Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Wednesday, May 22, 2013

Diaspora can help to improve healthcare in Sri Lanka

GOV.UKOrganisation:
HM Government, 1 other
Published:
21 May 2013
World location:
Worldwide organisation:
British Sri Lankan doctors travelled to Sri Lanka to learn about healthcare issues on the island.

British Sri Lankan doctors travelled to Sri Lanka to learn about healthcare issues on the island.In November 2012, four young second generation British Sri Lankan doctors travelled to Sri Lanka to learn about healthcare issues on the island. The trip was part of International Alert’s diaspora project, which is funded by the British High Commission in Colombo. During their trip, they met many interesting and inspirational people and returned to the UK having gained an understanding of the complex issues facing post-war Sri Lanka.
Here, Malathi Gunaratne shares her thoughts on the group’s journey as well as the next steps in continuing to engage the UK-Sri Lankan healthcare community and initiating projects in Sri Lanka.
Initially a group of strangers, the only things unifying us were the label ‘doctor’ and the fact that we all shared Sri Lankan heritage. It soon became evident that we all felt privileged to have been given this opportunity and that we had a common interest in Sri Lanka’s changing healthcare issues as well as a desire to see a peaceful future for Sri Lanka’s communities – one in which all would have a stake and which the diaspora could positively contribute towards.
Our eight-day visit took us to Galle, Jaffna, Batticaloa and Colombo. We discussed healthcare, politics and the deep-rooted ethnic tensions. Being of Sinhalese heritage, I was curious to find out the ‘Tamil take’ on the conflict between diaspora groups in the UK. I felt our group dynamic had developed into one which allowed frank discussion of our thoughts and opinions on the matter.

On the road

A very real problem for minority patients in a given community is having to travel outside of their home areas to receive specialist care due to specialist services not being available across the island. For example, at the time of our visit, a patient with a neurosurgical or cardiothoracic problem in Jaffna would have to travel to the nearest centre able to provide this specialist care – in Kandy. Imagine a place where all the signs are in a language you cannot read, people are speaking a language you cannot understand, you are ill, vulnerable and afraid, and there is nothing familiar in the environment to comfort you. Although these patients are in the minority, it is our role as healthcare professionals to affirm worth and preserve the dignity of all of our patients. Another healthcare area where this geographical divide poses a real problem is within mental health. A largely centralised mental health service means that vulnerable patients of all ethnicities with a mental health disorder may need to be treated as inpatients at large centres many miles from home. As such, they are removed from their families, friends and familiar environment. This is particularly pertinent to Sri Lanka as a post-war nation, where exposure to conflict has made people more vulnerable to developing mental disorders.
Many other healthcare issues were highlighted to us during this trip. Some of these are problems specific to a post-war nation. Others are problems faced by a country undergoing rapid economic development and facing a transition from communicable to non-communicable or chronic health problems. For example, the stigma associated with mental illness, sexual health and sex education and gender-based violence can act as major barriers to accessing healthcare. The lack of training of allied health professionals whose role is paramount to the management of chronic disease was another recurring topic discussed in detail.

Sharing our experience with diaspora communities

In December 2012, we presented our main findings from the trip to individuals and institutions from the UK-Sri Lankan medical community and civil society. We also provided a forum to discuss how UK-based health professionals from the Tamil, Muslim, Sinhalese and Burgher communities can work together with each other and their colleagues in Sri Lanka to support positive health outcomes across the island.
The group discussed several tangible ideas for improving health outcomes and promoting reconciliation, including an exchange programme for British and Sri Lankan medical students, in partnership with medical faculties in Sri Lanka. The programme should encourage British Tamil students to spend part of their exchange in the south and west of Sri Lanka and British Sinhalese students to spend part of their exchange in the north and east.
We hope that by working together in this way, the group will also serve as a platform for dialogue and support the development of understanding between different Sri Lankan ethnic groups, both in Sri Lanka and in the UK. As a member of diaspora, it is easy to feel disconnected from one’s ancestral home, to grapple with one’s identity and to feel a desperate desire to be able to relate to and give something back to the community at home. We all went to Sri Lanka not knowing what to expect and came back not only aware of the healthcare challenges facing Sri Lanka but also enthused and excited about making a small difference.
The group is eager to engage as many healthcare professionals, associations and individuals as possible from across the diaspora communities. If you would like to get involved, please email Meera Chindooroy at mchindooroy@international-alert.org.

Tuesday, May 21, 2013


Dreams: A Tribute To The Working Men And Women Of My Country Who Are On Strike Today

