Google Hangout: ICIJ offshore secrecy project

IRE

By Tony Schick | 05.14.2013

IRE hosted a Google Hangout on Tuesday with members of the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, who discussed their ongoing investigation into offshore banking secrets. The reporting began with a leaked cache of 2.5 million records, and has since involved -- at last count -- 86 journalist in 47 countries.

Viewers from all over the world tuned in to learn more about ICIJ's project. Cities with live viewers included Chicago, London, Madrid, Narpes in Finland, New York and San Diego.

In a discussion moderated by Wendell Cochran, former IRE board member and Senior Editor of the Investigative Reporting Workshop, the ICIJ discussed obtaining and verifying the data, dealing with the scope of the records and deciding which leads to pursue, diferentiating between criminality and tricks of the rich and famous, collaborating across boarders and the response of various governments.

You can view a recording of the Google Hangout here.

India preparing for a possible two-front war with Pakistan, China

WEDNESDAY, 15 MAY 2013 

India continues to view Pakistan as the ‘real threat’ even though it is adjusting its Military strategy to include the possibility of a limited two-front war with both Pakistan and China, the first Blue Book on India published by a Chinese think tank said.

Pakistan is India’s main ‘real threat’ to maintain a high degree of vigilance and preparedness, the summary of the Blue Book released by the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, (CASS) said.

The report says Indian military deployment on land is mainly fixated against Pakistan but in recent times, it is also being adjusted for both China and Pakistan.

The book in Chinese language, the first ever on India, said, New Delhi is focusing to deal with limited war with China and Pakistan at the same time.

It spoke of large increase in troops at the borders and upgradation of border forces with new weapons and equipment.

The report spoke about India’s maritime military deployment in recent years, the prime cause of China’s worry as it regards India’s fast expanding blue water navy as a major threat.

The book, which speaks of India’s efforts in the past to strengthen its maritime military strength in the East, specially mentioned Indian Navy’s Eastern Naval Command and its bases in Andaman and Nicobar Islands.

It also spoke of increase in Indian defence budget with the rapid growth of the Indian economy making it the biggest buyer of the international arms.

About India’s policy towards neighbours, it said New Delhi continued to pursue the “Gujral Doctrine” on neighbouring countries to provide unilateral assistance, enhancing mutual trust and cooperation with the neighbouring
countries of South Asia, while continuing to push forward the peace process with Pakistan.

India also established a strategic partnership with Afghanistan while developing relations with Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal, it said.

The book also mentioned India’s bid for the permanent membership of the UN Security Council in association with Germany, Japan and Brazil besides India’s Look East Policy improving relations with Japan, Vietnam, Australia in the backdrop of US’ Asia Pacific push.

While cautioning the Chinese establishment against underestimating India’s ‘great potential’ for development in future, it has highlighted the recent corruption scandals which has damaged Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s Government.

However, the book praised India’s progress saying that it has achieved remarkable progress.

Since the implementation of a comprehensive economic reform in 1991, India’s economic development has made remarkable achievements with accelerated economic growth improving the comprehensive economic strength resulting in ‘India’s rise’.

Noting the campaigns like ‘Incredible India’, ‘world office’, it said India remained one of the fastest growing economies in the world.

But at the same time, India faced many contradictions in its aura of high-growth which include the problem of poverty, uneven development, irrational industrial structure, the high fiscal deficit, it said. (PTI)

Philippines sends envoy to apologise over Taiwan row

The row sparked small protests outside Manila's representative office in Taipei-15 May 2013 

Philippine President Benigno Aquino has sent a representative to apologise for the death of a Taiwanese fisherman, his spokesman said, amid a deepening row.

The envoy would convey "deep regret and apology" over the incident, spokesman Edwin Lacierda said.

The move came hours after Taiwan suspended hiring Filipino workers and recalled its envoy from Manila.

Taiwan said the move showed President Ma Ying-jeou's "strong dissatisfaction" with Manila's handling of the case.

Taipei had earlier rejected an apology from the Philippines' top diplomat in Taipei.

The fisherman, Hung Shih-cheng, was shot by the Philippine coast guard last week in waters both sides claim.

