Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Friday, May 24, 2013

Don’t deceive masses! Bring down increased electricity tariffs!

logoTHURSDAY, 23 MAY 2013 
The JVP organized a protest march against the increased electricity tariffs under the theme ‘Don’t deceive masses! Bring down increased electricity tariffs!’
The protest march that commenced from Punchi Borella at 3.30 p.m. reached Fort Railway Station where leaders of the JVP addressed the participants.
General Secretary of the JVP Tilvin Silva, several members of the Political Bureau of the party and a large crowd were present.

Political Machinations: The Irresponsibility Of A Cabinet Decision

By Rajiva Wijesinha -May 24, 2013 
Prof Rajiva Wijesinha MP
Colombo TelegraphHaving looked at one example of rent seeking, in an unusual format, in the field of education, I came across another that was also quite illuminating about the way in which we allow ourselves to be exploited. This, also startling, case of abuse came to my notice when I went through the documents sent by the National Lotteries Board, after they had been examined by the Committee on Public Enterprises, and been found wanting.
What I read seemed to suggest appalling waste, and I hope very much that COPE will include strong strictures in its Report and recommend strongly that better systems be put in place. Though the aberrations that came to my notice had occurred a decade ago, and I don’t suppose there is any way in which the money wasted by government can be recovered, there are lessons to be learnt.
In particular it seems clear that there should be measures to ensure more careful assessments by Cabinet or any Committee it appoints about proposals made in Cabinet papers. As far as I can make out, what happened then was that the Minister of Economic Reform, Science and Technology had a discussion with ‘Norwegian Authorities’, who were not specified,  and then put a paper to Cabinet to ‘set up a scholarship fund to provide scholarships to needy students in the country through an innovative lottery project’. Why the Minister of Economic Reform, Science and Technology should have been concerned with lotteries or with scholarship funds is not clear, but it seems that the question did not occur to Cabinet. Perhaps the word Norwegian was seen then as a sign sent from God, or the Prime Minister, so the Cabinet then approved setting up a Committee to ‘negotiate suitable terms & conditions with NORSE TIPPING Norwegian Lottery and make suitable recommendations’.
The President seems to have had a different view, and made some shrewd observations about the whole business, but still said she had no objection to the composition of the Negotiating Committee nor, in principle, to setting up an on-line lottery. I thought in her defence that she was probably under so much pressure at the time that she did not want to seem a stumbling block on what might have been thought a comparatively minor matter. But I fear that she was also affected by the general culture of not rocking the boat, and felt one should not interfere with the proposals of other individuals, even when they dealt with matters that were not within their purview.
The Committee, which was chaired by a Public Servant I have always thought a capable and decent man, made a report which recommended favourably the deal suggested by the Minister. In that report it was taken for granted that the rate of return on the investment would be 30.75%. There were no arguments to substantiate this, and perhaps it was simply assumed to be the case since the Norwegian consultants who had initiated the project said it was. A later report, which is not dated, but seems to have been written when the project had begun to run into trouble, notes that no feasibility study was undertaken to ascertain social impact, impact on other lotteries or ‘impact on dependent on other lotteries’ (whatever that means). The report notes that ‘the prices of the ticket at Rs 10 is three times higher than other lotteries’ but there is no sign that a market survey was undertaken before any contract was signed to see if sales would be satisfactory and the investment likely to be profitable.
Needless to say, the investment collapsed, aided perhaps by the fact that some equipment for the lottery lay in the harbor for some time because the Telecom Regulatory Authority had not issued a licence. Demurrage was paid on this.  In addition there were disputes with the Inland Revenue since, though the Cabinet Paper approving the project had noted that the net earnings of the Lottery were to be exempt from all taxes, evidently the Inland Revenue Department was not been informed.
By 2006, when it was decided that the Online Lottery Company should be liquidated, it had made just over Rs 7 million over 8 months, whereas its fixed overheads were around Rs 2 million a month. Amongst the costs were payments for five cars, including four Mitsubishi Lancers, which had been leased since February 2004.
In 2009 the Cabinet was asked to approve writing off the lost, which amounted to Rs 982 million. Assets worth Rs 213 million had been disposed of, but only Rs 36 million had been received for these. The paper noted that Online Lotteries were more suited to countries which had greater knowledge of Information Technology, but this had not been taken into account when Cabinet approved the project.
I am strongly of the view that misjudgments – or abuses – of this sort should be publicized further and mechanisms put in place to ensure that official committees have clear terms of reference and that Cabinet establishes guidelines according to which sudden proposals of this sort are examined. But in addition there should be mechanisms to penalize both politicians who advance such proposals without proper care, and officials who recommend them without proper study.
One of the problems that both these elements face is the habit of relying on the other. Ministers can claim that it is up to officials to check on details and provide comprehensive reports with well argued recommendations. Officials on the other hand claim that they have to fall in line with what Ministers want, and for them to produce reports that give a contrary view would be dangerous.
Both these arguments are specious. Officials should realize that, if they function with the transparency that the public deserves, they will be safe from undue pressures. And Ministers must realize that it is up to them to read the reports officials produce and reject them if they are inadequate.

