Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Sunday, June 9, 2013

Ranil Can Try His Luck Later, Six Months Later


By Kumar David -June 9, 2013
Prof Kumar David
Colombo TelegraphUNP Returns To Liberal-Democracy: More Than A Whiff Of Donoughmore
In political science, keep the mind razor sharp and tongue as piercing as a dagger; no quarter should be yielded to blunderers; the world is infested with too many mutts. The art of politics, on the other hand, is the craft of getting as much as can be realistically extracted in a given conjuncture. The objective of principled politics is to permit only morally flawed compromises that are unavoidable.
Was this last the psychology of the drafters who put together the constitutional proposals unveiled by the UNP on 29 May? I am no UNPer, I look from the outside as a Leftist, but this seems how they set about it. A second caveat: I am speaking of the written document, a future UNP government may well betray stacks of promises, as MahindaChandrika,Premadasa, even JR did with no inkling of their own moral ignominy. Lanka is fatigued and demoralised by the foulest crop of politicos in its history. Their forerunners of the first three post-Independence decades had many failings, but were not dishonourable scoundrels. But these days,
‘Tis now the very witching time of night,
When churchyards yawn and hell itself breathes out
Contagion to this world: now (politicos) drink blood”

BTF and Tamil Solidarity hold Inaugural Solidarity Day with Major UK Unions






Sunday, 09 June 2013
British Tamils Forum (BTF) are pleased to have successfully staged a Solidarity Day, in association with Tamil Solidarity, at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London. Approximately one hundred British Tamils, human rights and workers' rights campaigners, and trade union members attended this inaugural event, which was designed to foster closer ties between the British Tamil community and unions in the UK.
The Solidarity Day event was addressed by representatives from many of the UK's most influential and largest trade unions – including UNISON, the Public and Commercial Services Union (PCU), the National Union of Teachers (NUT), the RMT transport union and Unite – as well as social activists and campaigners for other persecuted communities. Attendees also had the opportunity to view artwork and exhibitions on the persecution faced by Eelam Tamils.
All the speakers expressed their support for the three current objectives of the Tamil freedom struggle:

CHOGM should be used as a platform to urge SL Govt. to correct itself— Lal Wickrematunge


By Sujeeva Nivunhella-

in London

Former owner of Leader Publications Lal Wickrematunge, Canadian parliamentarian, Senator Hugh Segal and British journalist, author of the "Still counting the Dead" Frances Harisson appeared on BBC TV program "Impact", debating whether it was right to hold Commonwealth Heads Of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Sri Lanka last week. Presenter Mishal Husain said Sri Lankan Government were invited to take part in this debate but they declined to do so.

Opening the debate Wickrematunge said that the CHOGM should be used as a platform to urge the Sri Lankan Government to correct itself. He said it was time that the international community stood up and took notice. "Now they have two UN resolutions and the LLRC report which the government has itself initiated and I think it would be a good platform to bring the government around to implement what they themselves have recommended", Wickrematunge said. 

He said that the International community was very slow to react. "If you look at the past records of other countries which have been brought to book, it has taken as much as ten years. Unless there is a change of mind with the International community that action has to be taken quickly instead of at the pace they are used to then the question arises whether you should have CHOGM here or whether Sri Lanka should be notified to get their act together as far as war crimes or Human Rights Record is concerned", Wickrematunge further said.

Participating in the debate Senator Segal said that the Government of Canada is very strong believer in Commonwealth Charter. "We are very strong believer in the principles the underline values of the Commonwealth such as democracy, rule of law, religious freedom and in our view since the end of the war in 2009 what is been going on in Sri Lanka is heading in the opposite direction.

"There is being a clear imposition upon judicial independence with the impeachment of the Chief Justice and a fashion that is clearly unconstitutional. There is continued Army occupation of the North in a way that does not allow vast majority of Tamils to rebuild their lives any kind of reconciliation fashion", he said.

