Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Tuesday, May 21, 2013


US Department Of State: The International Religious Freedom Report On Sri Lanka

May 21, 2013 
Colombo TelegraphThe U.S. Department of State’s International Religious Freedom Report describes the status of religious freedom, government policies violating religious belief and practices of groups, religious denominations and individuals, and U.S. policies promoting religious freedom. The reports, prepared by the U.S. Department of State, are submitted in compliance with the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998. Secretary of State John Kerry released the 2012 International Religious Freedom Report at 11:30 a.m. EDT on Monday, May 20, 2013, at the U.S. Department of State.
We publish below the International Religious Freedom Report on Sri Lanka;
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The constitution and other laws and policies protect religious freedom and, in practice, the government generally respected religious freedom. The trend in the government’s respect for religious freedom did not change significantly during the year. In certain instances, local authorities failed to respond effectively to communal attacks, including attacks on members of minority religious groups.
U.S. Department of State - Great Seal
Sri Lanka
Secretary of State John Kerry
There were reports of societal abuses and discrimination based on religious affiliation, belief, or practice. Sporadic violent attacks on Christian churches by Buddhists and some societal tension due to ongoing allegations of forced or “unethical” conversions (i.e., the use of bribes to persuade people to convert) continued, although the number and scale of attacks were reportedly fewer than in recent years. Intolerance of, and discrimination against, Muslims by some Buddhists increased during the year.
U.S. embassy officials conveyed U.S. government concerns about religious freedom, particularly attacks on churches, to government leaders and urged them to arrest and prosecute the perpetrators. The ambassador and other embassy officials also met regularly with representatives of all religious groups to review a wide range of human rights, ethnic, and religious freedom concerns. During meetings with religious group leaders, senior U.S. officials discussed religious freedom, including reconciliation efforts and harassment of minority groups. The U.S. embassy supported interfaith efforts to promote a peaceful resolution of the underlying causes of conflict, and the embassy undertook a number of projects promoting interfaith dialogue and cooperative engagement.
SECTION I. RELIGIOUS DEMOGRAPHY
According to a U.S. government estimate, the population is 21.5 million. Approximately 70 percent is Buddhist, 15 percent Hindu, 8 percent Christian, and 7 percent Muslim. Christians tend to be concentrated in the west, Muslims populate the east, and the north is predominantly Hindu.
Most members of the majority Sinhalese community are Theravada Buddhists. Most Tamils, the largest ethnic minority, are Hindus. Most Muslims are Sunnis; there is a small minority of Shia, including members of the Bohra community. Almost 80 percent of Christians are Roman Catholic; other Christian groups include Anglicans, Seventh-day Adventists, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Methodists, Baptists, Pentecostals, members of the Dutch Reformed Church, and The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons). Although membership remains small, Evangelical Christian groups have grown in recent years.
SECTION II. STATUS OF GOVERNMENT RESPECT FOR RELIGIOUS FREEDOM
Legal/Policy Framework
The constitution and other laws and policies protect religious freedom. According to the constitution, every person is “entitled to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion, including the freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice.” The constitution gives a citizen “the right either by himself or in association with others, and either in public or in private, to manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice, or teaching.” The constitution accords Buddhism the “foremost place” and commits the government to protecting it, but does not recognize it as the state religion.
The Ministry of Buddha Sasana and Religious Affairs has four departments working specifically with Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, and Christian groups. By law, each department is mandated to formulate and implement programs to inculcate religious values and promote a “virtuous society.”
Religious groups are not required to register with the government. To conduct financial transactions and open bank accounts, however, they must be incorporated under the Societies Ordinance, under the Trust Ordinance, or by an act of parliament under the Companies Act. Until the 1960s, most churches were either Catholic or Anglican, and were incorporated by acts of parliament. Beginning in the 1970s, as new Christian groups emerged, the government more commonly registered churches under the Companies Act. Registration under the Societies or Trust Ordinances, while providing some financial benefits, limits a church’s ability to conduct certain financial transactions.
Matters related to family law, including divorce, child custody, and inheritance, are adjudicated according to the customary law of the applicable ethnic or religious group. In order to solemnize marriages, religious groups must register with the Ministry of Buddha Sasana and Religious Affairs.
Religion is a mandatory subject in the public school curriculum. Parents may choose for their children to study Buddhism, Islam, Hinduism, or Christianity. Students belonging to other religious groups may pursue religious instruction outside the public school system. All schools follow the Department of Education curricula on the subject, which is compulsory for the General Certificate Education Ordinary/Level exams. International schools following the London Ordinary/Level syllabus may opt not to teach religious studies in schools.
The government observes the following religious holidays as national holidays: Buddhist Poya days (each full moon day is a Poya Day); Hindu Thai Pongal, New Year, and Deepawali festivals; Islamic Hadji and Ramadan observances, and the Birth of Prophet Muhammad; and Christian Good Friday and Christmas.
Government Practices
There were reports of abuses of religious freedom. Although the government publicly endorsed religious freedom, in practice there were problems in some areas. Authorities were reluctant to investigate or prosecute those responsible for attacks on churches, Hindu temples, or mosques.
While efforts to pass anti-conversion legislation reportedly declined, some Christian groups occasionally complained that the government tacitly condoned harassment and violence aimed at them. Police generally provided protection for these groups at their request. In some cases, the police response was inadequate and local police officials reportedly were reluctant to take legal action against individuals involved in the attacks.
Some Christian groups, in particular newer denominations, reported an increase in complications obtaining local permission to construct church buildings.
Evangelical groups reported it was increasingly difficult to register new churches or to reregister under the Companies Act. Several smaller congregations were denied permission to register with the Ministry of Buddha Sasana and Religious Affairs as churches during the year, reportedly because they were not members of the National Christian Council (NCC). This prevented them from obtaining authority to solemnize marriages. The National Christian Council, an umbrella organization representing “traditional” Protestant churches, coordinated often with the National Christian Evangelical Alliance of Sri Lanka (NCEASL), which represented the newer denomination churches. The government reportedly used membership in the NCC as an administrative obstacle to newer denominations. Local authorities sometimes did not want these groups operating in their districts due to allegations of so-called “unethical” conversions and pressure by local Buddhist groups.
Some evangelical Christian groups reported incidents of governmental discrimination in the provision of services. Advanced-level public schools required all students to take a course in religion. Some government schools with small numbers of Christian students told their parents there were no teachers available to teach Christian-based religion classes, and therefore their children would be required to attend Buddhist religion classes instead. There were also reports of government schools refusing to enroll Christians on the basis of their religion.