Colombo TelegraphBy Tasil Samarasinha -May 21, 2013
I had a dream.No no I lived this dream.
A dream where
…..as a child I together with the neighbourhood kids would scamper down to the beach to collect sand and mix with cement which was 3 or 4 cents a pound and make our own fish tanks.
…..in the school by the sea where we were taught the beauty of languages Sinhala ,English and latin and the romance of literature by a faculty of teaches who thought it their life’s sole purpose was to educate us ruffians,not for one moment stopping to think of remuneration.
…..money was a dirty word not to be spoken of in public, so it did not matter if you had it or not.
…..scribes wrote fast and furiously without fear or favour and these editorials were read and reread and read all over again not only for their value of content but also for the value of language.
…..politicians laughed at what was written about them and laughed among themselves at themselves.
…..it did not matter if you were tamil, sinhala,muslim, burgher,or malay all were one.
…..it did not matter if you won or lost but how you played the game.
then I slept in bliss and what nightmares followed
…..a man being burnt alive under my neighbour’s porch by an angry mob. His only crime that he belonged to a minority community.
…..a beauty queen in the prime of her life being dragged by her hair naked along the street and shot dead by the army in full view of the public.
…..a pyre of smouldering tyres by the roadside burning human remains the stench
of both hanging heavily in the air.
…..the wail of sirens as they transported injured soldiers to the hospitals.
…..he screams of the innocent trapped in their vehicles burning. set alight by blood thirsty mobs.
…..the sadness on the faces of known people as the walked to refugee centers, their homes burnt.
…..worshipers of all faiths being shot to rags in their places of worship
…..unborn children ripped from their mother’s womb by bombs placed in railway carriages and buses
and I slept NO NO NO I was awake NO NO I was asleep but with my eyes wide open,too afraid to close them lest the nightmares will recur.
but I still dream. Of a land
“Where the mind is without fear
and the head is held high;
Where knowledge is free
Where the world had not been
broken up into fragments by
narrow domestic walls;
Where words come out from the
depth of truth.
Where tireless striving stretches its
arms towards perfection.
Where the clear stream of reason
has not lost its way into the
dreary desert sand of dead habit.
Where the mind is led forward
by thee into ever-widening
thought and action;
into that heaven of freedom,
my Father ,
let my country awake”
Tagore
Awake Sri Lanka your day has come your hour is now stand up and be counted lest all be lost for ever
Army intelligence requesting voters list in Mullaitheevu

Tuesday , 21 May 2013
The voters list for year 2012 issued to prepare the year 2013 voters name list, is obtained by the military intelligence unit from the grama sevakas attached to Mullaitheevu district is according to sources.
 
Currently activities have commenced in preparing the voters name list,  island wide for the year 2013. In view of this all the grama sevakas had been provided the year 2012 voters list.
 
Grama sevaka units located in the Mullaitheevu district coastal line areas, and grama sevaka divisions coming under the town area, the prescribed voters list is requested by some coming from the army camps identifying that they are from the intelligence unit, was said.  
 
The intelligence personnel are collecting the voters list and taking photo copies and returning back to the grama sevakas was said.
 
The names indicated  in year 2012 voters name list, if any had gone abroad or to other districts, the details of demised are collected from the respective grama sevakas by the intelligence personnel was said.
 
The northern province council election which is proposed to be held in September month, will be held  according to year 2012 voters name list was said, and in this situation, military intelligence personnel engaged in such activity has cropped up severe doubts.
 
Concerning this issue military spokesperson Brigadier Ruwan Wanigasooriya was contacted but he informed to contact him after half an hour. He was contacted after half an hour, but he did not respond. 

‘Reconciliation with Sri Lanka is fake, Tamil Eelam only solution’: Los Angeles event

[TamilNet, Monday, 20 May 2013, 23:03 GMT]
TamilNetThe Mu’l’livaaykkaal Genocide Remembrance event in Los Angeles, USA on Sunday stated emphatically that asking the Eezham Tamil nation to reconcile with genocidal Sri Lanka was fraudulent and that a sovereign state of Tamil Eelam was the only solution, further criticizing the ICE for failing to address the chronic national question of the Eezham Tamils. The speakers at the event further affirmed the necessity for sustained pressure from the masses in Tamil Nadu to effect a change in the regional and global order. Commenting on the recent series of Tamil Genocide Remembrance events, a diaspora activist from Canada said the fourth year after Mu’l’livaay-kkaal has seen an increase in protests challenging the injustice of the world powers towards the Tamil nation, lamenting, however the eagerness of some in the Tamil diaspora to forsake national symbols under the slightest pressure. 

The activist, referring to the Mu’l’livaaykkaal event held at Queen’s Park in Toronto on Saturday, said that the Canadian police had tried to persuade the Tamil public from holding the Eezham Tamils’ national flag.

While some second-generation activists tried to reason with police that the flag was a Tamil national symbol and that it was well in their democratic rights to uphold it, some senior members attempted to dissuade the Tamil youth from raising the flag at the event. 

However, refusing to comply and asserting that the flag was an integral part of the Eezham Tamils’ identity, the second-generation youth and the assembled audience held their flags high throughout the event, the activist said. 

Just as the national symbols are vital to the Eezham Tamil identity, it is equally important to raise the right slogans and place the right demands during such core events to allow no space for manipulation, as this is central to an informed Eezham Tamil politics, the activist further asserted. 

Separately, the Genocide Remembrance event held at the Santa Monica beach in Los Angeles, USA saw participation of activists from Tamil Nadu and the Eezham Tamil diaspora. 

May 17 at California


Organized by activists of the May 17 Movement, the speakers at the event and the gathered audience strongly criticized the solutions based on the LLRC, condemning the UN and India for collaborating with Sri Lanka in the genocidal war on the Tamil nation.

Speaking to TamilNet, Rathish Kumar, a May 17 Movement activist from TN working in the US, said "The West's refusal to recognize the genocide of the Eezham Tamil nation and to arrive at a corresponding political solution only encourages the Sri Lankan government to carry out its atrocities with impunity. Instead of talking about abstract 'human rights violations', the UN should take action against the genocide-accused in the Sri Lankan state and facilitate a referendum for Tamil Eelam." 

Speakers at the Los Angeles event also talked about geo-politics in the Asia-Pacific region, especially about why Tamil Eelam was important for Tamils in Tamil Nadu. They urged that educated Tamils in Tamil Nadu need to be aware more of contemporary global politics and intersecting interests in that region.

