Hate Speech in Syria

Do You Buy It?

Banias, Syria May 1-4 2013

The conflict in Syria, which began as a revolution, has spiraled into sectarian violence. Leaders from various ethnic and religious backgrounds in Syria have capitalized on a history full of cultural and structural violence to manipulate and move their followers to violence.  Yet until May 1-4 2013 there has not been such outright violence, mass killings and ethnic cleansing (which some are calling it genocide).

At the heart of the violence in Banias, Syria is Mihraç Ural, an Alawite Turk with Syrian citizenship that leads the “National Resistance” militia, a shabiha subdivision. According to blog “Arab Saga” (http://arabsaga.blogspot.com/)  Mihraç Ural goes by his Arabic nom de guerre: Ali at-Kayyali. In a leaked video, that made headlines Mihraç Ural said  “We need to cleanse Banias of traitors at the earliest.”   Supported and sitting next to Alawite religious leaders Ural continued his hate speech that brought on the killing of over 100 Sunni Muslims in the small Syrian Coastal town.

He says:

“Banias? The only exit route for those traitors is the (Mediterranean) sea.

We are Banias!

“In any case, Jableh (a nearby coastal city) is under nationalist forces control. It cannot possibly be a base or pathway for our foes.

“Sooner or later, we’re supposed to lay siege to Banias. I mean what I say: cordon off Banias and start the ethnic cleansing.

“Our mission is to liberate, cleanse and hold our ground until (regular army) troops take over.”

This was not Ural’s first hate speech YouTube video[i], in January he offered some choice words to traitors of Syria and also alluded to the need to do away with them.  Hate media as we see does not happen in a vacuum but envelops a central historic and cultural pivotal time. In Ural’s hate speech, which was uploaded to Youtube making it hate-media, Ural carefully crafts his words to be full of meaning.  He chooses an enemy: one that is supported by a greater enemy: Erdogon (Turkey) and Neo-Ottomans. These words are important to Alawites because they suffered oppression and cultural violence themselves from the Ottomans.  This hate speech was effective, moving Ural’s militia to action because it made cultural violence look and feel right.  It is justified because Alawites too have suffered at the hands of the Sunni’s (no matter if it was nearly 100 years ago).  The collective memory of suffering by the Alawites is very strong and can be called upon years after the initial violence occurred to bring about mass killings as happened in Banias.  In the short video Ural even mentions a history of 7,000 years, the Sumerians, the sons of Syria…etc. to make his point. His chosen words are clear that the Syrian opposition against the Assad Regime is not truly Syrian and therefore must be done away with.  Hate Speech found in Ural’s hate media, is an example how the tone has changed in the Syrian conflict (Revolution to some).  He uses ethno-political terms, which increase sectarianism, and thus has lead to over 100 men, women and children to be killed between May 1-4, 2013.

Here is the text below:

“The Syrian Resistance will get its revenge from every oppressor. It will chase all corrupt, traitors and infiltrators from across the border, sent by Erdogon and Neo-Ottomans. The Syrian Resistance, the Sons of Syria, the sons of the land, the sons of a 7,000 year old civilization…will not allow you… to spread in this land… to destroy it… to burn it. We are all on the look out for you… all of us. This coast is the coast of civilization of the Mediterranean Sea. This coast has repeatedly offered to humanity several civilizations. Long ago, man found this place to be one where he can enjoy an honorable livelihood and he created on it many civilizations. From the days of Sumerians and those who came before until this very day… one civilization after another…the identity of Syria has evolved, in all the mosaic that it is comprised of, in all its shapes and colors.  You oppressors, whose minds are quarter empty, you traitors. Don’t even dream of descending on Lattakia and the coast. The entire coast is on the lookout for you.  The coast, with the Syrian Resistance and its men, is on the lookout for you. We are all ready to get you…always ready!

Song begins “ Syria, my beloved… you gave me back my dignity, you gave me back my identity…” 

Muslim Dansala

May 27, 2013

Contrary to widespread belief that Muslims only help “their kind” and not those of other religious faiths, a family of Muslims- Mohamed Imtiyas and his brothers proved otherwise this Vesak season.

The Imtiyas family fully funded a massive Dansala organised by the Havelock Road, Swarna Junction 3-wheeler committee which drew people of all faiths in their hundreds.

The delicious vegetarian rice & curry meal offered was cooked in the typical Buriyani style by Muslim cooks.

Speaking to CT, Mr. Mohamed Imtiyas said “This is one way we can show our gratitude and appreciation to our Buddhist friends who help us in numerous ways when we are in difficulty”.