Govt. concerned over MoU between US Embassy and Trinco UC

FRIDAY, 24 MAY 2013 
The Sri Lanka government yesterday expressed concern over the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the US embassy in Colombo and the Trincomalee Urban Council to jointly establish a public information and activity centre known as the American Corner, without the knowledge or the authorisation of the Sri Lanka External Affairs Ministry.

Government sources said that foreign missions based in Colombo should obtain prior approval or inform to the External Affairs Ministry of Sri Lanka whenever they need to engage with local authorities - which is the international norm.

Currently there are two American Corners - in Kandy and Jaffna.

The signatories to the MoU for establishing and American Corner were Christopher Teal, Director, Press, Cultural and Educational Affairs of the US embassy in Colombo and the chairman of the Trincomalee Urban Council, K. Selvarajah.

The MoU between the Public Affairs Section of the Embassy of the United States of America and the Trincomalee Urban Council was signed on May 22, 2013 at the Public Library of Trincomalee. The Embassy and the Trincomalee Urban Council intend to jointly establish a public information and activity center known as the American Corner for a period of at least five years.

The fact sheet of the US embassy stated: “The host institution, the Urban Council, plans to provide support for the maintenance  and operation of the Corner. The American Corner will provide access to current and reliable information about the United States via book collections, the internet and through of variety of events such as public readings, films, speaker programs, workshops, meetings and exhibits. Products and services will include books and multimedia collections, periodicals and databases, hi-speed internet access, and cultural and educational programs.”

China to lend $580 mln for Sri Lanka development projects

ReutersMay 22 (Reuters) - China Development Bank Corporation will lend $580 million to Sri Lanka to help implement key infrastructure projects, a government document released on Wednesday showed.
The loan will bring CDB's total lending to Sri Lanka to more than $1.4 billion. China's increasing influence in the island nation has stoked concerns in neighbouring India.
According to the document, $300 million of the loan will be spent on developing roads and $200 million on water supply projects, with the rest going to the national business school.
It said CDB had already extended $652 million for road development projects and $214 million for an irrigation project.
The loan announcement comes ahead of a four-day official visit to Chinaby Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa.
The $59 billion economy has increasingly relied on China for financing and technical expertise for reconstruction projects following the end of its long civil war in May 2009.
In March, China's Export-Import Bank agreed a $278.2 million loan tofinance a rail track to a port Beijing is building in Sri Lanka's deep south of Hambantota.
China has loaned $1.5 billion for the port's construction and $209 million for a nearby airport.
Similar port developments from Myanmar to Pakistan have raised Indian fears about Chinese political and military influence, but Rajapaksa has rejected such concerns, saying China's presence in Sri Lanka is strictly business-related. (Reporting by Shihar Aneez; Editing by Catherine Evans)