The government continued to limit the issuance of temporary work permits for foreign religious workers and clergy. Work permits for foreign clergy were issued for one year, rather than five years as in the past, but could be extended.
Religious tensions continued in the north following the conclusion of a 27-year conflict between the Buddhist-majority government and the Hindu-majority Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Government troops continued to build Buddhist shrines in Tamil areas of the north. Some Tamil groups alleged this demonstrated government-sponsored Sinhalese colonization of former LTTE-held areas. The number of Buddhist statues, viharas, and stupas in the northern districts of Jaffna and Kilinochi increased during the year.
In November the Sri Lankan Army warned Tamils against celebrating Kaarthigai Deepam, a Hindu festival of lights. The festival coincidentally fell on the same day as “Heroes Day,” which commemorated fallen LTTE fighters. The military reportedly attempted to curb participation in the northern districts of Jaffna and the Vanni, instructing temples and the public not to light lamps and not to toll bells.
The Department of Buddhist Religious Affairs provided financial assistance to maintain temples in remote areas and conducted religious school tests and teacher training examinations. It also assisted in the conduct of Buddhist ceremonies at national events. The Department of Christian Religious Affairs developed infrastructure facilities at places of worship and provided financial assistance to churches in need. It also conducted evaluations of teachers providing instruction on Christianity.
The Department of Hindu Religious Affairs gave financial assistance to reconstruct temples destroyed during the conflict in the north and east, developed Hindu Aranery Schools (religious-based primary schools), and conducted seminars and workshops for teachers of Hinduism. The Department of Muslim Religious Affairs organized Muslim religious events, contributed towards development needs of Islamic institutions, and issued identity cards for Islamic clergy. It also issued letters of recommendation for students pursuing Islamic studies in foreign countries.
Government Inaction
On June 11, a nongovernmental organization (NGO) reported that a 14-year-old Catholic student attending a Buddhist school was beaten by his teacher, a Buddhist monk, in Kandy district. During a Buddhism class, the boy (the only non-Buddhist in the class) was called upon and questioned on Buddhist history by the monk. In response to the boy’s lack of knowledge of Buddhism, the monk reportedly struck the boy. The boy was subsequently hospitalized for four days. The father filed a complaint with the police, but authorities had not begun an investigation by year’s end.
SECTION III. STATUS OF SOCIETAL RESPECT FOR RELIGIOUS FREEDOM
There were reports of societal abuses and discrimination based on religious affiliation, belief, or practice. Although discrimination based on religious differences was much less common than discrimination based on ethnicity, societal discrimination based on religious belief increased during the year. In general, members of different religious groups tended to be tolerant of each other’s religious beliefs, although there was at times an atmosphere of distrust. Incidents such as the destruction of places of worship by Buddhist monks exacerbated such tensions.
A survey by the Asia Foundation, an international NGO working in the country, found that religious tension continued to be a problem among Muslim, Tamil, Christian, and Buddhist groups. Sixty-four percent of those surveyed believed that attempts to convert people from one religion to another should not be tolerated, a perception that was relatively consistent across all religious groups. The survey also found that religious minorities considered themselves free to express religious opinions in their local areas; however, higher percentages of Muslims and Hindus did not feel free to express religious opinions in public.
Christians, particularly those from evangelical denominations, sometimes encountered harassment and physical attacks on property and places of worship by local Buddhists who were opposed to conversion and believed Christian groups threatened them. The number and severity of the attacks reportedly diminished somewhat during the year. The NCEASL reported attacks on Christian churches, organizations, religious leaders, and congregants; many of the attacks were reported to the police. Credible sources confirmed some of these attacks.
On December 9, in the southern town of Weeraketiya (Hambanthota District), a mob of approximately 350 persons led by up to 80 Buddhist monks stormed and attacked a church during services. The mob caused serious damage to furniture and equipment within the building, as well as to vehicles belonging to church members. The attackers injured the pastor and reportedly assaulted two police officers when they attempted to stop the violence. Authorities deployed additional police and soldiers to control the mob; however the police made no arrests.
One day prior to the Weeraketiya violence, a group of Buddhist monks and laypersons had visited the church and informed the pastor that he could not conduct Christian worship in the town without permission from the Buddhist clergy. The monks issued an ultimatum to the pastor to stop the church services, and threatened to destroy the church.
Buddhist monks were under the protection of the ruling coalition government. Some monks, particularly outside the capital of Colombo, operated with impunity in trying to eliminate Christian and Muslim places of worship. At least 50 incidents of violence against Christians were recorded by Christian groups during the year. On August 9, for example, a mob attacked the pastor of an Assembly of God church, as well as his wife and a female worker of the Methodist church in Deniyaya.
On August 19, independent media reported that Buddhist monks forcibly occupied the premises of a Seventh-day Adventist church and converted it into a Buddhist temple in Deniyaya town in Southern Province’s Matara District. On August 27, a mob of approximately 100 people assaulted two church leaders outside the Deniyaya police station for reporting the incident to the police. The case was under investigation at year’s end.
NGOs reported several incidents of discrimination against Muslims. On April 20, Buddhist monks attacked a Dambulla mosque during Friday prayers, claiming the mosque (built in 1962) was an illegal structure built on sacred Buddhist land. Reportedly, the government ordered the removal of the mosque.
On May 25, around 250 Buddhist monks gathered at a mosque in Dehiwala and began throwing stones and rotten meat over the gate. The protestors demanded the closure of the mosque, claiming it performed regular animal sacrifices, an accusation the mosque denied. The mayor of Dehiwala called for an inspection, and reported he found the mosque to be an illegal construction.
In July during Ramadan, Buddhist monks forcibly entered a mosque in Kurunagala and demanded it be shut down. Members of the mosque filed a complaint at the Welawa police station, and subsequently the police ordered the mosque to be shut down.
SECTION IV. U.S. GOVERNMENT POLICY
U.S. embassy officials conveyed U.S. government concerns about religious freedom, particularly attacks on churches and mosques, to government leaders and urged them to arrest and prosecute the perpetrators. The ambassador and other embassy officials also met frequently with representatives of all the country’s religious groups to discuss a wide range of human rights, ethnic, and religious freedom concerns. Embassy officials met with displaced Muslims and other citizens in the Puttalam area multiple times during the year to discuss ongoing efforts to return these displaced persons to their areas of origin or resettle them in host communities. The U.S. government strongly supported political reconciliation, and the embassy encouraged interfaith efforts by religious leaders to promote a peaceful resolution to the underlying causes of the conflict.
The embassy undertook several projects to promote interfaith dialogue and cooperative engagement, including interfaith panel discussions, workshops, and other events. These events involved key regional religious leaders and reached several thousand participants. The ambassador met with religious leaders to discuss efforts for further development in the war-affected north and east. The ambassador and other embassy officials also regularly participated in religious conferences, ceremonies, and other events promoting religious freedom around the country.