Govt Must Honour Promises Given On 13th Amendment – M. A. Sumanthiran

• Govt behind move to repeal 13A, but lacks courage to do it directly

Sunday, May 26, 2013

TNA parliamentarian, Attorney at Law, M. A. Sumanthiran says that the JHU’s move to propose the abolition of the provincial council system under the 13th Amendment to the Constitution is backed by the government since the JHU is a constituent member of the governing party with a member in the Cabinet.

“There must be a power-sharing arrangement agreed upon that enables the Tamil People of this country to live as equal citizens with dignity and self-respect, handling their own affairs in their own areas,” he said. However, Sumanthiran observes that this government’s track record on finding a lasting solution to the ethnic issue will not infuse any degree of confidence. He added that India has a moral responsibility to ensure that the 13th Amendment is fully implemented and also ensure that Sri Lanka goes beyond that.

Following is the interview:

Q: Governing party ally, the JHU is to present a private members motion in parliament calling for the repeal of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution and the provincial council system. How do you view this development?
A: The JHU is a constituent party in the government. It has a member in the cabinet and therefore is bound by collective resposibility. The government is obviously behind this move, but does not have the courage to do it directly.

Q: The JHU and the NFF led by Minister Wimal Weerawansa are vehemently opposed to the 13th Amendment and have therefore opposed the holding of provincial council elections in the North. Do you think that it is a justified demand?
A: The JHU has participated in the provincial council system and have a minister too in the Western Provincial Council. The JVP too has participated in this system when Minister Wimal Weerawansa was a member of the JVP. It is therefore hypocritical for both to now object to the provincial council system only to deny the Tamil People of the North the opportunity to participate in it.

Q: Do you feel that implementing the 13th Amendment would be an insult to the war heroes?
A: Not at all! On the contrary, the war itself was fought on the basis that after the war ended the government would devolve power going beyond the 13th Amendment.

Q: The Indian External Affairs Minister had also spoken of the 13th Amendment with his Sri Lankan counterpart. Do you believe that India could prevail upon the government to fully implement the 13th Amendment?
A: India has a moral responsibility to ensure that the 13th Amendment is fully implemented and also to ensure that Sri Lanka goes beyond that and make devolution meaningful. This is precisely what the Government of Sri Lanka has assured India repeatedly through joint statements in the last three years.

Q: How do you think the issues faced in implementing the 13th Amendment would impact on the overall functioning of the country?
A: The TNA does not regard the 13th Amendment as the final political solution. The 13th Amendment has several flaws. Prof. Peiris is on record calling it ‘fundamentally flawed’. But that is still a part of the Constitution of the country. There is no choice but to implement it fully. When that is done, the flaws in it will be exposed and thus help making the necessary changes to its fundamental structure, making power-sharing meaningful.

Q: The left parties in the government are against moves to abolish the 13th Amendment while the SLMC has also expressed support to the piece of legislation. What impact do you think it would have on the government?
A: The government needs a two-third vote to amend the Constitution. If the SLMC and the Left parties do not support an amendment, it will not be possible to pass it.

Q: What role would the TNA play in getting the 13th Amendment implemented and holding the Northern Provincial Council election?
A: In the present circumstances if the Northern Provincial Council elections are held the TNA will contest it. We will always call for the full implementation of the country’s constitutional provisions and would strive to make devolution meaningful by advocating for radical changes to the 13th Amendment.

Q: How do you think the government could resolve the current controversy over the 13th Amendment? 
A: The government must honour the promises it has given with regard to the 13th Amendment without resorting to subterfuge.

Q: Do you have faith in the government to find a lasting solution to the ethnic issue?
A: This government’s track record on finding a lasting solution to the ethnic issue will not infuse any degree of confidence. But that does not mean that even this government cannot be made to do the right thing and deliver an honourable solution.

Q: What solution would the TNA propose to address the ethnic issue?
A: Our solution is clearly articulated in our election manifesto of 2010. We have also made drafts available to the government in our talks in the year 2011. The government is yet to respond to it, although they did state that our position was very reasonable. There must be a power-sharing arrangement agreed upon that enables the Tamil People of this country to live as equal citizens with dignity and self-respect, handling their own affairs in their own areas.

Reengineering The Nation

IBy Tisaranee Gunasekara -May 26, 2013 

“….developing a whole series of techniques which will enable the controlling oligarchy……to get people to love their servitude. This is the, it seems to me, the ultimate in malevolent revolutions”. -Aldous Huxley (The Ultimate Revolution)

During his recent Ugandatour, PresidentMahinda Rajapaksa was reportedly enchanted by the servile conduct of the Ugandans he came into contact with. According to the political column of last Sunday’s Rivira, the Lankan President asked his Ugandan counterpart, “When we look at them (Ugandans) it is clear that they have a very obedient nature. How did you manage to make them so obedient?” President Musevini’s response was that this servility was a relic of the Colonial ethos, when White Masters kept their Black and Brown Subjects in total subjugation.