May 17 at California
May 17 at California

Make All People Part Of War Commemoration

By Jehan Perera -May 21, 2013 
Jehan Perera
Colombo TelegraphThe government’s decision to celebrate May 19 as a day of victory and the country’s second Independence is another one of its actions that has polarised the Sri Lankan people.  Whether by accident or design, it is ironic that through its continuing actions the government that reunified the territory of the country should also be the one that fosters the divisions between the people.  I was in Mannar on that day that marked a watershed in the modern history of the country, and saw that the Sri Lankan people were divided in their attitudes.  There was no collective remembrance of loss, but a reinforcement of the separation that has overshadowed the post-Independence era.
While the government was celebrating with military march pasts and air and sea shows in Colombo, in Mannar there was real action that was reminiscent of what happened during the war.  A group of people who had gathered to commemorate those who died in the last battle, were prevented from doing so by armed military personnel and police with guns pointing.  It is reported that 15 of them were arrested and only released on bail late at night.   Earlier the state media had reported that such commemorative meetings were illegal and warned anyone commemorating the defeated Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was liable to be arrested.
However, the Tamil political parties in the opposition said they staged the remembrance for those who died in the final battle.  This was where the top LTTE leadership were killed.  In this charged context, the decision of the Catholic Church in Mannar to commemorate all victims of the war was pragmatic.  Whenever Tamils have tried to commemorate the death of their loved ones, the government has taken steps to prevent this.  The military in particular is sensitive to commemorations of the LTTE being held in the guise of commemorating the civilians who lost their lives.  However, the reality is that the two groups of LTTE and civilians were often mixed.  Especially in the last days  of the war, the LTTE forcibly recruited  children, some as young as 12, and this included the children of Mannar.
Contrasting Realities
Mannar is the only one of Sri Lanka’s 25 districts that has a Catholic majority.  With its unique cultural attributes, it is a celebration of the country’s cultural and religious diversity which must not be made into a weakness when it is a strength.  Unlike the Tamil political parties who had called on the people to commemorate the war dead amongst the Tamil population, the Bishop of Mannar requested the clergy in the area to commemorate all victims of the war, and not just those who were Tamil.  By implication, this would have included those of all three ethnic groups, the Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims, and also the fighting personnel on the two sides, the government and LTTE. It is a testament to the strength of Sri Lanka’s diversity, that it was a minority group that decided to commemorate all who lost their lives as recommended by the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission appointed by the President.
This year’s victory celebration by the government was focused on the valour of the armed forces and the comprehensive defeat of the LTTE. President Mahinda Rajapakse viewed the military parade and pledged that there will be no room for those who tried to divide the country. He said, “We will not allow a single inch of the land that you won by the sacrifice of your life to be taken away.”  The past fortnight saw a build up in the mass media to remind the people of those days of blood and bombs and how it all has ended.  The contrast with the peaceful situation of the present will continue to bring in the votes of a grateful nation.
But the unfortunate reality is that the support of the Sinhalese majority for the war victory and the government’s celebrations has not been matched by any kind of equivalent support from the Tamil minority.  They too have been beneficiaries of the peaceful situation that has followed the end of the war.  They are now safe from the ravages of child recruitment and terror tactics that the LTTE brought to bear upon them.  But they also wish to mourn their loved ones who are no more with them, to find out what happened to them, and also to regain their dream of enjoying equal rights in which they also have the right to decide.  These are all matters on which the government appointed LLRC has made recommendations on but are not being followed by the government.
Way Forward
Four years after the war’s end the political solution that the leaders of government promised during the time of the war has yet to materialize.  The LTTE has been replaced by the Sri Lankan military who govern them in conjunction with the civilian administration. The Northern Province, where the first gunshots of the war were fired and where the last of the rebel fighters fell, has still to enjoy the right of elected provincial governance even to as limited an extent as the other eight provinces do.   A government ally has filed action in the Supreme Court calling on it to abolish the system of devolution of power for the entire country.  In this context, there is increasing skepticism whether the promised Northern Provincial Council elections in September this year will actually take place.
The civil war ended in 2009 but four years later the country has yet to find its path of reconciliation and to heal the wounds of war.  At the present time it also appears that Sri Lanka is moving backwards, and not forwards, in terms of securing the Rule of Law.  The impeachment of the Chief Justice process eroded the rule of law and usurped the pre-eminence of the Supreme Court in its role of interpreting the constitution.  This has impacted negatively on the rule of law and by extension the protection of human rights and political accountability.  There is also the rise of inter-religious tensions fanned by government allies.   A new dimension of inter-communal unrest is the rise of Buddhist extremism that has targeted the Muslim community and taken on an open and frontal confrontational approach.
Sri Lanka could have been a very different country today.  There is a need to recognize that although the civil war ended in 2009 the country has yet to find its path of reconciliation through an inclusive process of political negotiations and a sincere effort to heal the wounds of war.  If the recommendations of the LLRC appointed by the President had been followed, the government could have changed course last year.  Government leaders would have ceased to further engage in ethnic triumphalism and instead focused on commemorating all victims who lost their lives in the senseless conflict.  They could have utilized the occasion of May 19 to resolve that never again would such bloodletting be permitted to take place.  This would have been a commemoration that all Sri Lankans, respecting multi ethnicity, equal rights, and the safety and dignity of all, could have taken part in as a united Sri Lankan nation.
Only Congress interested in Tamils' welfare -Narayanasamy
2013-05-21 
Union Minister V Narayanasamy today said that only the Congress party is "genuinely" interested in ensuring welfare of the Tamils in Sri Lanka while other political parties in Tamil Naduwere shedding "crocodile tears" on the issue.


"It is indeed shocking that the political parties who have not done anything for welfare of the Sri Lankan Tamil refugees staying in Tamil Nadu are feigning to be their champions and making criticisms against Congress and the party-led UPA government at the Centre on theTamils issue," he said.