Victory Day, Mulli’vaykal and Heroes Day: Remembering as resistance

”I need not state afresh that this day – the 19th of May - is now a great historic day in our country. Today marks third celebration of victory of the nation under a single flag. It is the great victory that restored the honorable peace that our country had preserved through many centuries.”
”Friends, our heroes and veterans of war gave their feet for us to walk in freedom. They gave their lives to save all people from the throes of death. They gave their last breath to the winds to let us breathe in freedom. The nation will no doubt remember all that sacrifice with great honor.”
”Just as much as their [Tamil Diaspora] work, their demands also remain the same; they seek the same ends through different means. Therefore, we must ask if we are in a position to remove the armed forces camps in the North and reduce our attention national security. That is not possible. Armed services camps are not found in the North alone. They are seen throughout the country. They are in Colombo and Giruvapattu in the South. These are found in our country. Not in any foreign country.”
Selected Excerpts from Mahinda Rajapakses V-Day Speech on 19.05.20121
On May 19th, the splendorous Victory Day parade was once again conducted in Colombo, and in accordance with state ideology, it was the anniversary for the defeat of terrorism and restoration of peace in Sri Lanka. In this year’s speech, President Mahinda Rajapakse has defiantly rebuked any international demand of de-militarizing the Tamil homeland and vowed to fight all the 'external elements' that 'disrupt' peace. 
Quite contrary to the President’s representations of the anniversary, Tamils marked the 4th year of  the genocide of their people at Mullivaykal. The state and its president address this day as a milestone in their nation’s history, making evident that the nation concerned is the Sinhala. Directed by the state the V-day is intended to be naturalized and inscribed into the Sri Lankan political identity: implying a selective and obtuse awareness of the island’s history while accepting, promoting or remaining silent on Sinhala chauvinism and the protracted genocide.
In essence the state-centric remembering is a glorification and celebration of the genocide and also the acceptance of the state representation of the ‘national question'. Mulli’vaykal is the single most destructive process in the recorded history of Tamils. Since May 2009, more than 146, 000 Tamils are unaccounted for and now it is estimated that over 70, 000 civilians perished just in the final phase of the war; the deaths and disappearances are not even permitted by the Sri Lankan state to be symbolically acknowledged. They are rendered as ghosts of a mythical character, existing only in the minds of those who remember. Physical remains and symbolic objects denoting the resistance against the Sri Lankan state have also been desecrated throughout the Tamil homeland. Two shocking incidents took place in March and November 2011. The first being the destruction of over 20,000 tombstones of fallen LTTE soldiers in Killinochi and the building of Army HQ over the ruins2. The second the decapitation of the statue of Selvenayagam, a non-violent predecessor of Tamil resistance3. It is clear that any act of commemoration is intended to be prevented by the state through intimidation and violence. The commemoration of Tamils is subjected to somewhat of a witch hunt under the cloak of protecting the nation against rekindling terrorism. On the other hand the V-day for the Sinhala state and its ideologues is presented for the Sinhala masses as a day of honor, righteousness, patriotism and celebration. 
May 18, has become a day of remembrance and solidarity for Tamils, remaining pivotal in not forgetting the horrendous crimes committed against them. To remember those who lost their lives during the three decades of war, the Mullivaykal and to salute all those martyrs who devoted and sacrificed their lives for the cause of self-determination and liberation. On this date, while the government prepared for the celebration and manifestation of their representation, they banned all gatherings of any form to mark remembrance. Last year a Jaffna student leader was viciously attacked by state agents with iron rods as he proceeded to attend the remembrance marking meant to be held in the university amidst the threats4, and was eventually hospitalized. This year, some of the leading members of the Tamil National Peoples Front (TNPF) were arrested in Mannar while they were preparing to commemorate the war dead5. In a similar attempt to disrupt an event organised by the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) in Vavuniya, the military threatned to arrest participants6 while a monument for the dead at Samanakulam, Vavuniya was reportedly destroyed7.  As the state utilized its militarized occupation of the Tamil homeland to suppress such acts of remembering, ceremonial remembrances proliferated in spaces among communities living outside North-East Sri Lanka. Remembrance was also held in Chennai8 and in number of main cities in Europe and North America9, as well as in numerous other metropolises across the globe. This indicates both the transnational character of Tamils and the significance of the act of remembering for various Tamil communities. 
The act of remembering
The act of remembering is crucial when the power to constitute history is unattainable for oppressed nations, one of the fundaments in forming internal integration and also enabling resistance. The words of Floyd ‘Red Crow’ Westerman, a Native American actor and activist is exemplary to show the power relations involved in history writing and remembrance: “There is an ancient Indian saying that something lives only as long as the last person who remembers it. My people have come to trust memory over history. Memory, like fire, is radiant and immutable while history serves only those who seek to control it, those who douse the flame of memory in order to put out the dangerous fire of truth.”