"We have the continuing harassment of journalists which includes murders and disappearances, white vanning of people and there is no indication I was there in Sri Lanka to do a fact finding mission, meeting with all sides in the debate. There is no indication of any movement at all in any meaningful way on the question of accountability for what happened at the end of the war. On that basis our prime minister has said so far that he does not intend to be in Colombo and as to the actual status of Canada with respect to the meeting, that is still a matter under determination", the Senator said. 

When put to him by the presenter Husain that what was his answer if the Sri Lankan government said it is no business of his, Senator Segal said, "I don’t look at that in the point of view as a internal affairs of another Commonwealth country. Every Commonwealth country is independent and makes its own sovereign decisions. I look at it in terms of the integrity of the commonwealth and what it stands for. 

"We did not agree to have a meeting in Cape Town during the height of the pre-Mandela years. We had principles in that respect, we’ve had to respect calls to other countries who had to be asked to step out of Commonwealth for brief periods of time", he noted.

When he was asked whether he was comparing Sri Lanka to South Africa in the apartheid era, the Senator said,  "I am saying the same principles with respect to justice and rule of law and democracy should apply and should be applied evenly to all members of the Commonwealth and we shouldn’t be giving a pass particularly when the evidence suggests that things are moving in the opposite direction."   

When asked how much has changed to a ethnic Tamil living in Sri-Lanka four years after the war ended Frances Harrison said, "We have just seen people turning up in Britain as asylum seekers with appalling signs of abuse. People who, for example, have been branded on their backs with hot metal rods. We have seen 31 cases so far. Women who were in the police detention repeatedly gang raped, simply because they are Tamil and suspected to have some links with Tamil Tigers. This is four years on. We are actually in a situation where most survivors from the war even abroad are too scared to come forward to say actually what happened to them. This is why I wrote a book. Many of the people in my book spoke anonymously because they are scared of reprisals against their family members back home. 

Sri Lanka High Commissioner, Dr. Chris Nonis who did not attend the debate later  appeared on the same program and said that people lived in a heterogeneous society in Sri Lanka for two and a half thousand years and had a bitter and internecine conflict with the terrorists for 28 years, but subsequently, finally achieved peace.

He further said, "297,000 people have been rehabilitated. There is a billion dollar programme which has gone into the North and East, ‘Negenahira Navodaya’, ‘Uthuru Vasanthaya’ which is re-building the lives and infrastructure of the people.  11,600 LTTE cadres are now being rehabilitated.  I have met these kids –  they were cruelly snatched by Prabhakaran, they were fighting but they didn’t know what they were fighting for.  It’s so wonderful to see them undergoing vocational training, being rehabilitated and reintegrated into society."  

Talking about the Tamils coming to UK claiming asylum, Dr. Nonis said, "I would say there are many people who for various different reasons come and seek asylum, and I think what we have to separate, is those who seek asylum as economic refugees,  from those who seek asylum as political refugees, and now that we have peace in the country – you must remember the demography of the country, the majority of Tamil people actually live in the Centre and South of Sri Lanka, if you look at Colombo, its roughly a 30-30-30 percent split between Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim– most of us have relatives who are either Tamil or Muslim or Sinhalese– and that is not understood here because the problem is, we have a huge dichotomy or disjuncture in perception between what is portrayed here and the reality of contemporary Sri Lanka".

Would The Real “Moral Majority” In Sri Lanka Please Stand Up?