In a democracy uncritical obedience is a dangerous vice. Despotic rule cannot survive without uncritical obedience. Colonial rulers treated colonised peoples as political infants incapable of handling independence. Tyrants too regard their subjects as eternal political-minors, incapable of dealing with freedom.

Foremost amongst the freedoms considered dangerous by actual and nascent despots is the right to information, the freedom of the people to know what is happening in their own country. Over the years the Rajapaksas have managed to subdue most of the print media. Currently, websites are their main targets. In this month alone, de facto banns were imposed on several websites including Gossip Lanka and Lanka Eagle.

The Rajapaksa fear of a free and critical media is comprehensible. The Siblings have much to hide.

Take land grabbing. Currently this is a major problem confronting not just by the Tamil people of the North but also by the Sinhala people of the South. Parallel to the stealth campaign of demographic reengineering in the North, the Rajapaksas are conducting an even more secretive operation of class and partisan-political reengineering in the South. Their ultimate aim is to create a new demographic which will render difficult any democratic/electoral resistance to Familial Rule.

In the North, private lands are being expropriated to create new army camps and military cantonments. For instance, according to Parliamentarian MA Sumanthiran, the regime is using the Land Acquisition Act to expropriate 6,400 acres of land to build a military cantonment in Jaffna: “….the notice says that the claimants are not traceable! The owners of these lands live just outside the so called illegal High Security Zone, in camps maintained by the government itself. They have lived there for over 25 years. And although their title to these lands were checked and cleared by a Committee appointed by the Supreme Court in 2006, they were not permitted to go and resettle on the false assertion that de-mining was not complete. That it is false is demonstrated by the sight of soldiers cultivating these lands….. Now suddenly, the government has shown its true face: these lands will be taken and given to others to occupy, who will become voters in the North. Similar notices have been issued in the Kilinochchi Distrct also. In the Eastern Province, instructions have gone out to acquire all the land that the military deems necessary for its purposes”[i].

These cantonments and military bases are being superimposed on a Tamil terrain to break the existing ethnic contiguity of the North, thereby to render devolution impossible and to keep Tamils in a continued state of subjection. Its other – and no less important purpose – is to make it possible for the Rajapaksas to win elections in the North, with a minimum amount of violence and malpractices.

Most Sinhalese are indifferent to the issue of land-grabbing because they see it as a Tamil problem. The Rajapaksas would want this ignorance – and the consequent indifference – to last as long as possible. The plight of Colombo’s poor, who are facing the danger of being evicted from their homes en masse, has received some attention but the plight of the Sinhala peasants of Ampara who have been chased away from their traditional lands is virtually unknown. In 2011, the Lankan Navy grabbed more than 1,200 acres of land close to the tourist hot-spot ofPanama; consequently thousands of Sinhala villagers of Shasthrawela, Ragamwela, Ulpassawela, Horowkanda and Ella lost their homes and their means of livelihood. A similar fate has befallen the fisher-folk of Kalpitiya.

When the state takes over private land for development purposes, it is obligated to provide the owners with either compensation or alternate lands. This is how successive governments in Sri Lanka conducted themselves, by and large. The Rajapaksas have developed a different method; land grabbing is being done, extra-legally, using the military. The issue is thus ‘militarised’ and garbed in the protective-attire of ‘national security’. This way the owners can be threatened at will, the Sinhala-language media silenced and environmental laws and archaeological regulations ignored. For instance, in Ampara, “though sanctions have been imposed by the Forest Department, Archaeological Department, Coast Conservation Department and Central Environmental Authority on carrying out any development work on forestlands, the Sri Lanka Navy claims that such formalities are totally discarded when the Defence Ministry approves their projects. Speaking on the construction work carried out by the Navy in Panamain the Ampara District, Navy Spokesman Commander Kosala Warnakulasuriya said that they have not followed any of these procedures nor would they require permission from the said institutions as the construction is being carried out on Defence Ministry land. ‘This is a Defence Ministry land and there is no necessity to obtain approval from any department to carry out any of our development work,’ claimed Warnakulasuriya[ii].

The Defence Ministry and the military are the law, not just in the Tamil-North, but even in the Sinhala-South. The ultimate purpose of these acts of dispossession is to fill the Rajapaksa coffers, buttress the Rajapaksa dynastic project and render difficult any effective national resistance to Rajapaksa rule.

Atomisation

The Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim victims of land-grabbing have a problem and an opponent in common. Therefore coordinating their various acts of resistance into a single struggle makes perfect sense. Unfortunately, instead of this necessary and possible national campaign – ideally with the participation of the opposition parties – resistance is fragmented along regional/ ethnic/class lines.