Both ruling AIADMK in Tamil Nadu and former Congress ally DMK have frequently expressed concern over attacks on fishermen from the state, allegedly by Lankan Navy, besides flaying Centre for failing to put pressure on Colombo on the issue. 


"Only the Congress party is sincerely and genuinely interested in ensuring welfare of the Tamils in Sri Lanka while other political parties in Tamil Nadu and Puducherry are doing only lip service and shed crocodile tears merely for their political survival," Narayanasamy said.

Addressing a Congress Workers Meeting on the occasion of the 22nd death anniversary of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi here, Narayanasamy referred to the UPA government's initiatives towards rehabilitation of Tamils in Lanka, besides approval of railway and power projects in the island republic.

Narayansamy also recalled the concern the late Rajiv Gandhi had shown for the Sri Lankan Tamils and described as historic measure his step to deploy the Indian Peace Keeping Force for their protection.

He welcomed the Tamil Nadu government's ban on a public meeting at Cuddalore, organised by a pro-Tamil Eelam outfit, 'Naam Tamilar', in which JKLF leader Yasin Malikwas to participate, on Saturday last.

"The Tamil Nadu government intervened in time and banned the meeting in the larger interest of law and order," he said. (PTI)

India second largest development aid giver to Sri Lanka

The Economic TimesBy PTI | 20 May, 2013
COLOMBO: India was the second largest development aid giver to Sri Lanka last year behind China, providing over $700 million to the island nation, according to latest official figures. 

This was contained in the Ministry of Financeand Planning's External Resources Department's 2012 'Global Partnership Towards Development' report issued recently. 

The Chinese commitment stood at $1.05 billion. "The total assistance extended by India during the last 5 year period was $1.45 billion of which $1.12 billion was loan assistance and $326 million was grant assistance," the report said. 

The total assistance extended by China during the period between 1971 and 2012 was $5.05 billion of which $4.76 billion, representing around 94 per cent, was extended during the last 8-year period from 2005 to 2012, the report said. 

Provision of grant assistance by India has substantially increased during the last few years mainly for social infrastructure development, emergency rehabilitation and reconstruction activities. 

The Indian government committed grant assistance of around $260 million for construction of 49,000 housing units in 2012. 

In addition, construction of 1,000 pilot houses with grant assistance of $10 million was completed this year. 

Rehabilitation of Kankesanthurai harbor in the north at a cost of Rs 2.2 billion and construction of Dickoya hospital in the central hill districts at a cost of Rs 1.2 billion are some of the projects being implemented under Special Development Projects. 

The annual foreign financing commitments from development partners and lending agencies have gradually increased at an annual average rate of 24 per cent from 2006 to 2010. 

As most of the large scale infrastructure development projects were initiated during 2010, the foreign financing commitments slightly decreased to $2.07 billion in 2011 compared with the corresponding value of $3.28 billion in 2010 which have increased to $3.31 billion in 2012. 

After Sri Lanka was classified as a country with middle income economy the availability of concessional foreign financing has gradually declined over the last few years. 

The non-concessional and commercial financing has increased by 25 per cent from $855.8 million to $1.07 billion. 

The total external debt obtained for development projects at end of September 2012 was $20.38 billion which has grown at an annual rate of 11 per cent over the last 10 years. 

About 77 per cent of foreign debt represent concessional loans and the remaining 23 per cent from non-concessional loans including commercial loans. 

The total external debt at end of September 2012 stood at $20.4 billion which was 31.9 per cent of the GDP.

Lessons (Not) Learnt And Reconciliation Spurned!

