lanka, the root cause of the oppression of the Tamil nation, is not contested.

Relevant excerpts from the report are reproduced below:

• The United States and R2P

The United States and R2P by nelvely

“For over twenty-five years, the conflict in Sri Lanka pitted the army against the separatist insurgency of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). However, levels of violence escalated rapidly as the government pursued a strategy of military victory and advanced into LTTE-held territory between January and May 2009.” 

“During this period, the civilian population suffered significant casualties and were unable to escape the conflict zone due to LTTE threats and the Sri Lankan military’s prohibitions on movement. The United Nations estimates that up to forty thousand civilians were killed and hundreds of thousands were displaced during the final phase of the conflict, which ended with the defeat of the LTTE and the deaths of its senior leaders.”

“Despite the high number of civilian casualties, the international community did little beyond issuing statements of concern. The UN Security Council, High Commission on Human Rights, and General Assembly held no formal sessions on Sri Lanka during this period. In Sri Lanka, both the government and the rebels can be faulted for failing to protect civilians.” 

“However, the international community also neglected its responsibility to take timely action when it was apparent that violations of humanitarian law were taking place.”

“The case of Sri Lanka exemplifies a challenge for implementing R2P when sovereign governments confront an internal threat from a group that is designated as a terrorist organization. Since the end of the conflict, the government has steadfastly denied that the mass killing of civilians and war crimes took place.”

“While launching its own inquiry into the military’s actions, the government has obstructed international efforts to investigate potential war crimes and crimes against humanity. Critics question the independence and balance of the government commission’s report and argue that accountability requires a more credible investigation. If a recurrence of conflict in Sri Lanka is to be prevented, the international community should help the government respond to the needs of all communities in the country, while undertaking a national reconciliation process that addresses wounds inflicted during nearly three decades of conflict.”

Politics of sleepwalking

TUESDAY, 23 JULY 2013 

The virulent attack by a state-run television channel on reputed writer, translator and media activist Gamini Viyangoda on July 14 is another decisive (and derisive) step in the state’s top-priority project to create  obedient, soulless artists and journalists who will work like robots to promote a singular, uniform culture  functioning  as its propaganda and information tool.

Gamini Viyangoda is one of the few remaining dissenting voices against this monolithic onslaught against the country’s established democratic values and freedom of expression, protesting with supreme courage in his weekly column in the Ravaya newspaper, as well as in speeches and discussions on public forums and on television.

No wonder he has become a prime target for the television which is anything but independent. This attack was based on Viyangoda’s defence of the award-winning film the ‘Flying Fish,’ made by a young filmmaker called Sanjeewa Pushpakumara and screened at the BMICH on Friday, July 12 as part of the French film festival. Officials were so incensed with the screening that the entire festival was suspended, and this led the TV channel to vilify Gamini Viyangoda as an LTTE sympathizer and ‘conspirator.’ The government claims that the film is an insult to the security forces.

In the government’s definition, the security forces are sacrosanct and can’t be criticized on any grounds. Any criticism amounts to an insult. It has been a long-established tradition in Sri Lanka that religion can’t be criticized, or given a modern interpretation, in the arts (as novelist Martin Wickremasinghe learned at great cost in the 1970s). Now, the military too, have been elevated to that sacrosanct level, hence all the fuss over ‘Flying Fish.’

" Gamini Viyangoda is one of the few remaining dissenting voices against this monolithic onslaught against the country’s established democratic values and freedom of expression "                              Read more.

Ordinary People Blindly Follow Present Day Leaders: What A Tragedy For This Dhammadipa?

By A.T. Ariyaratne -July 24, 2013 

Dr. A.T. Ariyaratne

The Role Of Religion In Reconciliation 

At the outset I wish to thank Mr.Asanga Abeygoonesekera, Executive Director of Lakshman Kadirgamer Institute for International Relations and Strategic Studies, for inviting me to deliver the Keynote address at this National Conference on “The Role of Religion in Reconciliation.”

I understand that this conference is the eighth in a series organized by the Institute where the subject of Reconciliation is being studied and discussed from a number of perspectives. For my part I do not claim to be a scholar or a national leader who can influence the intellectuals and the decision makers in our society. From my student days up to today for nearly sixty six years I have been engaged in working at the grass roots level to empower those who are the poorest and the most powerless in our society. Out of this period over fifty five years were spent with the Sarvodaya Shramadana Movement. So my remarks on the subject assigned to me, namely, The Role of Religion in Reconciliation, will be conditioned by the experiences I had both in our country and abroad in carrying out Sarvodaya activities.

This is a very timely conference, especially as it is being held at a time of great national debate on the system of devolved government and the role of the international community.  The delay in achieving reconciliation after the end of the war gives the discussion to day special relevance.  There is polarization within the country that is manifested in election results that reflect an ethnic divide. Internationally, there is the accusation of serious human rights violations that is not going away due to inability to make a satisfactory response. There is no agreement between Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims on key political issues or between Government and Opposition on addressing the burning issues.                  Read More     

Theology For Reconciliation Process

By Asanga Abeygoonasekera -July 24, 2013 

Asanga Abeygoonasekera

Most Venerable Mahasanga, Christian, Hindu and Islamic religious dignitaries, Excellencies from various diplomatic missions, our distinguished speakers for today, ladies and gentleman.