The Siblings do not want the Sinhalese to understand that they are not immune to Rajapaksa-injustice. The Siblings do not want the Sinhalese to realise that the military, far from being ‘our boys’, are Rajapaksa tools (just as the Tigers served not the Tamil people but Vellupillai Pirapaharan). The Siblings do not want their Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim victims to find the common ground and mount a coordinated resistance. The Siblings want to atomise Lankans along ethnic, religious and class lines, to prevent a united opposition to familial rule from coming into being. The only Sinhala-Tamil-Muslim unity they want to promote is a unity in apathy and indifference.

The Rajapaksa project aims at the psychological reengineering of the Lankan people. They want an ignorant nation which equates difference with danger. They want a people more concerned about hemlines or eating habits than land-grabbing or child abuse. They want a nation seeped in mutual-suspicion and habituated into obedience.

They want a nation which, unconsciously, cooperates in its own subjugation and undoing.

---

[i] DBSJeyaraj.com

[ii] The Sunday Leader – 12.5.2013

Leftist ministers meet TNA

By Ananth Palakidnar-2013-05-26 

The three Leftist ministers in the government, Prof. Tissa Vitarana, D.E.W. Gunasekera and Vasudeva Nanayakkara have expressed solidarity with the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) in fully implementing the 13th Amendment to the Constitution.

Leader of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) and Minister of Technology and Research, Prof. Vitarana, General Secretary of the Communist Party (CP) and Minister of Human Resources, D.E.W. Gunasekera, and Leader of the Democratic Left Front (DLF) and Minister of National Languages and Social Integration, Vasudeva Nanayakkara, had met a group of TNA Parliamentarians at the Parliament Complex on Wednesday (22).

TNA Spokesperson, Parliamentarian Suresh Premachandran, told Ceylon Today the meeting between the Leftists, who are also the Cabinet Ministers in the UPFA Government, was an encouraging sign in the backdrop where several elements are vehemently opposing the 13th Amendment which was introduced to address political grievances of the Tamils in the North and East.

"The three ministers, who are well-known to have a broader outlook when it comes to minority issues, said the 13th Amendment should not be weakened and the Northern Provincial Council polls should be conducted in a manner without destabilizing the amendment. They also expressed their concerns about the land acquisition issues in the North and East," Premachandran said.

The TNA was represented by its Leader, R. Sampanthan and MPs Suresh Premachandran, M.A. Sumanthiran and Mavai Senathiraja.

The ministers were also of the view that land and police powers should not be stripped off the 13th Amendment, Premachandran said.

"They also said the Northern Provincial Council polls should be conducted without any delay, in order to address the political aspirations of the people in the North and East," he added.

Premachandran, also commenting on a comment made by Defence Secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, that police powers should not be given to the North and East, said without police and land powers the Northern Provincial Council would be meaningless.

"Several aspects, including the merger of the North and East, have been removed from the 13th Amendment and the removal of powers further from the amendment will make it meaningless. It is too early to say how the TNA would respond if those powers are removed," he added.

TNA MP claims bid to change demographic pattern in Jaffna district Through proposed amendments to Elections Act

By Franklin R. Satyapalan-May 25, 2013, 6:39 pm 

TNA parliamentarian Suresh Premachandran yesterday accused leaders of some Muslim political parties of directly or indirectly helping the government to carry out its "diabolical designs to introduce amendments to the Elections Act to induct new voters into the Electoral Register in a bid change the results of the forthcoming Northern PC poll" .

"This has created fear among the Tamil people of an organized attempt to settle Sinhalese in the North to change the present demographic pattern in the Jaffna district", he asserted.

The TNA MP said that he did not get any opportunity of seeing the draft of the Amendment in this regard, which will reportedly presented in Parliament on June 6 as an urgent Bill .

"We strongly believe that all what the government wants to do is to register new voters under the guise of registering persons who were displaced after 1983. Actually, these persons were those who had come temporarily to the Jaffna district for business, employment or other purposes and are now registered as voters in their places of residence in other parts of the South of the country", he said.

He said that despite earlier statements by those in authority, the Electoral Register for 2012 has now been prepared properly and certified, but with the polls to the Northern PC around the corner, statements are being issued that amendments are to be introduced to register all Sinhalese and Muslims displaced from the North after 1983.

"The fact is that the majority if not all these people are registered as voters in places of residence in the South of the country", he claimed.