By Lukman Harees -May 21, 2013 |
Lukman Harees
Colombo TelegraphEverywhere I go I see increasing evidence of people swirling about in a human cesspit of their own making.-  Norman – Angell
Are Sri Lankans getting into the same mind-set of the Zimbabweans under Mugabe? One wonders  when reading  about the unravelling comical events in the country. We need to understand why Mugabe is often revered by those who live, or have lived, in previously colonized nations.  He literally fought for the independence of his country from an oppressive occupying government and won.  As a British colony a white minority group prospered and had held sway over national decisions with their own interests in mind rather than those of the black Zimbabweans.  The ascension of Mugabe to Presidency  signalled the end of an era and the beginning of a hopeful future.  He brandished a fiery rhetoric and castigating the white colonizers and their allies. Yet, he also made a charming impression on the whites particularly who had the benefit of three decades’ hindsight . ”If yesterday I fought as an enemy, today you have become a friend. If yesterday you hated me, today you cannot avoid the love that binds you to me, and me to you.”
With these words, exactly 30 years ago, Robert Mugabe sought to reassure whites and blacks on the eve of his swearing-in as prime minister of the newly independent and internationally recognised state of Zimbabwe He became a hero to his struggling black countrymen. Mugabe was a freedom fighter and he won, the only problem is the curtain did close.  Thirty years later, we cannot even decipher  any  hopeful ceremonies  uniting Zimbabweans on a common platform  and any echoes of the uplifting moments which the country witnessed at the beginning. Zimbabwe has been travelling since then on a downslide . The economy has been  getting in deep trouble by the day . Incompetence and corruption were on glaring display. The nation remains all but bankrupt and isolated, and life for most Zimbabweans remains paralysed.
Why do people still support Mugabe? There are people around Mugabe who are benefiting. It’s in their interest that he will stay. They are few, but they are benefiting. This is their last chance to loot the country, to build up their wealth. And they are stronger than those who realise that change is inevitable. There is too much of a culture of fear, of impotence, for them to do something. The war veterans are also split, but it’s not clear which faction has more support.But the Zimbabweans generally in their hearts believe that this situation  can’t go on like this for much longer; it must be the beginning of the end.
Back in Sri Lanka, after a disastrous 30 years old savage War , which resulted from the short sighted political expediency after Independence, President MR too emerged as the leader who liberated our country from the shackles of  Tiger extremism and terrorism. He announced in May 2009, that all Sri Lankans irrespective of their racial and other petty differences should desire a united and harmonious Sri Lanka. He pointed out that creating a Sri Lankan nation under one flag and with one objective is the goal of his government, and that the government is committed and dedicated to treat all Sri Lankans equally with no discrimination. He also said that  ‘hereafter there will be no majority or minority and all will be Sri Lankans, and  that there will not be discrimination against anyone just because a person does not belong to the majority community. He also warned the youth not to become prey to the vicious campaigns being mooted by certain politically motivated groups to divide the nation on ethnic and religious grounds and shatter peace and harmony existing in the country.
Just few years after the end of the War, government of MR seems to have surrendered this lofty goal  at the alter of some fringe Sinhala Buddhist groups ,allowing them to drive Sri Lanka into another frenzy of extremism; this time along religious lines. Taking the example of Mugabe, he would have been a national war hero and a leader who liberated Zimbabwe from the white rule ;but the business of governing his country and the ability and ethics to do in a competent manner is obviously something Mugabe- the freedom fighter  woefully lacked. Churchill too, was the best war time leader Britain had, but lost power at the subsequent election, as he failed to prove  to the electorate  that he could govern effectively  in peace time . We therefore need to look at the effectiveness of  MR government in peace time , quite apart from the significant lead role played by MR and his government  to end the War, however controversially it may appear to some critics.
Today, what we witness  in Sri Lanka, in the post war Sri Lanka is the disintegration of the social landscape along religious and racial lines forgetting the bitter lessons of the three decades of an expensive ethnic conflict , the decline of our moral compass in all spheres , political expediency in the decision making process of the government , the relegation of social justice to the side-lines and the degeneration of the rule of law in the society. Although MR government cannot be blamed for these ills, at least they could be held responsible for failing to arrest the declining the law and order situation in the country and the lack of a coherent and a plausible economic policy for the country. Regarding the former , a humorous story goes that when an Afghanistan Minister declared at the Sri Lankan airport , that he was the Minister of Ports and Navigation, the officer politely mentioned that there were no sea fronts in Afghanistan as it is a landlocked country. Prompt came the retort : ‘Well! you also have a Minister of Law and Justice, don’t you?’  .
It may be the impeachment of the CJ and the installation of another controversial figure  in her place, the comical circumstances  in which Duminda Silva was acquitted or those involved in the ‘ Fashion Bug’ case were released ,or how Azath Salley was taken in and later released , or how the rogue monks and their goon squads were left untouched despite clear evidence of their involvement in anti social and racist attacks and  how the Police acted partially in these circumstances ,the international community on the one hand and our future generation on the other, are watching with gaped mouths  the type of  Sri Lanka our present leaders are attempting to shape- lawless and without character. That too with the connivance of the people of Sri Lanka ,through their naivety, silence and apathy in respect of the unravelling events before their eyes.   The silence of the majority was deafening  whether it was the case of 1983 goons out on the streets persecuting the innocent Tamils or destroying their properties, or the case of the extremist BBS/SR on the streets and the social networking sites making Muslims  and the ‘other’ look like aliens and traitors .
As a country, we are certainly lost in a swirl in the ocean- The Indian Ocean. Swirl denotes utter confusion or disorder .  An Island , which glittered on the world map as ‘the Pearl of the Indian Ocean’, was  known as the Paradise Isle to many visitors to its’ shores, and a land which the Buddhists believe had been thrice blessed by Lord Buddha,  therefore continues to swirl about in a cesspit of its’ own making and on a fast track to becoming a country with many laws and fundamental rights but without the rule of law, social justice and space for the ‘other’. No amount of  lessons which the history taught our  nation arising from a disastrous war spanning 30 long years and the resultant economic setbacks  or no amount of missed historic opportunities offered to us after the proclamation of Independence in 1948 or at the end of  the War to unite and work together , appear to bother us or enthuse us in the least.  As a respected monk observed in a press interview regarding the electricity price hike, ‘We Sri Lankans need to come out of the tame mentality complex, stand up and be counted’.
Sri Lanka may not be as broken a country as Zimbabwe, as it stands . Further, post-independence Sri Lanka also cannot be tarred with the same brush as there is still space within the public domain to express public displeasure through the power of the vote and the recent events are certainly not a testament  to some inherent Sri Lankan  inability to govern.  It however shows  that public apathy and silence on vital issues of governance and  communal harmony , if continues to prevail in this country,  may lead to a minority rule as oppressive and inconsiderate of the welfare of citizens as the  ignominious Tiger rule which we witnessed in  some parts of Sri Lanka  before May 2009. Zimbabwe may showcase our future, if we do  not learn lessons and break the timid-ness, silence and naivety to speak up for our constitutional rights , social justice dues  and to uphold the rule of law.  Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims , should not be embroiled eternally  in a heated futile  debate as to who came first , who came next  OR who is the guest and who is the host ,  without fighting for the common cause to establish rule of law and fight for social justice , based on the fundamental rights under the Constitution and the political, civil, social and cultural rights entitled under the UDHR.  This is certainly a class based struggle and not a race based struggle. Failure to do so  is akin to writing ourselves  a “how-to” manual for national destruction. In this regard, the Zimbabwe case therefore offers some important insights. It illustrates the prime importance of accountability as an antidote to idiocy and excess. It highlights the lasting effects of  the reluctance by people to criticize their own leaders and also offers a stark warning about what can happen when political elites operate with no fear of being taken to task.