Push for hard line on Sri Lanka



The delegation of between 6-12 Labor MPs petitioned Senator Carr after last Tuesday's caucus meeting.
A spokesman for Senator Carr confirmed the approach.
The group urged a tougher line on Sri Lanka, amid concerns Canberra's diplomacy towards Colombo is being influenced by the need for Sri Lanka's cooperation in cracking down on the asylum trade.
The decision to allow Colombo to host the November Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting has drawn outrage from human rights groups and the Tamil community, who accuse the Sri Lankan government of committing war crimes in 2009 in the final phases of the civil war with terror group the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam.
A UN report into the war found there "credible allegations" Sri Lanka committed human right
Other countries, such as Canada, have been strident in their criticism of the government of Mahinda Rajapaksa, which has been accused of stifling dissent and consolidating power within the ruling family.
Canada has threatened to boycott the November summit unless progress is made in investigating alleged human rights abuses.
Senator Carr told the delegation that the issue of human rights abuses in Sri Lanka was best addressed through cooperation and dialogue.
"Which is fine, but that's not what we said with the Fijians when they had their coup," one MP said. "A lot of Labor MPs are very concerned about this."
Last year saw a surge in asylum boats leaving from Sri Lanka. Australian intelligence reports have linked senior members of the Rajapaksa government to the smuggling trade and there is a view in government that Colombo could turn the tap on at any time, hence Australia's accommodating stance on CHOGM.
The Sri Lankan government has denied any connection to the smuggling trade.
Other Labor MPs played down any suggestion Australia's relationship with Sri Lanka was being overly influenced by the boats issue. "This is not an issue that's resonating in the caucus or the community," an MP said.



ZeenewsColombo: Sri Lanka on Monday said it will apprise Canada of the progress in the human rights situation on the island in view of the upcoming Commonwealth summit in Colombo which Ottawa has threatened to boycott.

"We have been presented with the chance to go to Canada to inform them of the progress made," Prathiba Mahanamahewa, Chairman of Sri Lanka's Human Rights Council said today.

He said that he would tell the Canadian government of the progress in the national human rights action plan.
Canada, a leading Commonwealth member nation, has been a major critic of Sri Lanka's human rights accountability in the post-conflict phase since the military defeat of the LTTE in 2009.

Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper has hinted that he may not attend the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Colombo in November unless Sri Lanka shows progress in its human rights accountability.

However, Britain and Australia along with New Zealand have confirmed participation at the Colombo summit.
Australia said despite rights concerns Sri Lanka ought not to be subject to isolation while Britain said the Commonwealth's importance as a major international forum had made them decide in favour of attending. 

International rights groups have expressed disappointment over Sri Lanka's lack of progress on human rights and urged a change of venue for the summit. 

PTI 

Implement tax com. recommendations: 

Govt revenue could increase to  20% of GDP from current 13%

*IMF calls for second round of reforms to boost govt. revenue amidst limitations of expenditure cuts
* 2013 budget not very encouraging for revenue as per IMF estimates

 

article_image
Full implantation of recommendations of the Presidential Taxation Commission could see government revenue at 13 percent of GDP in 2012, increase over the next few years to 20 percent of GDP, a senior economist and member of the commission said, as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) calls on Sri Lanka to go for a second round of tax reforms to halt declining revenue.

Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) Executive Director Dr. Saman Kelegama said the commission’s recommendations were partially implemented by the government.

"There are many more (recommendations) to be implemented and they have to be done soon if the revenue levels are to be enhanced close to 20 percent of GDP," Dr. Kelegama, who was a member of the commission, told a recent forum in Colombo.

The current Chairman of the IPS Prof. W. D. Lakshman headed the Presidential Taxation Commission, which included Sarath Jayatilleke, Rajan Asirwatham, Nihal Fonseka, B. R. L. Fernando, Samantha Kumarasinghe, R. P. L. Weerasinghe and K. J. Weerasinghe and Dr. Kelegama.

In 2012, revenue declined to 13 percent of GDP from 14.3 percent of GDP in 2011, mainly due to tax revenue declining from 12.4 percent of GDP in 2011 to 11.1 percent in 2012.

Revenue from VAT declined by 0.8 percent of GDP in 2012 compared to 2011 (3.5 percent to 2.7 percent of GDP), mainly due to many exemptions or zero ratings.

Income tax declined from 2.4 percent GDP in 2011 to 2.3 percent of GDP in 2012 due to rate adjustments not being matched by broadening the tax base in 2012.

The ratio for direct:indirect taxation in Sri Lanka was close to 20:80.

"As long as the revenue from direct taxation remains low, this ratio will prevail and this in turn means that the bulk of the burden of indirect taxation will be felt by the poor people," Dr. Kelegama said. He said the ideal was a ratio of 40:60.

"At a time when public debt per GDP is 79 percent and Sri Lanka is depending on a debt roll over strategy for settling maturing debt and a time when infrastructure development is taking place rapidly it is all the more important to enhance domestic resource mobilization, especially by enhancing revenue," he said.

The Presidential Taxation Commission (PTC) was appointed and its recommendations were submitted to president Mahinda Rajapaksa in October 2010.

A recent IMF country report of the IMF highlights concerns of falling government revenue.

"Tax revenues as a share of GDP have been falling almost continuously since the mid-1980s, leaving Sri Lanka with one of the lowest revenue-to-GDP ratios in the region. As a consequence, deficit reduction has relied on expenditure compression, although this strategy is approaching its limits, as evidenced in 2012 when the deficit exceeded its target despite expenditure cuts and arrears," the IMF said.

"The main challenges are to broaden the revenue base and improve administration in a second phase of reforms. In particular, the VAT should be extended fully to the wholesale and retail sectors, and its refund management system reformed. Equally important is to reduce and revise tax holidays and exemptions, which have undermined revenues but failed to enhance FDI," it said.

A high-quality fiscal consolidation that makes space for increased spending on infrastructure while safeguarding critical social expenditures—to support inclusive robust growth and further gains in equality and poverty reduction—will require reversing the decline in tax revenues, the report said.

"The 2013 budget contained several welcome measures, including the extension of VAT to large retailers and regime simplification. However, these measures are estimated to yield only about half a percent of GDP in new revenue, significantly short of the budget’s target. New exemptions were introduced, and profit taxes could underperform with moderate growth. Moreover, revenue efficiency is below comparator countries, particularly for VAT. Broadening the VAT base and increasing its efficiency could raise an additional 2 percentage points of GDP in revenue above the baseline scenario," the IMF report said.

Sunila has given to the world, now it’s time to give to her!

El  texto en Espanol sigue a continuacion del Ingles-

Tuesday, May 21, 2013

We are writing to ask you to join a solidarity effort for our dear friend Sunila Abeysekera, a leading women’s human rights defender, who is in a life struggle with cancer.
YouCaring.com - Free Online FundraisingSunila has been a lifelong feminist and human rights activist in Sri Lanka and South Asia, and a major player in the global women’s movement (see bio below). She is currently based at the Institute for Social Studies in The Netherlands as the recipient of a Scholars At Risk fellowship. These fellowships are awarded to individuals who face potential violence in their own country as a result of their human rights work.
Sunila has lived a courageous life on the forefront of many social movements, fighting relentlessly for justice and human rights—for women and on behalf of all those who experience identity-based discrimination, persecution and marginalization.  She has nurtured and supported countless women and men of all ages the world over, inspiring many-both directly and by example-to challenge abusive authority at the local, national and international levels.
Sunila was diagnosed with late stage cancer in the Netherlands in November 2012 and has been receiving treatment there.  At this point she is weighing options about where to receive treatment—likely in South Asia. She faces the prospect of significant-and possibly protracted-uncovered medical, travel and living costs in this fight for her life. What Sunila is facing now is the lot of many other activists—whose lives fighting for social justice often precludes their ability to focus on their own well-being and financial security.