By Emil van der Poorten -June 9, 2013 
Emil van der Poorten
Colombo TelegraphIt really took a gritting of teeth and a tensing of muscle before I could type out the apostrophized words appearing in the title of this piece!  Why? Because it was terminology used extensively by the most hypocritical elements of United States society in an effort to propagate a dogma of irrational behaviour and discrimination against a variety of groups.  However, standing alone and sans the baggage, it is probably as good a term as any to describe a large slice of Sri Lanka’s population.
I don’t know whether it can be attributed purely to good fortune, but the Serendipitous Isle that we inhabit, has had the benefit of both Asian and European streams of culture that have, in a larger sense been complementary of each other for several centuries despite the fact that the former had been around for more than a millennium before the latter arrived, carried by those who sought to subjugate the indigenous populations and impose their cultural norms and religion on the “locals.”  However, despite the “imperialist impulse,” this country ended up with a broad spectrum of religious beliefs that existed in harmony, seemingly enhancing each other rather than competing in some destructive manner.  Whether it was deliberate co-operation or just an exceptional level of tolerance, the four major religions that shared this small land mass, dwelt in amity for many centuries, developing a moral and ethical mix that seemed to serve the country very well indeed in its many endeavours: political, economic and cultural.
It was out of this coming together that a broad coalition emerged of what I have chosen to describe as the moral majority in this piece.  They were, generally, from the more conservative elements of each faith group but that conservatism did not preclude them from making common cause across religious boundaries.  There was, above all, a demonstrated adherence to a set of principles and ethics and a morality that they all appeared to share in.
What has happened to that unique amalgam and what have we done with the opportunity to build a truly unique country in this region?  We seem to have chosen, rather than sup graciously at that table of riches, to look for flaws and opportunities for conflict in either the theory or practice of each and every religion or faith group.
I would submit that, while historical circumstances – particularly a vicious and protracted armed conflict – might have created a climate ripe for the jettisoning of any code of morality, principle or ethics, what has overtaken the country over the last few years has been a process deliberately created to serve the ends of a small and select group of people at the expense of the rest of the population.   This elite has a vested interest in the continuance of strife that they can control with repressive measures in order for their grand plan for self-aggrandizement to proceed without let or hindrance.
One needs to remember that all those “airy-fairy” concepts – morality, ethics, principles -that separate us from the lesser inhabitants of this earth also provide the irreplaceable foundation for the very existence of a country like Sri Lanka and for the material well-being of its people.  That material well-being however cannot include a tiny elite becoming enormously wealthy and powerful at the expense of the rest of the population!
Why is the moral majority that I believe still exists in this country collectively acting like the three famous monkeys who could not see, speak nor hear evil?
Some have been seduced – the more comfortably-off sections, particularly – by material comforts (to an ever-decreasing number!)  Yet others live in abject fear of upsetting “the-powers-that-be,” and with good reason given the fate of many who’ve had the gall to stand up to our 21st century Royalty!   Yet others because of the vulnerability that common criminals perennially display, hang on to their patrons and are prepared to do virtually anything to ensure a continuation of the status quo because the alternative – a return to the rule of law – is too terrible to consider and they are going to be, not to put a fine point on it …….d (choose the verb of your choice!)
At the same time as the strife has arisen around religions and their practices – deliberately generated by politicians in or out of robes of one description or another – there has been an accelerating current of unease and nervousness beneath the surface of all the major religions in Sri Lanka.  At minimum, there is a growing intolerance typically voiced in terms of one’s faith being superior to one’s neighbour’s, a symptom typical of those suffering from a inferiority complex of serious proportions.
That it only takes a little spark for mobs to launch attacks on places of worship or of religious significance has been only too evident with the Dambulla and other mosque destructions and the attacks on places of worship of some of the Christian denominations.  The latter have often been provoked by deliberately-generated hysteria over “unethical conversions,” whatever they are, allegedly conducted by charismatic or fundamentalist Christian groups.  However, even the mainline Christian denomination headquartered in the Vatican has not been spared the malicious attentions of those looking for someone “different” to attack on one pretext or another.
That some of the minor Christian or crypto-Christian groups often target people in distress in many countries – be it because of health, financial or other distressing episodes in their lives.  In fact it has been true through the ages that even some atheists or agnostics “discover religion” when faced with some calamity to which there does not appear to be a human, earth-generated solution and are thus most vulnerable to the attentions of those looking to grow their flocks!    Interestingly, I do recall friends of my generation who “discovered” Buddhism when they had to deal with a crisis and sought to take what they claimed was the intellectual rather than the emotional path to relief.  There are also those whose suddenly all-consuming devotion to Buddhism is provoked by the need to obtain a favour of one description or another and resort to vows at particular places of worship.  While this emotional rather than intellectual belief in the power of Buddhism to perform miracles of one description or another seems to run counter to the very essence of what is considered by many to be the most “intellectual” of belief systems, it is, nevertheless a reality in this country, much as worship of the Hindu deities plays a very important role in the practice of Buddhism by the larger mass of Buddhists.
But I digress.
In any event, prejudice is primarily triggered by a discomfort with people who are “different” particularly if they practice a faith that the aggressors do not or choose not to understand.  The matter of “conversions,” ethical or otherwise is not of any real significance in this or any other country and is more a red herring than anything else in the current Sri Lankan context.
All the circumstantial and anecdotal evidence points in the direction of Sri Lanka’s moral majority having chosen to divest itself of its traditional responsibility as the arbiter of ethical conduct, principle and morality in this country.   One can only hope that this is a temporary phenomenon and that they will return to the fray with all those who continue to stand up to those who have no respect for any of those things that add up to civility and decency, honour and honesty in governance.