Land Expropriation and Deception in Keppapilavu

By The Social Architects-

24/05/2013
Introduction 

During the civil war’s final phases, more than 300,000 people were displaced; the majority of those internally displaced persons (IDPs) were eventually relocated to IDP camps – with Menik[1] Farm[2] (Vavuniya) being the largest IDP camp. The conditions in Sri Lanka’s IDP camps were – to say the least – substandard. Attempting to deflect international pressure, the Government of Sri Lanka closed Menik Farm in September 2012. At that time the United Nations (UN) noted its “concern”[3] for the people of Keppapilavu (Mullaitivu) – since they were still unable to return home, as the military still occupied their land. (Community members had been told that they would be going “home,” but soon found out that, in this case, “home” in Sri Lankan military vernacular meant “Sooripuram.” Community members from Keppapilavu were relocated to Sooripuram so that the Government of Sri Lanka could announce the closure of Menik Farm; they were never allowed to go home).

Recently, a fifty-year-old woman told TSA that, since Sooripuram is located next to Keppapilavu, she sees her cattle from her makeshift Sooripuram home on a daily basis. This is a stark reminder of what she had more than four years ago, but what she may never regain again.

“Resettlement” in Sooripuram

Recent Events in Keppapilavu 

Community members from Keppapilavu have already suffered greatly, but it appears that the Government of Sri Lanka  has decided to add more deception and unlawful behavior to its 2013 record. Last month the government issued a public notice stating that approximately 526 acres of land in Keppapilavu “are required for a public purpose.” (This means the government intends to expropriate the private lands of civilians). According to the English version of the notice, the expropriated land will be used to establish a “National Cadet Corps.” The notice is signed by an “Acquiring Officer” named V. Veerapathirapillai. Importantly, the letter is dated April 10, 2013.

   
An Unconstitutional Land Notice 

There are numerous problems with this notice.

The notice itself is unconstitutional, as it violates many aspects of the Land Acquisition Act (LAA). For starters – according to numerous reports by community members – the government has (unlawfully) backdated the document. This notice was not posted on April 10. Rather, community members have consistently mentioned that the afternoon of Wednesday April 24 was the first time that they had seen this document.[4] 

According to Section 2.2 of this act, the notice should be issued in all three languages and the state should clearly state the purpose for which the land is needed. The notice has been issued in all three languages. Yet – in the Tamil version of the notice – the Government of Sri Lanka has simply mentioned that a list of claimants is “unidentifiable.” However, according to the English and Sinhala versions of the notice, the claimants have been identified and their names have been provided. Nonetheless – in spite of what the English and Sinhala notices say – it does not appear that a list of claimant names has been provided in English, Sinhala or Tamil.

Again, as of the writing of this article, the government still has not made a claimants list available in any language.

Can the Government of Sri Lanka explain the reason(s) why – in a historically Tamil area such as Keppapilavu – this is happening? 

Additionally, some readers may be left wondering why Government of Sri Lanka was unable to find a proper translator for a document of such importance.

Further, since the Sinhala and English versions of the notice state that the claimants have been identified and “The list of the claimants is attached,” the owners of the land should be allowed to identify their lands and estimate the value of their respective properties. Landowners should be allowed to enter Keppapilavu to do this, but that hasn’t happened on this occasion.

In addition – according to the LAA – if land is being acquired under circumstances like these it must be serving a public need or purpose; it should not simply be done for the benefit of the government. Even if land is being taken for national development, it must be for public purposes.

Since the land in Keppapilavu will purportedly be used by the security apparatus to establish a National Cadet Corps, the government cannot credibly argue that these lands are being used for a public purpose. They are not. This legal precedent has been established in De Silva vs. Gamini Athukorale, Minister of Lands, Irrigation and Mahaweli Development and Another (1993), where Justice Fernando stated that “The purpose of the Land Acquisition Act was to enable the state to take private land, in the exercise of its right of eminent domain, to be used for a public purpose, for the common good; not to enable the state or state functionaries to take over private land for personal benefit or private revenge.”

Moreover, the LAA states that the Acquiring Officer should give community members at least seven days’ notice of his/her intention. What is more, the Acquiring Officer should give fourteen days’ notice regarding compensation. But this has not happened. Since the document was backdated, community members were not even able to file appeals which, under these circumstances, are prescribed in Sections 2.2 and 2.3 of the LAA. And, as of the writing of this article, no community members had been compensated – nor did any expect to be compensated given the inauspicious (and illegal) circumstances under which the notice was issued.

Land is still a very contentious issue in the North and East, but it looks like this is another example of government actors exacerbating a situation which is already difficult.