The significance of remembrance was also reflected on Heroes Day on November 27th, the day of commemoration of Tamil freedom fighters. From Canada to New Zealand, the martyrs of Tamil national liberation were paid homage to10. The peculiarity of last year’s marking was the courage and resoluteness displayed by the people of North-East in marking it. Jaffna University became the locus for massive acts of resistance and remembering. The common ceremonial flame was lit in the Jaffna university compound as well as candles were lit within the ladies hostel. As the flame became the apex of threats against the state, the armed forces took extraordinary efforts in suppressing any form of its manifestation. The authorities even banned the undertaking of an auspicious ceremony observed by Hindu Tamils for millenniums known as the Kaarthikai festivals of lights, as it included lighting fires11. Orders were given to prohibit gatherings at religious sites as well as candle lighting in private spaces. Amidst the steps taken by the state to suppress, across the North-East youths put up posters paying homage to the fallen heroes and heroines, flames were ablaze, bells were rung, as silent prayers and vows filled the air of Eezham12. In the North, the occupying forces responded to the courageous students of Jaffna by sending a punitive force into the ladies hostel13. The next day on November 28th the incursion into the ladies hostel was condemned in a peaceful demonstration organized by the Jaffna students. The authorities responded by sending the army and police to attack the demonstrators, hospitalizing ten and sustaining injuries on dozens more. What followed was a series of extra judicial arrest of student leaders. During the first week of December, arrests and disappearances of Tamils have been reported throughout the North-East, starting with the midnight arrest of four student leaders on the first of December14. By the second week more than 45 people including at least a dozen students of Jaffna University and tens of suspected ex-LTTE fighters have been arrested under the draconian PTA15.  The PTA entails the state to arrest without trial any person they consider a threat and hold them incommunicado for 18 months. It has also come forth that he TID (Terrorist Investigation Department) notorious for torture have fabricated terrorism and sedition charges on the incarcerated students stating they were attempting to reignite LTTE activities.
Conclusion
Through acts of remembrance the continuity of a basic but significant form of resistance is ensured. Organized protests against the state have also been on the rise in the Tamil homeland. Since May 2012, Tamil political parties, activists and civil society as well as comrades from the empathic Sinhala Left, have been mobilizing demonstrations condemning the systematic and genocidal oppression in North-East. The protest in Murukandi on the 26th of June and the protest in Mannar on the 06th of July last year, are evident of this united front being mobilized. Post Heroes Day, as the military crackdown unfolded, the island wide student protests were reported  condemning the atrocities. Also throughout the Diaspora protest and solidarity rallies were held. The growing international awareness of atrocities against Tamils is evident, which is a form of solace. Unfortunately as much of the international nation-states interact more or less in normalcy with Colombo, the tacit approval it gives emboldens a genocidal military occupation in its blatant suppression of the emerging resistance in the North-East. Although anti austerity protests, government criticism and dissent in the south are curbed and also met with violence, the nature of the state violence differs from the genocidal forms unleashed in the Tamil Homeland.
Therefore the need for a united front and an internationalized platform to resist and arrest the genocidal policies of the Sri Lankan state is crucial and has been stressed upon on numerous occasions by the political representatives of the Tamils of North-East Sri Lanka. Dissent, protest and resistance within Sri Lanka is present but are severely circumscribed and attempted to be controlled or silenced through media blackouts, state violence and fear. When considering how the state centric media is reporting the unfolding affairs of the island it is understandable how any effort to arrest the genocidal occupation in the Tamil homeland and the dictatorial regime in the south, must be from an international stand, i.e. external. There is no reason to retain hope for a change ‘from within’ which e.g. the LRRC rest its moral resonance on. A transformation of such measures is predicated upon a utopian revolution in the attitude and epistemology of the state, its elite leadership and its ardent supporters. Instead Colombo presents a paradoxial image: Policemen are Hindu Tamil ritual practices such as animal sacrifices are targeted. Last year, the Bhatrekali Amman Temple at Munneswaram was subject for this by the State and Buddhist clergy and was compelled to abort rituals16. The people in the country of Buddha are presented as highly conscious, empathic and moral when convenient. The genocide of Tamils are denied as even the  symbolic act of commemorations are quelled, while in the kind nature of being a Buddhist Sinhala nation state, the death of the Mahanayaka Thera, on September 3rd is declared as a national day of mourning17
© JDS