On behalf of Hon. Prof. G.L. Peiris, Minister of External Affairs and the board Directors of Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute of International Relations and Strategic Studies, I would like to welcome with great honour the Maha Sanga, the Christian, Hindu, Islamic religious dignitaries and all distinguished guests for this gathering.

It is with great pleasure I welcome our Keynote speaker Dr. A.T. Ariyaratne, I welcome our eminent panelists for today Ven.Prof. Bellanwilla Wimalarathna thero, Ven.Galkande Dhammananda thero, Rev.Fr.Bendict Joseph,Ven.Ramachandra Kurukkal Babu Sharma, Mr.N.M.Ameen, Dr.Pradeep Jeganathan, Prof.Rohan Gunarathna and Mr.Prasantha lal de Alwis. Our Institute is honored by the presence of such a renowned panel. I thank you for your time and contribution. Many religious members requested to speak at our conference but due to time constraints we had to limit the number of speakers. We welcome all participants for the discussion towards the end of the conference.

This is the 8^th conference we are conducting on reconciliation at our Institute. We held the inaugural conference with Secretary of Defense as the keynote speaker in 2011 November. The other conferences focused a number of themes such as the role of Business, women, ICT, youth, education and Art and culture. Our aim is to identify champions of reconciliation in our society and recognize their ideas and thoughts on the subject and thus consequently feed into a dialogue among the public and policy making. Contributions in these conferences are encapsulated in a comprehensive report. We also produce position papers to our Minister on the recommendations made during the discussions. For example from the last conference we had recommendations from a participant requesting a National Reconciliation Day to be declared by the government.

Read More

COPE wants urgent action to prevent collapse of public sector

by Saman Indrajith-July 23, 2013

The Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) has, in its second report released yesterday, warned that the government should take immediate steps to implement its recommendations to bring about "radical changes in the existing policies’ to prevent the collapse of 72 public enterprises.

The report presented to Parliament by its Chairman, Senior Minister D. E. W. Gunasekera points out that 16 out of these 72 institutions have been identified as loss incurring and another 14 as continuous loss/deficit incurring. The report emphasises the need to increase salaries of public sector professionals to retain their services.

"Attention of the executive should be drawn to the need for enhancing the quality of leadership of the public enterprises through the appointment of professional, experienced and skilled personnel. They should be made fully answerable and accountable for their performance. This can be ensured by the maximum degree of autonomy and minimum degree of interference from above. There is a dearth of professionals in the field of accountancy which can only be corrected through a deserving remuneration," Minister Gunasekera said in the Chairman’s note to the report.

The committee report in its observations and recommendations section emphasizes the "importance of increasing the professional capacity in the public sector…it goes without saying that the professionals cannot be either recruited or retained with the existing salary scales in the public sector. Because of this situation, certain institutes had been compelled to recruit personnel to the high ranking posts on contract basis which leads to a serious problem with regard to the responsibility and accountability of those personnel recruited on contract basis."

The Treasury had been recommended by the COPE to take immediate action to raise salaries and other remuneration of high ranking posts "to avoid any possible collapse of the public sector".

The COPE report makes 17 general observations and recommendations to correct the present situation, Senior Minister Gunasekera told a press conference held in the Parliamentary complex soon after presenting the report to the House.

One of the serious issues in public sector was severe dearth of actuaries, he said adding that the entire country had only a handful of qualified actuaries.

Inadequacy of actuaries not only in the public sector but also in the country as a whole is considered by the committee at the moment as the need to foresee. The ability calculate future risks is felt more than ever before. "For instance, the collapse of the Agrarian and Agricultural insurance Board had been mainly due to the inability to foresee the non-availability of its pension scheme," it said.

"The committee is of the opinion that the appointment of personnel has heads of institutions should be made only by considering their qualifications and experience in the relevant discipline. The matter remains the same even in relation to the appointment of board members as their decision making has huge dependency on their knowledge and experience in the relevant area of interest," the report says.

COPE Member MP Eran Wickremaratne addressing the press said that appointing family members and relations of those at the helm of power to the top posts such as Chief Executive Officers and Chairman in public sector had resulted in the loss incurring. "If a person to be appointed to the top post of an airline, for example, he or she, apart from other qualifications, should need experience of working with foreign airlines. Otherwise, it is impossible to prevent losses," he said.

"It should be noted that the debt management of most of the public institutions is extremely unsatisfactory and as a result, large amount of debtor balances had been outstanding for a significant period of time," the report says adding, for the lapses in the agreements and sometimes for not taking action within the required time period, some debtor balances are in a non recoverable state."

The report comprises findings of investigations on 244 state institutions from January 1, 2012 to March 30, 2013. With 320 pages, the report is considered the largest ever made by the committee, Minister Gunasekera told the press.

Other COPE members Ministers Mahinda Amaraweera, Lasantha Alagiyawanna, Jagath Pushpakumara, MPs Rosy Senanayake, Karu Jauasuriya, Sujeewa Senasinghe, Sarana Gunawardena also attended the press conference.