Conclusion 

The Land Acquisition Act is a piece of legislation which the State is using to violate peoples’ fundamental rights – namely the right for people to own land. The Rajapaksa regime consistently talks about “resettlement” as one of its major achievements post-war. While hundreds of thousands of people have been relocated since the conclusion of war, the resettlement process remains far from complete. Moreover, having not even been allowed to return to the areas where they were once residing, tens of thousands are still dealing with protracted displacement. Having been “resettled” by Sri Lankan military personnel to a patch of jungle in Mullaitivu, community members in Keppapilavu are in dire straits. Yet, appallingly, it looks like the regime has now resorted to dishonest and illegal practices to further marginalize these conflict-affected people.

In Mahinda Rajapaksa’s post-war Sri Lanka, the sentence “the list of claimants is attached” in Sinhala or English is translated to the word “unidentifiable” in Tamil. Sadly, so much of this regime’s anti-Tamil agenda can be captured in a single land notice. Indeed, the war is over, but Rajapaksa’s glorification of an Extremist Sinhala Buddhist ideology continues – with no end in sight. 

[1] Menik Farm was originally called Mannikam Farm.

[2] Menik Farm was created in early 2009.

[3] http://reliefweb.int/report/sri-lanka/united-nations-welcomes-closure-menik-farm-sri-lanka-concerned-last-remaining

[4] According to numerous reports by community members from Keppapilavu, the Grama Sevaka, the commanding officer of Keppapilavu Army Camp and five other members of the military arrived in Sooripuram (the “Model Village” where people from Keppapilavu have been relocated) and placed several land notices in the area. They came to Sooripuram in a military vehicle; this occurred between 12-1PM on April 24, 2013.

Where Lies The Conspiracy?

By Jehan Perera-Sunday, May 26, 2013

Attack on Uthayan newspaper office… ‘If the government believes that its allegations of conspiracies can suppress the spread of awareness of the general population, it is bound to fail.’

The long standing head of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation (FNF) in Sri Lanka, Sagarica Delgoda, was summoned last week by the CID for questioning regarding the activities of her organization.  FNF is a German political foundation which has its branch offices in many countries, including India and Sri Lanka. The police reportedly kept Ms Delgoda for more than 8 hours at their headquarters and interrogated her on her work. Being taken to the Fourth Floor of the CID headquarters is an alarming prospect for anyone, especially since 1966 when Dodampe Mudalali fell to his death from that height while in police custody for allegedly plotting a coup against the then government.  However, the number of hours spent with the police on the Fourth Floor may sound more frightening than it really is, for some at least.

Two years ago, I too was asked to report to the CID for questioning regarding the work of the National Peace Council (NPC) for which I work.  My office received a phone call from the police saying I was to report to them.  As there was nothing extraordinary that either NPC or I had done at that time, beyond doing what we had been doing for the previous fifteen years, we even thought it might be a prank.  So just to make sure we called back the telephone number from which the phone call had originated using the caller identification facility and found out that the call had indeed originated from the CID.

Needless to say, with the memories coming from my youth of what had happened to Dodampe Mudalali in mind, I was quite alarmed.  So were my family and colleagues. The arbitrary power of the police to arrest or not to arrest, to question and not to question, has grown to such an extent that anything seemed possible.  However, the next day I went to the police headquarters and came out without any problem.  I spent about six hours inside, but my fears did not come true.  In fact to this day, I have a pleasant memory of the police woman who took down my statement and of her superior who argued with me that I was really engaged in brainwashing the people through NPC seminars.

Attack on TNA offices in Kilinochchi… government’s readiness to see conspiracies extends in a much more systematic manner to the former conflict zones of the north and east.

But the message also came through that we were under surveillance and the worst might still be to come. One of our partner organizations, a big one with which we were doing a joint project, decided to stop working with us, as they feared that working with us would endanger all the other good work they were doing.  The CID never got back to us with their findings nor informed us of the status of the investigation.  A few months later, however, I was informally told by a government official that the investigation had been called off due to orders from higher up as nothing adverse had been found during the preliminary investigation. This is what has given us the confidence to continue to do our work relatively freely and without much fear.

The government has now claimed that it is investigating FNF as it is concerned about a conspiracy against the government.  This follows a seminar that FNF had organized for some parliamentarians and other elected officials from the main opposition party.  The theme of the seminar was on improving the opposition’s ability to win elections by better campaign methods.  It appears that even strengthening the democratic opposition to use the electoral system in a more effective manner is seen as an unacceptable international intervention by the government and that it is part of a larger international conspiracy.  There was even a rumour that some of the opposition parliamentarians might be arrested, which led the UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe to warn the government that this time it was going too far.