The Nobel Prize-winning economist Amartya Sen has famously argued that no functioning democracy has ever suffered a famine, because democratic governments “have to win elections and face public criticism, and have strong incentive to undertake measures to avert famines and other catastrophes.”.   If  Sri Lanka is to move forward as a common front, , the people should hold the government which they elected through their ballot to account ,  and should be alert to ensure that the regime is and will be reflective of the aspirations of its’ people, and attuned to feel their pulse to live in a multi ethnic and a multi lingual Sri Lanka ,free from the drum beats of the racist goons and free from the widening inequality and the polarization between rich and poor.  Euphoria about the ‘ victory’ over Tigers should stop  as it has already  been used by Sinhala Buddhist extremist elements as a victory over the Tamils, thereby eating into the psychology of the Tamil community.  Side shows of hate speeches  against the Muslims  have been clearly further marginalizing the Muslims  and adversely affecting the cordial  relations stretching to many centuries . It is imperative that all communities alike get together for a common cause – to build a Sri Lanka where the rule of law rules and communal amity is restored and social justice is meted out to everyone who have made now this Isle  their home  and are citizens irrespective of who came first and who followed.
As a nation, we should not protest simply to vent to our anger and alienation. We have to take action to change the society, of course in a non- violent manner. Whether they are merely sit-ins, candle lit vigils, demonstrations , or even mass marches , they should be grounded in political reality that serve as  means of winning actual changes. We must understand that the injustices we are suppose to oppose are deeper and more complex than just some bad people with racist ideas or corrupt officials plundering public wealth or characters like Duminda Silva or Mervyn Silva giving credence to the fact :Might is Right. Beneath the surface of  lawlessness or social injustice ,lies a “Brown Sahib power-structure” of wealthy individuals, powerful corporates, and influential politicians who derive significant economic and political benefits from systemic racism, communalism , majoritarianism and feudalism and therefore they use  their power to establish, extend, and maintain the widening gap between the haves and the have-nots. If we need to change that system, we had to understand what political power is, where it comes from, how it is generated, and how it can be used to change society. JRJCBK , RP or MR were once part of the movement to change this system in one way or another. But once they were part of it, they get assimilated and go around the vicious circle. As Albert Einstein said “We can’t solve problems by using the same kind of thinking we used when we created them.”.
When we look at political power in the abstract, we see three sources, or kinds, of political power namelyViolence-power,( In a democracy, government is the primary holder and wielder of violence-power), Money-power (The primary holders and wielders of money-power are wealthy individuals, large corporates, and in some contexts government itself), and People-power ,which is the power to organize protests that affect public opinion and change the cultural context and to elect or recall politicians among others. .( Bruce Hartford, 2008).   In a democracy, the primary wielders of people-power are membership organizations, mass movements, and unorganized individuals acting in concert. People-power is the only real power that those of us who are neither rich nor at the top of government have. Both wealth and government do everything they can to maintain their power by making us feel helpless and confused. One way is by telling us that in a democracy it is only through elections that we the people wield power. True, people-power can be exercised through elections , but only when there are organizations and movements that educate and mobilize people around their interests OUTSIDE of the electoral process. However, in SL in the absence of a viable opposition, the civic society/ Media should take charge. To be politically effective using people-power, we have to build mass popular support. In our society, building popular support based on violence won’t work,  as the state is well-organized and over-equipped for suppressing violence and further people too fear and oppose violence. Thus, in our society today ,social change through violence does not work. It is therefore important to mobilise  people-power to create social change, only through non- violent means.
In this context, when communal issues come in- between to mar our common goals , it will benefit those who are in power by dividing the opposing ranks.  Community leaders should therefore form a body and discuss these parochial issues of communal issues  frankly and freely, thereby not allowing spilling over of such issues to the streets. Civil leadership and a vibrant Media should guide public opinion to divert attention towards common causes rather than divisive communal causes .Fighting for a society where rule of law and social justice rules roost is certainly not a cause limited to one community ; rather it is a common cause where all , irrespective of racial and religious differences can unite  and work towards.  The role of an effective unbiased Media is also a must in helping people to heal the wounds of War ,to raise a future generation free from racial bias  and also create a common consensus in effective ways of dealing with national issues in a civilized and  fair-minded manner .
In building a common movement for this purpose, it  is also pertinent and important to get the  full commitment of the Sinhala Buddhist community  who are numerically in the majority. It is therefore a fact that  unless the fears and concerns of the Sinhala Buddhist people are not addressed and sorted out,, in the same manner the concerns of the ‘other; are addressed,  it will be an utopian dream to achieve sustainable peace and development in Sri Lanka. It will be a national priority , however they may seem misplaced by other communities. Sociologists observe that the Sinhalese entertain the constant fear that as a nation they would be wiped out from the face of the earth in the not too distant future , seeing  themselves as one of the smallest and weakest communities in the world . They view their religion threatened by Christianization and Islamization ,also experiencing hostility from Tamil Nadu with a population of 60 million. They also think that their language will in the future go into extinction . Besides this, they also feel that their community has been  numerically going down progressively due to family planning by taking the government policy too seriously and they are morally going down with lack of patriotism owing to pre-occupation with selfishness, with immorality, crime and corruption. It should also be appreciated that psychologically Sinhala Buddhists go back to the times after 1815 A.D. when the Sinhalese Buddhists were the underdogs, when they felt losing national pride and self-esteem. Naturally,  they refer to their “Sinhala Buddhist-ness “, when minorities refer to themselves as ‘Tamils”, “Muslims”, “Christians” etc. This is what Nera Wickramasinghe, an author in history (2006) refers to as the ‘minority’ complex of the majority Sinhalese. They therefore perceive that it is a cry in desperation for self-preservation than intended to hurt the minorities or deprive them of their equality of status as citizens. It is therefore important that a line is drawn between the extremist and at times violent slogans of the ultra-nationalist BBS/SR and the genuine fears and concerns of the Sinhala Buddhist people ,which are abused by the former elements to serve their selfish agendas. It is imperative that those who want to create a united and a prosperous Sri Lanka for their future progeny to promote mutual understanding between communities under a common Sri Lankan identity.
It has also to be realized by all people irrespective of which community one belongs to , that they suffer not due to communal strife per se but from inequalities, mis-governance, corruption, social injustice, politicization of the vital government institutions and the breakdown of law and order. The sooner we understand the underlying causes, the better.