Athithan Jayapalan is a student in social anthropology and studied in Oslo and Pondicherry universities. Born in Jaffna, he currently lives in Oslo, Norway.

Muslim: The Identity On Trial!

By Mohamed SR. Nisthar -   
Mohamed SR. Nisthar
Colombo TelegraphLogically, it is right to say “I am a human” when the question  “who are you?”, is posed, which tries to identify the real “us”.  But technically it may not be right, because this apparently simple question requires an answer within the context in which it is asked.
In a multi-ethnic country like Sri Lanka or elsewhere if the question is asked to a Muslim person from Sri Lanka it should not be answered equivocally. For instance, I happened to be faced with the question in London once when I was in an academic circle for a different purpose. Being a Muslim by religious belief, I paused a little purposely and said “though my mother tongue is Tamil, I am neither Tamil nor Singhalese”. I could then see a confused new question emerging by their facial expression; “what is he saying?”, because the question was based on the perceived understanding that Sri Lankans are either Singhalese or Tamils ethnically.
One would say that my answer was a stupid one and it should have been simply “I am a Muslim”. Of course I could have said that and they also would have nodded to confirm that they understood. This is the very point I am intending to expand a little bit more here. No doubt, I strongly believe that I am a practicing Muslim. But the question asked was not to know about my religious identity. After all they did not bother to know my religion. Then I would have had to explain to them who I really was. Before I take you further on this we shall  just concentrate on the points below.
Every living being, which is more than one, should be identified in one way or another. For instance, humans can be identified in general as males and females. But this not enough, so then they can be differentiated by individual names, followed by birth place, language, caste, tribe, religion, nation and nationality etc. All these different identities are to make a clear picture of a person and deal with him or her justly. It is like narrowing a wider question and to put it in context for a right answer. However one or many different identities can be used in different circumstances by the same person, which is most suitable to address an  instant issue.
Through the eye of Western Europe I am an Asian, then Sri Lankan, then what? This is a very important question in a place like Sri Lanka where multi-ethnicities and religions have to co-exist and live with each other peacefully with due respect and with all the rights that they deserve. That is why I have put our identity on trial.
Many of us prefer to identify ourselves as Muslims. There is no harm in that. It is our birth right to accept and follow a religion of our own choice and acquire the name. Like our incumbent President, who is a Buddhist or like the TNA leader Mr. Sampanthan, who is a Saivar (Hindu) or  Selvam Adailkalanathan MP , who is  a Catholic. Our President, however, has another identity, Singhalese, which is his ethnic identity.
However when it comes to minister Rauff Hakeem’s identity without hesitation we say he is a Muslim. The problem arises when someone wants to know whether he is either a Tamil or Singhalese ethnically. Here we still have the same answer, he is a “Muslim”. So we try to portray that Mr. Rauff Hakeem is religiously a Muslim and ethnically a Muslim too. Does this make any sense?
Mr. Rauff Hakeem’s  counter parts elsewhere or any other Muslim ministers or Muslim head of  state of any other countries seem to have not been confused as to their religious and ethnic identities. Here are some examples; Mr. Syed Muntaz Alam Gillai of Pakistan a Muslim but Punjabi by ethnic origin. King of Malaysia  Al Wathiqu Shah is a Muslim, but a Malay by ethnic. Mr. Susilo Banbay Yudhoyano, the Indonesian President is a Muslim by religion, but his ethnicity is Javanese. Prime minister of Bangladesh Mrs. Sheik Hasina, a Muslim but her ethnicity is Bengali. The Afghan President  Hamid Karzai is ethnically a Pashtun, but a Muslim. The Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinajad is a Muslim, but ethnically a Persian.
The Iraqi President  Jala Talabani is a Muslim, but his ethnic identity is Kurdish. The Turkish Prime minister Reccip  Erdgon is a Muslim, but ethnically a Turk. The President of Kazakhstan  Nursultan Nazarbuyav a Muslim but Kazakh by ethnicity. Most of the Arab speaking leaders of the Arab world are Muslims and their ethnicity is defined as Arabs. Likewise, Muslim leaders of African nations are not necessarily ethnic Arabs but have their unique ethnic identities, like the current Senegal President Mr. Abdulaye Wade religiously a Muslim but ethnically something else. And all these people remain as what they have been, ethnically, before and after the advent of Islam. 
So what is wrong with our Sri Lankan Muslims? Where did we get the ethnic name as Muslims? Or do we not  have an ethnic name at all? Or are we considering ourselves as either Tamil or Singhalese descendants? Or as crossbreeds? Whatever it may be, then don’t be shy to say so. It is not an anathema. Otherwise we are creating a myth in that to say that a people came into existence all of a sudden out of the blue. The conundrum, which we create may put us in and make it very difficult for us to come out of it in the future. Therefore there is no logic ignoring our identity question I believe. 
Our birth certificates unambiguously confirm that our ethnicity is “Moorish”, i.e “Moor” in English. It is “Yonaka” in Singhalese and “Sonakar” in Tamil. It is not clear whether the term Moor is a direct translation of “Sonakar” or “Yonaka”. Some interpret that the term Moor represents   Muslim. This connotation was in fact given by the early invaders of our Island, the Portuguese. If a people were identified as Moors/Muslims or Moors equal Muslims,  then what were they before Islam was introduced to them in 7th century? Therefore the world “Moor” is a name of convenience, coincided with the arrival of Portuguese. The original name sounds like “Sonakar” derived from the word “Suvanar” implicating  the decedents of the  first ever human being,  Adam and Eve, who were supposedly sent down to Earth from the heaven know as “Suvanam” in the Sonakar language “Elu”, which is the early form of present-day  Tamil’s base language. Regardless of this profound ethnic identity, we keep on saying we are Muslims in each and every respect. My contention is that this “one size fits all” approach or one dimensional answer to all is not wise and it is dangerous in political context, especially in Sri Lanka. Let me explain why.
When the Norwegian brokered peace negotiation between the Government of Sri Lanka and Tamil Tigers was in its infancy, the Sri Lanka Muslims, who had also been victims of the Tamil Tigers, wanted to be included in the peace process. No one noticed of their cry. The Tamil Tigers put up a stern  blockade to the idea of Muslims participation as a separate entity in the talks, and simply said  “you can be a participant within the government team”. The Muslims said; we have a separate ethnic origin and the talks were intended to solve the ethnic problems of Sri Lanka, we have our grievances. Therefore the GoSL can be a party representing the Singhalese, the Tigers should represent the Tamils, and thus Muslims should be represented by Muslims. A little bit complicated, but a fair request it seemed.