We are reaching out to Sunila’s beloved community of friends and colleagues around the world to ensure that cost is not an obstacle preventing her from getting the best care possible. It is difficult to know exactly how much will be needed, but we are seeking to raise US $25,000 this month to ensure she does not have to worry about the expenses. She has given to the world, now it’s time to give to her.
Please donate on this site!
Kamla Bhasin, Charlotte Bunch, Roxanna Carrillo, Amrita Chhachhi,
Susanna George, Kumi Samuel

If questions, email SunilaSolidarity@gmail.com
BIOGRAPHY:  Sunila Abeysekera’s unique and highly valued work on feminism and human rights is based on her combination of grounded local involvement in Sri Lanka, significant contributions to struggles in the Asia Pacific region, and international advocacy.
Over the past 40 years, Sunila has been deeply committed to seeking justice and redress for human rights abuses in Sri Lanka as well as globally. Her work places a special emphasis on gender and peace building and has included documenting the impact of conflict on civilians, introducing nonviolent strategies of conflict transformation and challenging impunity to hold perpetrators accountable [http://www.opendemocracy.net/5050/sunila-abeysekera/brutal-manifestation-of-patriarchy]. She also addressed a broad range of other issues, ranging from violence against women to sexual and reproductive rights, including the rights of communities such as sex workers, people living with HIV/AIDS, and lesbian, gay, and transgender people.
Sunila began her work as a Human Rights Defender in the mid 1970s as part of Sri Lanka’s first autonomous human rights organization – the Civil Rights Movement (CRM) – a nonpartisan, interethnic organization set up to protect the rights of young men and women who led the 1971 youth movement. Since the late 1970s, she has been a key member of numerous civil society groups as a feminist leader, an advocate, a resource person and a trainer.
In 1984, Sunila founded the Women and Media Collective in Colombo, through which she played a critical role in shaping feminist thinking in South Asia while at the same time strengthening solidarity and mobilising feminist activism in a wide range of struggles – from women’s rights in the Free-Trade Zone to equal wages for women workers in the tea plantations. She was a founder of Sri Lanka’s Pacific and Asia Women’s Forum and also mobilized in support of the Mothers’ Front to stand against state repression while helping to build Women for Peace to advocate for a political solution to the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka.
As state repression and acts of terror by armed opposition groups increased in Sri Lanka, in 1990 Sunila took over the leadership of INFORM Human Rights Documentation Centre, a leading institution committed to monitoring and documenting human rights violations perpetrated by both state and non-state entities. In the 1990s, she was also the president of the Movement for Interracial Justice and Equality in Sri Lanka, and a member of the Executive Committee of the Movement for Free and Fair Elections. Throughout the protracted conflict in Sri Lanka, Sunila continued to work across deep ethnic divides and to insist on a politically negotiated settlement to the country’s ethnic conflict.
Sunila has brought to her local and national activism an international perspective, making friends and linkages and building solidarities with feminists and struggles across borders – from Peru to Indonesia, from India to the USA, and from Mexico to Nairobi.
In the Asia-Pacific region, she has been closely associated with APWLD (Asia Pacific Forum on Women Law and Development), SANGAT (South Asian Network of Gender Activists and Trainers), Forum Asia (Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development) and served as Executive Director of the International Women’s Rights Action Watch Asia Pacific (IWRAW-AP) from 2008 to 2010.
In the international arena, Sunila played a crucial role in the global feminist campaign that led to the recognition that women’s rights are human rights at the UN World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna in 1993, and at other UN World Conferences in the 1990s and especially the Beijing World Conference on Women in 1995 [http://www.opendemocracy.net/5050/sunila-abeysekera/challenging-ourselves-at-beijing-15].  She engaged in debates around the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court to ensure inclusion of gender perspectives and worked on implementation of the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (on women’s participation in peace negotiations and in post-conflict reconstruction). She was a member of the Global Civil Society Advisory Board to the UN Development Program (UNDP), and is a member of the Women, Peace and Security Expert Group convened by UN Women in South Asia.
In the mid-2000s, Sunila was a key organizer in building the Women Human Rights Defenders International Coalition, an advocacy network that raises the visibility of gender in work for  defenders, creates support for them and documents the  violations they face. She was a member of the coordinating committee of the Feminist Dialogues at various World Social Forums, an initiative that facilitated feminist advocates meeting transnationally.
In 2002, she joined the feminist International Initiative on Justice in Gujarat, India, working with Indian feminists to seek redress for women from Muslim communities, victimized during the Gujarat carnage. She worked with women human rights defenders in many places including the Indian Northeast, Uganda, and Timor Leste.  In the aftermath of the South Asian tsunami, Sunila was intensely involved ensuring that women’s needs were addressed in the humanitarian crisis facing the region. Sunila served on the Board of Urgent Action Fund for Women’s Human Rights from 2005 to 2012 and, until recently, was its Chair.
Sunila’s invaluable contributions as one of South Asia’s preeminent human rights activists have been recognized internationally. In 1998, she received the UN Secretary General’s Award for Human Rights from Kofi Annan. She was honoured by Human Rights Watch, with its Human Rights Defender Award in 2007. She was also nominated in 2005 as one of the One Thousand Women for the Nobel Peace Prizehttp://www.1000peacewomen.org/eng/friedensfrauen_biographien_gefunden.php?WomenID=1049 ]
A single mother, Sunila humorously noted on receiving the UN Human Rights Prize from Kofi Annan that “At last my children will see that what I do is recognized as worthwhile!” Sunila’s unique brand of human rights activism, nationally and internationally, has been paralleled by a creative life in the fields of cinema, theatre, music and literary criticism.
Her work highlighting state and non-state violations during the last years of Sri Lanka’s ethnic war in 2009/2010 compelled Sunila to leave the country again, and she is currently affiliated with the Institute for Social Studies in the Netherlands as a “Scholar at Risk.”