Four years on, genocide continues off the battlefield

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On the anniversary of the 26-year civil war, the Sri Lankan state celebrates its 2009 victory while Tamils mark the bloody nadir of the campaign to systematically dismantle the Tamil nation - one which continues today.

In May 2009 as the armed conflict between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the government of Sri Lanka came to a harrowing end, Sri Lanka’s genocidal offensive against the Tamil population of the North-East reached a peak. Four years on, as the Tamil nation – scattered worldwide through decades of oppression and armed conflict – remembers the massacre that took place, the prospect of a stable and secure future remains bleak. Sri Lanka has long proven itself both incapable and unwilling to deliver accountability and justice to the Tamil people, yet the international community too has failed to instigate a credible process towards it. But most of all, the systematic destruction of the Tamil identity continues, unchecked.  
It is increasingly evident that the mantra of granting Sri Lanka time, space, economic support and international engagement is not leading to a process of accountability, reconciliation or peace for the Tamils. Torture, disappearance, rape and murder prevail; the economic and political fabric of Tamil society is repressed. What the Sri Lankan government celebrated as the defeat of one of the world’s largest ‘terrorist’ organisations has not brought security to the Tamil nation.
The true extent of the destruction that took place in 2009 remains unknown. UN estimates of the numbers of Tamil civilians killed range from 40,000 to over70,000 (notwithstanding the 146,679 unaccounted for). A panel of UN experts,citing ‘credible allegations’ of war crimes and crimes against humanity on both sides, concluded that the vast majority of Tamil deaths were caused by government shelling. The panel accused government forces of ordering Tamil civilians into designated ‘no-fire zones’ only to shell the areas with heavy artillery, as well as intentionally targeting hospitals. Those Tamils who survived found themselves pressed into government territory and detained in militarised camps for months afterwards. UN experts stated they were deliberately and systematically deprived of humanitarian aid, food and sanitation in these camps through the government’s intentional deflation of numbers.
Beyond the constraints of the outdated Genocide Convention and the burden of proof of ‘genocidal intent’, to Tamils, there is no doubt that the terror unleashed upon them was genocide. The Tamil use of the term is not hyperbole; it is instead a bold stand of the Tamil nation not to shy away from expressing its self-understanding of its own lived experiences. Crucially, only the term genocide encapsulates the sociological and political treatment of the Tamil nation by the Sri Lankan state over the past 60 years. 

Continuum of genocide

History makes clear that atrocities on this scale do not occur in isolation. The massacre of Tamils in 2009 came as the predictable zenith of 60 years of escalating oppression and persecution of the Tamil nation by successive governments. Previous measures such as the Citizenship Act, Sinhala Only Act, standardisation in education and the new republican constitution of 1978 were calculated to undermine the Tamil nation’s place in the island and consolidate Sinhala-Buddhist hegemony. Open attacks on the nation were unleashed - the crucible of Tamil history and literature as the Jaffna library was burnt, peaceful Tamil protests were violently crushed and thousands of Tamils were murdered in state sponsored pogroms. It was from this backdrop that the Tamil call for independence in 1976 and armed Tamil resistance advocating secession emerged.
Equally, the mass slaughtering of tens of thousands of Tamil civilians by the ethnically pure Sinhala military in 2009, could not have taken place without the collusion of the Sinhala majority: the competitive chauvinism of the Sinhala polity, active endorsement by large swathes of the media, complicity of the judiciary and the silent apathy of wider Sinhala society.
Whilst the absence of armed conflict has halted overt slaughter, the Sri Lankan state has escalated the dismantling of the Tamil identity in the North-East, deconstructing the very basis of the Tamil assertion of nationhood, homeland and the right to self-determination. Through the appropriation of privately owned Tamil land using dubious ‘legal’ measures and wholesale militarised seizure, the state-sponsored resettlement of Sinhala families and the establishment of militarised ‘high security zones’, the ethnic demography of the North-East is effectively being re-engineered. Sinhala resettlement was later used as justification for a string of other measures including changing place names from Tamil to Sinhalese and erecting Buddhist stupas while Tamil places of worship such as temples and churches remain destroyed.
It is not chance that the recent accelerated land grabs come as the government, succumbing to international pressure, announced a provincial council election in the North. Though the elections serve no purpose - the provincial council system cannot provide any solutions to the immediate problems of the Tamil people nor form a basis through which a political solution can be explored - the government is actively working to ensure that the Tamil nation is denied control of even a vacuous body like the Provincial Council. The government’s introduction of a carefully vetted pool of ‘rehabilitated’ Tamil electoral candidates, its active endorsement of paramilitary parties and increasing attacks against members of the Tamil nationalist polity and press, strikes at the very heart of Tamil political power – forcibly dissipating its voter base and installing fear within the electorate.
Alongside the dismantling of Tamil society and polity, the deliberate suppression of the North-East economy ensures that the character of the Tamil people as a nation, with a sustainable homeland, is meticulously erased. Sri Lanka’s rhetoric of ‘development’ belies the state-sponsored transfer of farming lands to Sinhala farmers, curtailment of Tamil fishing opportunities and the military’s encroachment on an array of employment sectors including transportation, housing development and tourism.