In pursuit, there was a protest in front of the Norwegian Embassy in London initiated by the Muslim youths of Jaffna on  24th April 2002. I was making a video clip about the protest for my own documentations and saw one of the organizers, Mr. S.M.M Bazeer, a Sri Lankan lawyer in London, triumphantly  coming out of the embassy after handing over a petition/memorandum requesting, presumably, a separate participating right in the peace talks. I interviewed him by a simple question pointing to the banners the youths hoisted “Muslims are a separate Nation”, are you demanding a representational right as a Muslim or a Moor (Sonakar)?   His answer was “we are demanding separate representation for Muslims”. I was appalled. Because the talks were aimed to solve ethnic issues, the parties involved should therefore go with their ethnic identities. If we go with religious identity then there has always been a possibility for other religious groups   to be Singhalese Buddhists, Singhalese Christians, Tamil Saivars, Tamil Christians, Malay Muslims and the like asking for the same treatment for no apparent reasons other than “they got it, therefore we should get it”, making the peace efforts pointless and complicate to solve or making the existing complication far more complex.
Why would the Norwegian or anyone else listen to one group of religious people and not to others? Where is the justification? His answer was once again “we have a duty of Dha’wa”(religious enlightening service). Of course I appreciate that. I do on my own, but participating in Norwegian peace talks was not a Dha’wa mission after all. No plausible answer was given by Mr. Bazeer, thus there was no continuation of  the interview.
I did not give up. I delivered a brief lecture to the youths at the scene on our identity issue. Some understood, but some were reluctant to take it on board, however, it seemed that they at least allocated a tiny place in their mind for future exploration. Later on I wrote a detailed argument with my reasoning and sent it to the key players of the organizing body of that event Dr. Siddiq, Accountant Mr. Farook and Lawyer Mr. Bazeer, calling for a meeting to discuss these issues further, but there was  no  courtesy to respond.
Two years later one Mr. Mohideen, who participated in the peace conference in Norway as a Sri Lanka Muslim Congress representative, held a debriefing session in London. I was invited to it and I put this identity question to him. I was not sure whether he fully understood my reasoning for an ethnic identity even though he said there was a point in what I said. But unfortunately there was no follow up. Now I see him advocating  the Sri Lankan Muslims to learn Arabic as their home and school language rather than our mother tongues Tamil and Singhalese. His reasoning for this is not to be divided ourselves by language lines, revitalise the knowledge of our religion and to better understand the  Holy Qur-an. Is he pioneering a new home and educational language for the Sri Lankan Muslims and  later on to claim that the Sri Lankan Muslims are Arabs because they speak Arab?  I’ll touch on this very subject in the second part of this article.
A year or so ago the former head of the Sri Lankan Muslims Forum in the UK, Mr. Najaa Mohamed quoted from someone else’s speech that we are human first, then Muslims. In addition to this he said that there is a Hadith,( Prophet Muhammed’s exemplary life)  which says, “ do not divide yourselves as Arab or non-Arab”. It seems that he did not understand the Hadith to its entirety. The above forbids  divisions among Muslims( do not misinterpret that we can make divisions among non-Muslims) with that statement.  However I am talking about distinguishing ourselves from other ethnic groups and in the political context in Sri Lanka and not among Muslims to say we are above or below other local or regional or international Muslim Ummah (community). I would like to add that there are many verses in the Holy Qur-an about the creation of humans with clear differences, such as “We have made you in different tribes and nations in order to mutually understand each other” and “There is no nation or tribe without a messenger”
My understanding is that our Muslim politicians as well as the general mass do not fully apprehend the issue rightly. The Tamils (political parties), who cry for a separate state, rightly or wrongly include us only to some extent under the banner of “Tamil speaking people” to gain something. At the time of sharing it fairly they say “you are Muslims”, what we have is for Tamils, not for Muslims. If we are Tamil speaking people too then there should not be a different identity as Tamil speaking Muslims, because they treat Tamil speaking Catholics as part of them and not a part of someone else. Why is this? Because they know that Sri Lankan Muslims are not Tamils by ethnicity. In a way it does not matter whether they know this or not, but the question is whether we know that we are not Tamils ethnically, and to make them understand that we are a separate ethnic group with a profound identity that is Sonakar, which goes all the way  down to the very start of  human existence on the planet earth. This existence began from the top of  the Adam’s Peak. With this identity we can  legitimately claim what we are entitled to.
From the period of independence of Ceylon, the question of our identity came out and went back to the sleeping stage time to time. Our prominent Mr. Sithy Lebbe, Mr. Aziz, Sir. Razick Fareed and others tirelessly worked and proved to their opposite number Mr. Ponnambalam Ramanathan and others that we are not Tamils. However due to our political unawareness and sometimes inferiority complex without any resounding reason we do not worry too much about it. Now the danger is on the brink of coming out.
Despite the fact that there won’t be a legally binding merger (it is highly unlikely that the President would announce a referendum on the question of a merger) of the North and East of the country, on what basis would we support or resist the demand for the merger, the area  the Tamils refer to as the “Tamils Homeland”, should a referendum be held? Our support may be on the basis of our Tamil speaking nature, and our resistance because we are Muslims. What if the Tamil National Alliance surprisingly announces that the first First-minister of the merged North-East province would be a Muslim by a covert act to extract votes for the support for the merger?    What’s wrong with a demand by a Tamil speaking Catholic for a First-minister post rather than a Muslim in the merged area? Do we recognise that it is a fair demand? The situation is getting more and more complex, isn’t it?
If we push Tamil Catholics into a Tamils ethnic identity  and Singhalese Catholics into a Singhalese ethnicity would they not accuse  Muslims in Sri Lanka as being favoured by corresponding to their religious identity whereas others are not? Yes they will. We may have a counter argument that they cannot be considered twice politically, once as Catholics and second time as Tamils or Singhalese. But we cannot make them keep their mouths shut for ever. The current world (dis)order is eagerly seeking a loophole to brand us terrorists, trouble makers, people without a sense of compromise and so on.
In this situation I advocate a dusting exercise, making a rebirth possible as to our ethnic identity. As long as Sri Lanka tries to settle its internal problems in line with ethnicity we proudly and strongly say we are Sonakar (Moors) and we are entitled to our fair share. As long as the people of Sri Lanka are identified along with their religious identity we once again proudly and strongly say we are Muslims demanding a fair and just treatment like other religious groups. We do not need to confuse our fellow citizens and we do not need to have fear of discrimination either. Sri Lanka is not a dual-ethnic county. It is  a multy-ethnic country; Singhalese as the majority, Tamils as a minority, Sonakar as a second minority with the possibility of changing the place, Burgers as the least minority and other sporadically appearing minorities in descending line.   Without a profound ethnic identity there are a lot we will lose, but keeping it alive we do not lose anything. Just think.