The government’s readiness to see conspiracies extends in a much more systematic manner to the former conflict zones of the north and east.  What has happened to FNF last week, and what happened to NPC two years ago are still not the rule where Colombo-based organizations are concerned.  In most of the country, there is still freedom for political parties and civic organizations to work with the people, to create awareness amongst them and to mobilize them on issues as befits a functioning democracy.  However, in the north and east of the country there is an entirely different system of control and surveillance at work. There is a need for civic organizations and NGOs to get permission from special government bodies and even the military of the area, before they can do their work.    This is justified by government spokespersons on the basis that the LTTE, or its rump, and the Tamil Diaspora and others are still intent on dividing the country.

Last week I was in Mannar in the north to speak at an awareness creation programme on the report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission and what civil society could do to implement at least some of its recommendations.  After the self-introduction of the participants had taken place a young man entered the seminar hall and sat down with the rest of the participants.  He did not introduce himself.  One of the organizers whispered to me that he was from police intelligence.  He sometimes took notes and frequently looked at his mobile phone.  I wondered whether he was checking that its voice recorder was on. Just as I was on guard and careful in what I said, I am sure the rest of the participants were also on guard. This is how the spirit of free democratic discussion is chilled.  It is clear that there is little trust between the people and the government

Subsequently I was told by the organizers that any meeting with more than 10 persons attending it had to be notified to the security authorities. The increase in the size of the security forces and their budgets has been one of the most unexpected outcomes following the end of the war. Instead of a demilitarization of society there has been an expansion of the security forces and their methods of surveillance. Sometimes they have also acted violently, as when political meetings of the opposition parties have been held in the north, and it is alleged that the mobs that attack them include those from the security forces in civilian attire.

One outcome of the government’s allegations of conspiracies against the unity of the country is that it gives it the green light to further utilize the security forces to quell the strengthening of democratic opposition. On the other hand, this type of surveillance and restrictions of freedom of association go counter to the democratic traditions that Sri Lanka has long enjoyed. If the government believes that its allegations of conspiracies can suppress the spread of awareness of the general population, it is bound to fail.  In addition, it is also likely to increase the tensions with the international community.  Sri Lanka is already under international scrutiny on account of what happened in the past.  Its repressive acts in the present that do not accord with democratic norms will only add to the international pressure.

Accomplishing genocide while evading IC intervention: Dayan’s dilemma

[TamilNet, Saturday, 25 May 2013, 23:26 GMT]
Sinhala diplomacy that was genesis and integral to one of the worst paradigms of human civilisation that synchronised intervention of every shade of the International Community of Establishments (ICE) with State-conducted genocide, now suffers from incurable paranoia. The paranoia results from the gravity of the crimes already committed, inability to yield in to justice, insatiable desire to commit further crimes of structural genocide and from the unpredictability of the very ICE partners. In his own stance of an ostrich, Colombo’s diplomat Dr Dayan Jayatilleka thinks that a cosmetic provincial devolution within a unitary system could resolve the dilemma of the Sinhala State between accomplishing genocide and outsmarting the ‘intervening’ ICE, commented a Tamil activist for alternative politics in the island, responding to Dayan’s feature that appeared in The Island on Wednesday. 

If ICE intervention is the only way for the emancipation of Eezham Tamils, then for all practical purposes, the ICE intervention could come only when the global Tamils prove that they are not going to be with the ICE games anymore, and prove that having them as international political opponents is not going to be conducive to the ICE interests, compared to what the ICE could achieve by appeasing the genocidal Sinhala State, commented the political activist in the island.

In the article titled “Devolution, Sri Lanka's defence and security – A realist response to Prof GH Peiris” that appeared in the Colombo media, The Island, on Wednesday, Dayan Jayatilleka summarised his paranoia on the ICE intervention in the following words: 

“The last time, Sri Lanka was able to roll back that intervention because the LTTE took on the IPKF, generating collective cognitive dissonance in Tamil Nadu which in turn led to VP Singh making and fulfilling an electoral promise to withdraw Indian troops.” 

“In any future scenario of intervention, this factor will not operate. There will be no Tamil army fighting the Indians or anyone else who may come along. There will also be no foreign troops in the Sinhala areas, and therefore no possibility of a heroic, protracted, patriotic guerrilla war of national liberation against them.”

“The Sri Lankan armed forces, being almost totally Sinhala, will find it impossible to wage guerrilla war in Tamil areas, with restive Tamil civilians in its rear, against a foreign interventionist force, which is in any case able to neutralise our most significant military assets not just in the North but all over the island, in a single strike wave.” 

“There will be an overwhelming force projection which cuts off the Tamil areas and imposes punitive strikes (as happened to Serbia) in case of massive Tamil civilian casualties due to reactive ‘ethnic cleansing’ (real or perceived) in the South,” Dayan wrote.

Dayan was citing the US military arrangements with the Maldives and India’s Naval Base at Thanjavur, threatening Sri Lanka from making the “natural borders” secured through “costly military victory” as a permanent one.