Need for accountability

Crimes of this magnitude necessitate accountability and justice. Since 2009, the Tamil calls for an independent, international investigation, as the only means to this end, have been unanimous and unwavering. From Tamil political representatives such as the Tamil National Alliance and the Tamil National People’s Front, to Tamil civil society groups in the North-East and the diaspora, there is a resounding consensus: Sri Lanka must not be left to investigate itself. In over 60 years there has been no historic precedent of Sri Lanka delivering justice to Tamils for crimes committed by the state or its stooges. Emboldened by this endemic impunity, it has instead habitually stalled, producing a litany of failed reconciliation initiatives and rejecting external suggestions of improvement. Against a backdrop of intimidation, white-van abductions, and assassinations, it routinely silences anyone attempting to unearth the truth.
From the outset, Sri Lanka responded to credible allegations of war crimes and crimes against humanity with outlandish assertions: ‘zero-civilian casualties’ and a ‘humanitarian rescue operation’. Its rejection of international calls to investigate both sides was followed by histrionic accusations of neo-colonialists and terrorist proxies levelled against advocates of an international investigation. Sri Lanka’s eventual response to pressure, the internal Lessons Learnt Reconciliation Commission (LLRC), in line with its predecessors, resolutely fails to credibly address accountability or justice. From its stated objectives (including to “clear the good name of the army”) and formation, to the context of militarisation and intimidation in which it took place, the LLRC has proved the opposite of a credible, independent inquiry.
That it was appointed by the President to investigate crimes that he, as Commander in Chief of the Sri Lankan Armed Forces and his brother as Defence Secretary, were primarily implicated in, underscores its inconsequence. Crucially, this lack of will reverberates outside the ruling government, into the wider Sinhala polity and Sri Lanka’s influential Buddhist clergy, as well as the judiciary and press. Given this, the international community’s continued calls for Sri Lanka to investigate itself reveal a dismaying lack of commitment to deliver justice to Tamils.
In the context of an ethnic conflict, a collective sense of closure is vital for any prospect of reconciliation and lasting stability to resolve deep-rooted feelings of anger, resentment and mistrust. In the case of Sri Lanka, closure could not be further away. Four years on, Tamils continue to find themselves at the mercy of those who celebrate the pinnacle of their torment as a ‘victory’, and are actively destroying the very fabric of the Tamil identity. Anything short of an international inquiry – be it 'truth and reconciliation' commissions or political settlements in exchange for blanket amnesties – will not only continue to grant impunity and embolden an already brutal regime, but will fuel simmering resentment, and pave the way for yet more intractable conflict on the island. The suggestion that Tamils must trust in the future good will and reformed ways of today’s perpetrators and their assenters – who, as numerical superiors within a unitary state, will always remain democratically unchallengeable – is repulsive.
On a global level, the international community's abysmal failure to uphold its own much-touted adage of 'never again' in 2009, has already inspired the macabre propagation of the 'Sri Lankan model of counter-terrorism’. The continued failure to deliver justice for crimes such as genocide will inspire tomorrow's perpetrators worldwide.  

Enduring contradiction

The marking of May 18th embodies the enduring contradiction at the crux of the island’s ethnic conflict. Amidst heavy restrictions on Tamils in the North-East to exercise their right to memory, the Tamil nation comes together to remember the nadir of the genocide it has faced and that which it continues to face; the Sri Lankan state meanwhile marks its greatest victory. The images of death and suffering that form the collective Tamil memory of 2009 are irreconcilable with the images of triumphant soldiers parading their ‘success’ and a jubilant Sinhala nation waving the Sri Lankan flag.
Images of Tamil suffering and the expression of collective agony, though not in itself celebrated, have failed to provoke the collective conscience of the Sinhala nation. When Tamils took to the streets in their hundreds of thousands, to protest day and night against events unfolding, the Sinhala nation applauded the military’s progress. What the Tamil nation mourned as the crushing of resistance against oppression was embraced by the Sinhala nation as the restoration of the natural state of Sinhala Buddhist rule across the entirety of the island.
Four years on, the contrast is no less profound. Running directly counter to Sri Lanka’s determination to reject an international inquiry, is the Tamil campaign for it. As rallies that took place this May 18th and Tamil attempts at legal action against travelling Sri Lankan military officials reveal, the passing of time has only strengthened the Tamil demand for accountability and justice. Assertions that the quest for justice is being pursued only by the ‘disconnected and radicalised’ diaspora, whilst the Tamils in the North-East only desire ‘development’, are evidently false. Instead, as recent prosecutions of aging Nazi criminals illustrate, the gnawing ache of injustice felt by those who faced persecution does not diminish with time. It cannot be reconciled with truth alone, and it will not be pacified by economic prosperity. Rather, only everyday security and normalcy can form the foundation on which the quest for justice can be launched. As the Tamil nation takes stock this May 18th, acutely mindful of the on-going structural genocide, the need for justice and accountability is reinforced - and so too the Tamil nation’s resolve to pursue it.