Executive Presidency must go says TNA… minorities no longer believe in it


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by Zacki Jabbar-

The Executive Presidency should be abolished as the minorities no longer have any faith in it, the Tamil National Alliance(TNA) said yesterday.

 Asked, about the TNA’s position on the Executive Presidency in the light of the UNP releasing its new draft constitution which calls for its repeal, the TNA leader Rajavarothiam Sampanthan said "it has to go" adding that it was no longer a "shelter" for the minority communities that it was intended to be when the 1978 Constitution was introduced.

The unprecedented manner in which executive powers have been abused by President Mahinda Rajapaksa has convinced the minorities that a Head of State answerable to Parliament was the best option, he pointed out.

Sampanthan said that the TNA was committed to an undivided country consisting of an heterogenous and not homogeneous society where people of different cultures contributed to a Sri Lankan nation.

Pointing out that President Mahinda Rajapaksa was engaged in speeches full of empty promises and rhetoric, he observed that there has been a reluctance on the part of his ruling United Peoples Freedom Alliance to use the post war opportunity to move forward by creating a society in which all its citizens had a sense of belonging.

The TNA leader cautioned that moves to dilute the 13th Amendment to the Constitution by stripping provincial administrations of land and police powers would negate the very essence of devolution and therefore be counterproductive.

Dismissing fears that a Northern Provincial Council under a Tamil leadership would lead to the division of the country, he noted that such a belief existed only in the minds of the Jathika Hela Urumaya and the National Freedom Front and not among the vast majority of the Sinhala people.

It’s a fanciful notion that devolution would lead to separation. Such a fear was not expressed when the LTTE was in existence. In fact more powers than in the 13th Amendment was offered to the North and East at that time, Sampanthan said.

What Are ‘Anti-National’ Criticisms Exactly?


By Kishali Pinto-Jayawardena -June 9, 2013
Kishali Pinto-Jayawardena
Colombo TelegraphIn what precise manner can a fantastically unethical Government prescribe a Code of Ethics for the media? This is a highly relevant question given recent bombastic claims by the Government Spokesman that a draft Bill on Media Ethics is being circulated prior to implementation.
State media devoid of ethics
This Government has proved itself to be far worse than its most un-saintly predecessors in using the state media to witch-hunt and target dissenters. A few months ago, for example, we saw state media propagandists exceeding all boundaries of decency in slandering critics of the impeachment of Sri Lanka’s 43rd Chief Justice. In the process, judges of the Supreme Court, including the impeached Chief Justice were mercilessly character assassinated with impunity by attack hounds of the administration, unleashed on those whom they perceived to be their enemies.