The thrust of Dayan’s solutions was how to hoodwink the North, as the Sinhala State is confident about its accomplishment of genocide in the East. 

He cited Sinhala historian Prof KM de Silva writing “that the matter ultimately boils down to the Northern Province and conceding that the case for devolution to that province is a rather strong one, unlike that for a merged North-East or even for the Eastern province.”

“Moderate, prudently centripetal provincial devolution is an indispensable part of our national defence shield,” Dayan said in the article. 

To his support, Dayan brought in the so-called Tamil diplomat Tamara Kunanayakam in the service of the genocidal Sinhala State. 

It is this genre in the garb of ‘Leftism’, dealing with a particular set of Establishments in support of genocidal Colombo that needs true scrutiny from the critics of the so-called Leftism – not the call for asking Eezham Tamils to become universally anti-Establishment in a democratic way of humanity, commented the Tamil activist for alternative politics. 

Dayan’s paranoia even imagined “bargaining” district level devolution with Tamil politicians as an option worthy of mention in his article.

“I would withdraw my argument [for provincial devolution] if a grand bargain could be struck with the predominant parliamentary party of the Tamils in which provincial devolution is replaced by devolution to the district in exchange for a more equal citizenship—which I have called the ‘Soulbury Plus’ scenario,” he wrote.

While Tamil nationalists may have federalism on their wish list, his debate was pertaining to provincial level devolution within a unitary state, Dayan concluded his feature responding to Prof G.H. Peiris’s “The case against the Thirteenth Amendment.” 

Tamil politicians, activists, media operators and lobbyists in the service of the powers who advocate Tamils to follow the 13th Amendment route or the worse ‘non-descript’ LLRC-based US resolution route should note that preventing Tamils rising up against the ICE is in the ultimate interest of genocidal Sri Lanka saving itself from the inevitability of international intervention, commented the Tamil activist in the island for alternative politics.

External Links:

Sunday Island:

Devolution, Sri Lanka's defence and security A realist response to Prof GH Peiris

Sri Lanka Army to remove camps in Jaffna and to establish an Army colony
Sat, May 25, 2013, 09:40 pm SL Time, ColomboPage News Desk, Sri Lanka.

May 25, Colombo: Sri Lanka Army Commander Lieutenant General Jagath Jayasuriya has said that the plans are afoot to set up a new Army colony in Jaffna peninsula.
The official told the Sunday Sinhala newspaper, The Divaina that only three camps would be kept in the peninsula and the rest of the camps would be withdrawn. The withdrawn camps are to be relocated in the Army colony.
The lands where the camps are presently established would be returned to the legal owners, the Army Commander said.
The new Army colony will be established in the Palaly area where the defense forces headquarters and the airport is situated. The Kankasanthurai naval harbor will also be established in the colony.
The government has decided to acquire 6,381 hectares of the land in Jaffna that is now being used as High Security Zones permanently and to pay compensation to the owners of the land. The government has allocated Rs. 400 million to pay the land owners.
According to the government, the lands in the High Security Zones of Weligamam North in the Palaly and Kankasanthurai (KKS) areas are to be acquired for the expansion of the Palaly airport and the KKS harbor.

The Army Commander further said that the maintenance of law and order in relation to civil administration of the areas released for civilian activity would be the sole responsibility of the police.

4,000 rooms pre-booked for CHOGM
By Sachin Parathalingam-2013-05-26 

The government has already pre-booked in excess of 4,000 rooms within the city limits of Colombo from 7 to 17 November, with Rs 25 million in public finances expected to be spent on hosting 54 Heads of Governments of the Commonwealth nations.This is in addition to Rs 1.1 billion that is earmarked for importing 55 of the latest edition Mercedes Benz S400 hybrid cars.

The government will be hosting in excess of 50 Heads of Governments of the member states of the Commonwealth from 15 to 17 November at the tax-payers' expense. Ceylon Today learns three rooms per government delegation are being paid for by the Sri Lankan public to accommodate each Head of Government, with average room rates in Colombo standing at US$ 200 per night. Ceylon Today also learns the total expenditure for the accommodation of Heads of Governments stands at Rs 25 million.

Speaking to Ceylon Today, President of Sri Lanka Tourist Hotels Association, M. Shanthikumar, confirmed the bookings made by the Ministry of External Affairs. "Rooms have also been booked in hotels in Hambantota to cater to the side events of CHOGM such as the Youth Forum and Business Forum, which will be held concurrently."

At least 6,000 delegates are expected to participate in the forums with several sight-seeing tours also scheduled for the visiting delegates. Shanthikumar also said the bookings are on schedule and that CHOGM is indeed bringing in much needed income to Sri Lanka's hotel industry.