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Te escribo para pedirte que apoyes esta campaña de solidaridad por mi querida amiga y compañera, Sunila Abeysekera, una lider defensora de los derechos humanos, que libra una batalla contra el cancer. Estamos tratando de conseguir US $25,000 dolares este mes para cubrir costos medicos, de viaje y gastos adicionales en esta lucha por su vida.  La situacion que Sunila enfrenta en este momento es similar a la de muchas otras activistas cuya vida de entrega por la justicia social afecta con frecuencia su capacidad para  concentrarse en obtener su propio bienestar y seguridad financiera. Me dirijo a ti porque conozco tu compromiso con las causas que Sunila ha defendido toda su vida. Por favor haz tu donacion  a la siguiente direccion  http://www.youcaring.com/sunila-solidarity 
Sunila es una feminista y activista por los derechos humanos en Sri Lanka y el Asia del Sur, y una figura en el movimiento global de las mujeres (su biodata esta en la pagina web que se indica en el parrafo anterior). Actualmente ella se encuentra en el Instituto de Estudios Sociales en Holanda como recipiente  de la beca Scholars at Risk. Estas becas se otorgan a individuos que corren el riesgo de represion en su propio pais como resultado de su trabajo en defensa de los derechos humanos. Su trabajo ha merecido el reconocimiento de muchas organizaciones, entre ellos el Premio de Derechos Humanos que entrega las Naciones Unidas, distincion que le fue otorgada por Kofi Annan, y en el 2008  el premio que le dio Human Rights Watch  por su trabajo como Defensora de los DDHH.
Sunila ha vivido su vida con un coraje y valor ejemplares, siempre a la vanguardia de los movimientos sociales mas importantes de nuestra epoca — por las mujeres y a nombre de todos aquellos que viven situaciones discriminatorias, de persecucion  o marginacion en base a su identidad. Ella ha acogido y apoyado a innumerables hombres y mujeres de todas las edades alrededor del mundo, inspirando a muchos -directamente o con su ejemplo- sobre como desafiar el abuso de autoridad de todo pelaje tanto a nivel local, national o internacional.
Gracias por tu apoyo!

Serious Doubts On The Inquiries Into The Mass Graves At Matale: Gota The Suspected Perpetrator