IOC kicked out, ARAMCO in

Friday, 24 May 2013
The Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) is to cancel the memorandum of understanding signed with the Indian Oil Company (IOC) on fuel distribution in the country and is to enter into an agreement with Saudi Arabia’s ARAMCO, sources from the government said.
Sources said the government has already made the initial arrangements to hand over the operations of the Sapugaskaanda oil refinery to ARAMCO. It is now revealed that the operations at the oil refinery had been made to come to a stop as part of this plan.
Petroleum Industries Minister Anura Priyadharshana Yapa told the media recently that there were plans to increase the octane level in local fuel to upgrade its quality and in order to increase efficiency. A few days later, the Minister said the government was looking at setting up a new oil refinery with the help of another foreign country. Sources who are linked to this project say that the Minister’s statements were made with the intention of testing the waters before entering into an agreement with ARAMCO.
The IOC has taken on lease close to 150 fuel stations in the country as part of the oil distribution agreement. Government sources said that ARAMCO is planning on taking on lease and setting up 250 fuel stations in the country.
 Sri Lanka police probe German NGO Friedrich Naumann Foundation
Thu, May 23, 2013, 09:14 pm SL Time, ColomboPage News Desk, Sri Lanka.
Lankapage LogoMay 23, Colombo: The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) of Sri Lanka police has commenced an investigation on the Friedrich Naumann Foundation to ascertain whether the German NGO has acted within the country beyond its given legal mandate.
The CID has interrogated the Foundation's local representative Sagarika Delgoda for the past two days and it says further investigations are underway based on the information divulged by Ms. Delgoda.
The investigation commenced after the organization held a workshop for the opposition United National Party parliamentarians. Pro-government media reported that the workshop was a ploy to overthrow the government.
The state-run ITN accused Ms. Delgoda of being engaged in a conspiracy for several years to overthrow the present government and set up a UNP government loyal to the West and the Tamil Diaspora.
According to ITN report, the Friedrich Naumann Foundation is funding the UNP leader Ranil Wickremasinghe's foreign tours and political activities.
The Police Media Spokesman's office meanwhile said there is no attempt to arrest any opposition MP as they claimed and there was no need to question the MPs while the CID probes the Foundation which is operating in Sri Lanka since 1974.
Wickremasinghe said in Parliament yesterday that the government was getting ready to arrest a number of UNP politicians who participated in the workshop coordinated by the Foundation.
UNP MP Ruwan Wijewardena said today at a press conference that a number of government ministers and MPs had also participated in the programs presented by the Fredric Newman Foundation. He argued that the police had to probe them as well for plotting to overthrow the government.
55 latest edition Mercs for CHOGM

 LN


By a Staff Reporter-2013-05-24

The Ministry of Finance has opened Letters of Credit (LCs) through the Bank of Ceylon to import 55 Mercedes Benz vehicles of the latest S400 model to Sri Lanka for the use by VVIPs attending the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM), scheduled to be held in Sri Lanka in November, Ceylon Today reliably learns.


This was revealed less than 48 hours after the Minister of External Affairs, in an official release, refuted media reports of the government importing luxury cars for the CHOGM.


The Mercedes Benz S400 model is the latest in the line-up of the super luxury car, and is to be released to the world market only in September.


Issuing a statement on Wednesday (22), Minister G.L. Peiris, refuted media reports and statements by 'interested parties' that Rolls Royce and BMW cars will be imported at a heavy cost, to be used for the forthcoming CHOGM in November 2013, claiming the allegations as baseless and fictitious. "These media reports are baseless and fictitious, as no importation of cars is being contemplated by the Government of Sri Lanka for the Conference. All expenditure in relation to the CHOGM 2013 will be met from existing budgetary provisions, and additional funds for this purpose will not be resorted to," the release said.


It added: "The CHOGM 2013 will be an opportunity to showcase the development in Sri Lanka following a three-decade separatist terrorist conflict and the vast economic opportunities available in the country. The Commonwealth Business Forum, which attracts extensive participation both from within and outside the Commonwealth, will serve as a springboard for Sri Lanka to promote trade and investment and further enhance economic co-operation. Resources allocated to the relevant government agencies for promotional activities will be fully utilized within the country towards this end.


Preparation of investment projects and sectors for cooperation is already underway, and the response is encouraging for participation at the Commonwealth Business Forum later this year."


The S400 Hybrid is the gas-electric version of Mercedes-Benz's opulent S-Class full-size luxury sedan. It offers marginally better fuel economy than the eight-cylinder S550, although its efficiency numbers are significantly less impressive than those of the diesel-powered S350 BlueTEC 4MATIC. A 3.5-liter V6 and an electric motor team up for a combined output of 295 horsepower and 284 pound-feet of torque. Fuel economy for the S400 is rated at 19 mpg in the city and 25 mpg on the highway.