As attack hounds are wont to do, they snarled and foamed at the mouth when the whip was cracked by their masters, thereby ridiculing not only themselves but this country. And the world sat back and marveled as to the despicable way in which Sri Lanka, notwithstanding its historic legal traditions in the Commonwealth, maltreated a sitting Chef Justice, the highest judicial officer of the land.
Yet it is this very Government which is now attempting to preach ethics to the media as we have been privileged to hear in recent days. The absurdity exceeds all expectations. It is as if one lunacy is succeeded only by the next while the Sri Lankan people are helpless spectators, by and large.
Refusal to enact an RTI law
This is also the very Government meanwhile which refuses to enact a Right to Information Act even though a carefully worked draft, (formulated under the chairmanship of a former Attorney General of unimpeachable integrity, the late Mr KC Kamalasabeyson PC), has been sitting idle at the Office of the Legislative Draftsman since 2004. At first, flimsy excuses were put forward that such an Act would be inimical to national security. It was pointed out in response that the draft exempts matters of national security from its purview and that anyway, the courts are vested with the delicate task of balancing the public interest with interests of the state in contested situations rather than, as was maliciously sought to be made out, the freedom of the wild ass being given to Right to Information (RTI) activists. Then, that unconvincing excuse was dropped.
Instead, we have the most disgraceful status quo of no excuses being given at all. This Government is not ashamed to say that it does not intend to enact a RTI law. Indeed, it does not see any reason to proffer any excuses for not doing so. Its arrogance exceeds all expectations. In the South Asian region, only Sri Lanka stands out in this unreasoning stubbornness to bring an RTI law to the statute books. It is true to say therefore that the country’s media community has singularly failed in this regard. And no amount of pious lectures on the virtues of RTI by guest speakers at routine conferences in Colombo will serve to detract from this uncomfortable fact.
At the core thereof of this refusal is the determination on the part of this Government to prevent scrutiny of its handling of public finance. This determination pervades every aspect of Government policy. It is because of this very reason that the media is being sought to be further strangulated by a ridiculous Code of Ethics. A Right to Information Act will never be enacted for that same reason. And Sri Lanka’s Bribery and Corruption Commission, despite moving at the speed of greased lightning against a Chief Justice fallen out of favour as well as some selected targets such as an allegedly corrupt  District Judge, will continue to fail in disciplining monumentally corrupt politicians.
Where are the Government’s duties?
But let us see what this so-called Code of Ethics is all about. Its opening paragraphs state that ‘this Code protects both the rights of the individual and upholds the public’s right to know.’ Yet in what way can this Code protect ‘the right to know’ (which in essence, means the right to information) without imposing specific obligations in that regard on the Government? Where are the Government’s duties in that context? The 2004 discarded draft RTI law, for example, prescribed a duty upon the Government to disclose details of projects above a particular monetary value, thus ensuring the public right to know in the realm of public finance.
Most importantly, the draft stipulated a limited extent of whistleblower protection in Clause 34 protecting an employee of any public authority who releases official information, which is permitted to be released or disclosed on a request submitted under this Act, so long and so long only as such employee acted in good faith and in the reasonable belief that the information was substantially true and such information disclosed evidence of any wrong doing or a serious threat to the health or safety of any citizen or to the environment. This clause represented a compromise between those members of the drafting committee who were cautious about what they percieved to be the dangers of such a provision being misused by disgruntled public service employees and those who argued that the provision was essential to any modern law incorporating right to information standards.
True enough, this clause may be looked upon as being too narrowly worded. Best practice requires indeed that persons should be protected from prosecution for disclosing “any information so long as such employee acted in good faith and so on. However, it was assuredly an improvement from the rigid non-disclosure environment that currently prevails. Yet, the draft law with this and other equally good provisions, remain in limbo. And we have to suffer the ignominy of a supposed Code of Ethics which fashionably promises us the ‘right to know’ without any actual provision to that effect.
Use of vague and imprecise language
This supposed draft Code invites derision in other respects. While reproducing some existing provision in the self regulatory Code of Ethics promulgated by the Editors Guild of Sri Lanka, such as the duty to publish a correction or apology, it is replete with vague definitions, incorrect language and is generally repetitive. For example, the media is admonished against the publication of material amounting to contempt of court while in the same breath, it is also prohibited from publishing material termed in unforgivably imprecise terms as ‘against the integrity of the Executive, Judiciary and Legislative.’ What exactly is meant by this magnificent pronouncement is anybody’s guess. The more relevant question would perhaps be if any integrity is left of these three organs of the Sri Lankan State?
More dangerous and with specific ominous undertones are those clauses of the Code that prohibit the promotion of ‘anti-national’ attitudes. What is the meaning of the term, ‘anti-national’, pray? Is this term to be interpreted as ‘anti-government’? In yet another instance, journalists are enjoined not to ‘mislead the public.’ The chilling impact that such imprecise and heavily weighted language will have on an already stifled Sri Lankan media is not difficult to estimate.
A stupendously problematic move
These caustic observations are not to say that the Sri Lankan media should not be governed by a Code of Ethics. In fact, a self regulatory Code of Ethics does exist. It may be argued that self regulation has its drawbacks in that it does not compel obedience. Such arguments may have their own merits.
However, the answer to such dilemmas is not through a Government-imposed Code of Ethics in principle and in any event, certainly not by a Government so completely and utterly devoid of basic ethical standards as the present administration. We cannot but express extreme concern at such stupendously problematic efforts to further strangulate freedom of expression and information in this country.