May 21, 2013 
Colombo Telegraph“Serious doubts have emerged regarding the future investigations into the mass grave at Matalewhere the remains of 156 persons have been found. In today’s press it was reported that the Judicial Medical Officer in charge of the investigation has been transferred (JMO in charge of Matale mass grave also to be transferred — Sri Lanka Mirror, May 20, 2013). Furthermore, it is also reported that the magistrate conducting the inquiries is also to be transferred,” says the Asian Human Rights Commission.
“There is a widespread fear that the government may sabotage the inquiry, particularly as some of the names of suspected perpetrators include some powerful politicians. Among them the most important is the recurrence of the name of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the President’s brother who is now the Secretary of the Ministry of Defence and who has been mentioned as the Commanding Officer of the regiment that was based in this area at the relevant time. The relevant time, according to the findings of the experts is between 1986 and 1991.” the AHRC further says.
We publish below the statement in full;
There is a widespread fear that the government may sabotage the inquiry, particularly as some of the names of suspected perpetrators include some powerful politicians. Among them the most important is the recurrence of the name of Gotabaya Rajapaksa
These transfers are happening at the same moment when a greater momentum of interest is being expressed regarding the mass grave. A number of persons from the families of missing persons have come forward to the court claiming that the remains may include those of their family members. The newspapers have reported that 13 separate families have already listed their names in the court and according to the JVP, who believes that these remains are of their former associates, there are more persons who have met with their lawyers with a view to presenting their claims to the court.
The key issue in the investigations now is to have the remains tested by DNA experts and thereafter to compare the samples from the remains with the DNA samples of the family members who have come forward. The identification of the persons whose remains lie in this grave is the first step to be taken if this inquiry is going to lead to any judicial process.
The identification of the actual persons who were killed is important not only for judicial inquiries but also from the point of view of the families who have been searching for their missing loved ones for almost two decades now. Besides there is also the social responsibility to bring this matter to a final conclusion through a just and fair inquiry.
However, there is a widespread fear that the government may sabotage the inquiry, particularly as some of the names of suspected perpetrators include some powerful politicians. Among them the most important is the recurrence of the name of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the President’s brother who is now the Secretary of the Ministry of Defence and who has been mentioned as the Commanding Officer of the regiment that was based in this area at the relevant time. The relevant time, according to the findings of the experts is between 1986 and 1991. The university experts who conducted their inquiries to ascertain the possible time period to which the remains belong came to their conclusion on the basis of their observations and tests and ascertained the time as between 1986 to 1991. The period coincides with one of the most brutal conflicts between the Sri Lankan forces and militants led by the JVP which caused the enforced disappearances of around 30,000 persons.
While the JVP claim that the remains may belong to their former supporters extensive evidence led before the commissions which inquired into the enforced disappearances also brought forth evidence of many SLFP supporters and very many innocent persons being among those who became victims of enforced disappearances during this time.
The government and particularly President Mahinda Rajapaksa in the past has been a prominent campaigner against enforced disappearances and he even went before the then Human Rights Commission of the United Nations to complain about the matter. Therefore under normal circumstances the government would have seen some political advantage in dealing with these enforced disappearances as the responsibility for such is attributed to the United National Party which was in power during that time.
However, at present there are other considerations that seem to affect the government’s approach to this matter. The government is heavily committed to hushing up all the allegations of human rights abuses attributed to the military and the police. The political system that has emerged in recent times has shifted away significantly from democracy and now relies heavily on the military. As a result any serious inquiry into enforced disappearances may be seen as opening a Pandora’s Box. Further to the covering up of military and police abuses another factor that seems to affect the government’s approach is the increasing allegations that Gotabaya Rajapaksa may have been seriously involved in the enforced disappearances of the time.
The government recently spoke of the appointment of a commission to inquire into all issues relating to the mass grave. However, this has come under serious criticism as commissions are largely seen in Sri Lanka as means of covering up crimes. There is hardly any credibility attached to the work of commissions. Besides in this instance the matters that are to be dealt with cannot be done by a commission. Establishing the identity of the persons whose remains have been found is primarily a task for forensic scientists whose work would be supervised only by a judicial officer. This inquiry which is one of the most complicated of any criminal inquiry requires the work of skilled and competent criminal investigators and the credible working of judicial officers.
As the appointment of a fake commission would serve no useful purpose in itself, there is a considerable fear that the government may sabotage the inquiry altogether. The transfer of the JMO who did the initial inquiry and who has shown great commitment to his work may be the first step in that direction. The transfer of the magistrate would also cause serious delays. If a magistrate who can be politically manipulated is put in his place many maneuvers might be done to delay or otherwise damage the inquiry.
What is even more worrying is the security of the remains themselves. Earlier inquiries into the alleged mass graves at Chemmani left many unanswered questions about the possible tampering of evidence including the alleged removal of the remains from the site. Given the present utterly disorganised state of affairs in Sri Lanka it is not difficult to tamper with the identified remains at the Matale mass grave. Given also the increasingly degenerating situation of the administration of justice in the country such concerns about the remains found at Matale cannot be treated as an exaggeration.
The United Nations High Commissioner’s Office has an obligation to intervene in this inquiry and to ensure that a proper inquiry is conducted and the credibility of the judicial process is maintained.
Meanwhile research into the evidence given at the Commission for Involuntary Disappearances at Uwa Province has revealed more names and other details of persons who disappeared from villages closer to Matale during the relevant period. Earlier the Asian Human Rights Commission published 26 such names and other details in our statement SRI LANKA: Whose remains are in the mass grave at Matale. We are now publishing below the details of a further 28 persons whose remains may be found at the Matale mass grave.

Who Are the Rohingya Muslims, and Why Should We Care?