The S400 Hybrid is the first series production hybrid car to be equipped with a lithium-ion battery. During braking, the electric motor acts as a generator and is able to recover kinetic energy. The lithium battery is particularly suited to this task. The battery's high energy density means it is small enough to fit in the engine compartment. As such, the trunk capacity and interior dimensions remain unchanged. The car's 7G-TRONIC seven-speed automatic transmission is specially configured for hybrid operation.

Farmers in debt arrested

logoFRIDAY, 24 MAY 2013
It is reported that a group of farmers who had not been able to pay their debts have been arrested by Welimada Police. A farmer and his wife at Boralanda, Welimada, two farmers at Kande Puhulpola and two farmers from Innarangolla are among the ten farmers arrested.
The farmers who have not been able to settle loans for goods taken from Agrarian Services Centers at Welimada have been arrested using a warrant issued by court
Meanwhile, All Ceylon Farmers’ Federation complains that no legal action has been taken yet by the Human Rights Commission despite three months have passed since it made a complaint regarding nonpayment of farmers’ pensions since November, 2011.

The lessons to learn from the Woolwich killing are obvious: but not to David Cameron

Any rational balance sheet of the last decade would show that the 'war on terror' has been a failure in its own terms: it has not prevented terrorism but caused it to spread.
Stop the War
By Lindsey German--Stop the War
Stop the War Coalition
23 May 2013
The attack in Woolwich yesterday was horrific. There can be no justification for a murderous attack on an individual soldier in the streets of London. It must have been awful too for the local people who witnessed it.
Unlike with most terrorist attacks or indeed other crimes, we have been able to see film footage of the perpetrators, hear testimony from the witnesses who saw or talked to them. So we know what these men say motivated them. They claimed that the killing of the soldier was in response to the killing of Muslims by British soldiers in other countries. One said that the government did not care for people and should get the troops out.
The Boston bombers last month were supposedly similarly motivated. The Woolwich attack, carried out by two men now shot and wounded and under arrest in hospital, appears to represent a phenomenon that was pointed out nearly a decade ago by the security services in Britain: that the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq would lead to a growing threat of terrorism in Britain. Those of us in Stop the War have long predicted that these sorts of attacks would happen because of the war on terror.
Unfortunately there is little sign that the government, media and military will draw any of the conclusions that they should from the attack. The instant response was to brand it as a serious terrorist attack, although already many commentators are saying they believe it more likely that this was a one off and isolated incident, and unlikely to be part of a wider conspiracy. David Cameron cut short a visit to Paris in order to fly home.
This reaction is one which manifestly fails to deal with the political causes underlying such attacks. The simple truth is that there were no such cases in Britain before the start of the 'war on terror' in 2001, which led to the invasions and occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq. The consequences of those wars have been devastating for the people of those countries and further afield. Up to a million died in Iraq and 4 million were made refugees. Tens of thousands have died in Afghanistan. Fighting still continues and in Iraq looks like descending into civil war in some parts of the country.
The US and its allies have been involved in bombing attacks on these countries which have been responsible for many thousands of deaths.
A media comment that this was the day Baghdad came to the streets of Britain shows a grotesque ignorance of the country the invasion was meant to rescue for democracy, where daily sectarian bombings and killings are escalating on a scale not dreamt of in this country.
The interventions have spread in the name of 'fighting terrorism': drone attacks are taking place in a number of countries including Pakistan, Yemen, and Somalia. The bombing of Libya by the west in 2011 led to at least 30,000 dead. British troops are aiding the French in Mali. The British are intervening in the war in Syria for their own ends, and want to lift the EU arms embargo there in order to escalate the war and achieve regime change. The US and EU continues to back Israel despite its treatment of the Palestinians, even sending the architect of the Iraq war, Tony Blair, as envoy for peace in the Middle East.
Any rational balance sheet of the last decade and more would demonstrate that the war on terror has been a failure in its own terms. It has not prevented terrorism but caused it to spread.
The failure of politicians and military to face up to this has further damaging consequences: if the government refuses to change its own policy it has one simple solution -- 'blame the Muslims'. Muslims are expected to condemn any such attack whereas no such demand is put upon people of other faiths when a killing is carried out by Christians. Muslim is also equated with black or Asian, as when one television reporter described the men as of 'Muslim appearance'.
Again, atrocities by white gun men, in Norway and the US for example, which are often highly politically motivated, are not regarded as needing to be defined by race. They are also rarely described as terrorism, but as the acts of fanatics or madmen.
It is an integral part of the war on terror that the invasion and occupation of mainly Muslim countries abroad has to lead to the dehumanising of the victims of the wars: so Muslim comes to equal extremist and terrorist. Racists like the EDL turned up in Woolwich to try to further foster Islamophobia. But this treatment of Muslims goes to the top of government and is spewed out daily in the press.

Similar views of the Irish were much more common in the 1970s and 80s when the IRA had a major bombing campaign in Britain. In the end there had to be a political solution which recognised genuine grievance.
In the end there has to be a political solution to terrorism. But it can only start with recognition of the disastrous effect of western foreign policy in the Middle East and South Asia for decades now, exacerbated by the consequences of 12 years of wars. That means acknowledging that those of us who said these wars were not the answer and would make things worse were absolutely right.