No Fire Zone- The Killing Fields of Sri Lanka


Sunday, 09 June 2013 
Australian Tour- The true story of war crimes committed in Sri Lanka four years ago..
Sydney Screenings
Sydney CBD
Date :Thursday 27 June 2013-
Time : 6.00pm
Venue : Wesley Conference Centre 220 Pitt Street Sydney
Online registration Click here
Silverwater
Date : Saturday 29 June 2013-
Time : 6.15pm
Venue : C3 Conference Venue-Cnr Egerton and Silverwater Road Silverwater
To book ticket online click here
Email admin@australiantamilcongress.com or call 1300 660 629
Melbourne
Date :Friday 28 June 2013
Time : 6.30pm
Venue : Carrillo Gantner Theatre, Sidney Myer Asian Centre,University of Melbourne, Near Gate 6,Swanston Street, MelbourneTo book ticket online click here
To book ticket online click here
Canberra
Hosted by ANU Law Students' Society
Date : Monday 24 June 2013
Venue : Coombs Theatre, The Australian National University
Time : 6:30pm
Contact click here
Perth
Date : Sunday 30 June 2013
Time : 6.30pm
Venue : Cinema Paradise, Northbridge Perth
Contact : 0439475174
Tickets and information
Please email admin@australiantamilcongress.com or call 1300 660 629
Australian Tamil Congress

Total Destruction Of The Tamil Tigers: The Rare Victory Of Sri Lanka’s Long War

By Charles Sarvan -June 9, 2013 
Prof. Charles Sarvan
The author, a visiting professor of Journalism at Cardiff, has written several books on recent wars. This work (hereafter, TDTT) is short but contains a wealth of information and detail. Moorcraft has read on Sri Lanka, visited sites, and conducted interviews including with army commanders, thePermanent Secretary (Defence), the PresidentKumaran Pathmanathan(“K.P.”), Colonel Karuna and others.
“To see beauty in victory is to rejoice in the killing of others” (The ‘Art of War’by Sun-tzu, BCE 380-316). Altering words from Gray’s ‘Elegy’ (1751), one should not “wade through slaughter” to power and domination, shutting the gates of compassion on humanity. But TDTT is “not a moral tract” (page xviii) and, therefore, it cannot be reproached for not dealing with issues such as ethics and human-rights. For example, when he says the government acted “correctly” (page 165) he means it in military and political (not in ethical or humane) terms. Objectively and dispassionately, Moorcraft records that the government and its army functioned like a steamroller (page 168) flattening everything before it. TDTT, therefore, is a Machiavellian work. “Machiavellian” is used here not pejoratively but neutrally. ‘The Prince’ (circa 1515) focuses on how power can be secured and retained: When and how should one be cruel? In politics, it is better to be feared than loved, and so on. (Cf. Kautilya’s ‘The Arthashastra’ written over 1500 years ago.)