Engy Abdelkader


religion
Posted: 05/19/2
On Monday, Burmese President Thein Sein is due to visit the White House. The visit represents another milestone in recently burgeoning U.S.-Burma relations, and an opportunity to engage Thein Sein on the significance of respecting international human rights norms -- such as protecting its minority Muslim population's religious freedoms -- to continued Burmese democratic reform. The country's otherwise tainted record on religious freedom, including escalating communal violence, threatens to undermine its transition from one-party, autocratic military rule to more representative governance.
It adversely impacts our global security as well.
By way of background, more than 75 percent of the world's population resides in countries where official restrictions on religious freedom prevail. Despite laudable strides toward democratic reform, Myanmar (also referred to as Burma) is among those nations. In fact, it stands out as among the world's 25 most populous nations with the most government restrictions on, and social hostilities due to, religion. Notably, Burmese religious hatred, bias and violence are frequently directed toward its Rohingya Muslim population.
Who are the Rohingya Muslims?
The U.N. has long characterized the Rohingya Muslims, a religious and ethnic minority community numbering approximately 1 million in Myanmar, as one of the world's most persecuted minorities. Anti-Rohingya and anti-Muslim sentiment has long tainted the nation's political and social spheres.
During the country's more than 60-year military rule since 1962, the Burmese army committed numerous human rights violations, for instance, including killing, raping and torturing its Rohingya Muslim population culminating at times in mass expulsions (and a chronic refugee crises in neighboring Bangladesh).
Such deplorable human rights and humanitarian conditions is further exasperated by the Rohingya and other Muslims' official "statelessness." Despite the fact that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights guarantees the right to a nationality, prohibiting its arbitrary deprivation, the Burmese Citizenship Act, enacted back in 1982, codified the legal exclusion of the Rohingya denying them equal citizenship rights.
To be sure, this denial of Burmese citizenship has resulted in additional injustices and inequalities, including the group's lack of access to identity documents, education and employment. It has also rendered group members vulnerable to arbitrary detention, forced labor and discriminatory taxation. The Burmese government has further restricted their rights to marry, own property and move freely -- rights guaranteed to non-citizens as well as citizens under international law.
Unfortunately, Burmese President Thein Sein remains steadfastly opposed to repealing or amending the 1982 Citizenship Act. And the plight of the Rohingya Muslims will not improve until the law is stripped of its discriminatory provisions.
Contemporary Developments
Both government officials and fellow civilians continue to persecute the Rohingya Muslims even with the country's current democratic transition since a nominally civilian government was ushered in by popular elections in March 2011.
Human rights violations not only include the denial of citizenship rights mentioned above, but also restrictions on religious freedom such as mosque constructions as well as religiously motivated violence.
Indeed, sectarian violence often perpetrated by members of the majority Buddhist population has most recently erupted in June 2012, October 2012, March 2013, April 2013; it persists and is spreading to previously unaffected areas of the country.
The violence has reaped devastating effects.
The communal violence has left approximately 13,000 people homeless. More than 120,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) are living in temporary shelters with limited access to food, medical care, sanitation facilities and other types of humanitarian necessities.
Responsible Burmese officials and security forces -- who have refused to protect the Rohingya Muslims at critical moments, participated in the persecution and obstructed access to humanitarian aid -- have not been subject to prosecution. Not surprisingly, a general climate of impunity prevails as Rohingya Muslims continue to endure brutal police repression, forced conscription to perform labor, arbitrary detention, beatings, killings and mistreatment.
Why Should We Care?
Last year, we re-designated Myanmar as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) under the International Religious Freedom Act because of related pervasive violations. During President Thein Sein's visit on Monday, he must understand that the status quo arguably threatens our global security.
Recent evidence from Georgetown University suggests that state restrictions on religious freedom may contribute to violent extremism. Such repression, as described above, may radicalize targeted religious communities and/or enhance the violent message of militants abroad. While I am an ardent supporter of nonviolence even in the face of legitimate political and other grievances, it is difficult to ignore the implications here.
Burmese officials who arbitrarily arrest, detain, beat, injure and kill Rohingya Muslims may enhance the appeal of those advocating a more violent response to government repression -- perhaps within the country but also well beyond. Indeed, media outlets around the world, including segments of the Muslim and Arab world, have already begun reporting on the plight of the Rohingya Muslims in Burma.
Conversely, Georgetown's research findings suggest that enhanced religious freedom may help "moderate, contain, counteract, or prevent the origin or spread" of violent religious extremism.
Through broader U.S. engagement, communication and dialogue -- such as Monday's momentous White House meeting -- President Thein Sein must come to understand the underlying significance of religious freedom to enhanced global security. He must understand that continued Burmese persecution of the minority faith community may contribute to violent extremism by inadvertently promoting its appeal.
Further, violent extremists elsewhere will manipulate those incidents of persecution to serve a more nefarious, violent narrative to recruit others to their abhorrent cause. The implications are far-reaching.
What We Should Do
Notably, the U.S. has expended more than $24 million in humanitarian aid to help address the suffering in Myanmar. But in the current climate of fiscal austerity, such levels of financial aid, even for humanitarian purposes, cannot be reasonably sustained.
Moreover, sanctions have proven grossly ineffective largely because of the willingness of other countries in the region to continue trading with Myanmar for their own economic and other strategic self-interest.
Potential solutions? What if we attempted to address the underlying causes of the communal strife and violence.
As an initial, necessary measure the Burmese should eliminate the discriminatory provisions of the 1982 Citizenship Act rendering the Rohingya Muslims "stateless." Statelessness deprives the Rohingya of equal protection under the law and facilitates additional injustices, thus contributing to increased likelihood of sectarian and other destabilizing conflict.
Burmese officials should adopt pluralism as an ideal model allowing for greater inclusivity of all of its religious and ethnic minorities. Formal inclusion of the Rohingya and other Muslims into the public and political spheres provides a nonviolent means to making a meaningful contribution to society thereby contributing to our global security.
Moreover, the sociological consequence of religious pluralism is a general recognition and acceptance of all faiths practiced by diverse groups. Arguably, this represents an ideal model for a diverse country like Myanmar.
It is significant to note that while there does not appear to be any current evidence of violent radicalization among the Rohingya or other Muslims in Myanmar, guarding against the phenomenon (there and abroad) is a critical consideration in light of the continuing Global War on Terror (GWOT).
By protecting religious freedom and conferring citizenship rights upon the Rohingya, the Burmese will continue its effective transition toward democracy. Unfortunately, the persistent waves of violence otherwise threaten to undermine its progress as well as global security. President Thein Sein should walk away from Monday's meeting at the White House with that realization.
Rohingya Muslims
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