'Lacked sincerity'

Mr Aquino had sent Manila Economic and Cultural Office Chairman Amadeo Perez as his personal representative to "convey his and the Filipino people's deep regret and apology" to the fisherman's family, Mr Lacierda the president's spokesperson said in a statement late on Wednesday afternoon.

There was no immediate response from Taipei. A Taiwan Foreign Ministry spokesperson had earlier suggested that the envoy was ""not sufficiently authorised" and would not be met, Taiwan's state-run news agency CNA reported.

Taiwan rejected an apology early on Wednesday from Antonio Basilio, head of the Philippine Representative Office in Taiwan.

Mr Basilio, whose apology came after a three-day deadline set by Taiwan expired, said that Manila had agreed to compensate the fisherman's family and conduct a joint investigation into the incident.

However, Taiwan's president felt the apology did not come from a high enough authority and lacked "sincerity", his spokeswoman said.

He suspended the processing of work visas for Filipinos and asked Mr Basilio to return to the Philippines to "help properly handle" the case.

Taiwan's Premier Jiang Yi-huah also told reporters that he was dissatisfied with the apology because it came from the representative office, not the Philippine government, and because the statement had been changed several times.

Taiwan instead demanded a "formal apology" from Manila, compensation for the victim's family, investigation and punishment for those responsible for the shooting, and the commencement of bilateral fishing talks.

It threatened more measures if such an apology was not forthcoming, including issuing a travel warning to discourage Taiwanese people from visiting the Philippines, stopping all high-level exchanges and carrying out a military exercise in the disputed waters.

'Honest living'

In Manila, Mr Lacierda said that government had "already started" an investigation, and was committed to a "thorough, exhaustive, impartial and expeditious investigation".

"We understand the grief and hurt of the family and of the people of Taiwan over this unfortunate loss and we empathise with them," he added in the statement.

He urged Taiwan not to involve Filipino workers in the country, saying that were "there working for an honest living".

There are about 88,000 Filipino migrant workers in Taiwan, most of whom work in the manufacturing sector, the BBC's Cindy Sui in Taipei reports.

Taiwan's labour office receives around 3,000 work applications from the Philippines each month, our correspondent adds.

Mr Hung, the 65-year-old fisherman, was shot dead on 9 May when the coastguard vessel opened fire on his boat.

He was in waters south-east of Taiwan and north of the Philippines, an area considered by both countries to be their 200 nautical mile-from-shore exclusive economic zone.

The Philippine coast guard said its crew believed he was trying to ram their vessel - claims the Taiwanese fishermen have denied.

Maritime tensions in the South China Sea have been heightened in recent months. China, Taiwan, the Philippines, Malaysia, Vietnam and Brunei have competing territorial claims in the region.

These disputes have existed for years but in recent months China has been taking a more assertive stance - prompting a robust response from some nations.

Bahrain's rights, Britain's failure

NICHOLAS MCGEEHAN 14 May 2013

Britain's lack of support for freedom of expression in Bahrain is a flawed and self-defeating policy, says Nicholas McGeehan of Human Rights Watch.

An incident on this year's World Press Freedom Day, 3 May, raises serious questions about the British government’s policy towards Bahrain. The British embassy in Manama marked the occasion by posting on its website two articles that argued against freedom of expression, denigrated Bahraini rights groups and justified government repression of sections of society.

One article, written by a representative of the pro-government group, Citizens for Bahrain, praised King Hamad for bringing “true freedom of the press” to Bahrain, while warning that “people do not understand the responsibility that comes with this freedom.” The other, written by Anwar Abdulrahman, the editor of the pro-government newspaper Akhbar Al-Khaleej, claimed that “so-called human rights organisations” are “largely administered by ex-ideologists and even terrorists”. It continued: “As much as beasts cannot be left to roam freely, so in human society the feral element’s freedom should be under control.”

In fact, it is well documented that Bahrain’s record on freedom of expression is deeply problematic - and getting worse. The courts have sentenced peaceful activists to life in prison solely for exercising their rights to free expression and assembly, and in April 2013 the government increased the maximum penalty for defaming the king from two years to five.

In April 2012, the Bahrain ministry of rights and social development revoked the travel permits for representatives from the Committee to Protect Journalists,Reporters Without Borders, Index on Censorship and Pen International. In a joint letter to the Bahrain government, these groups called the decision “a deliberate effort to undermine transparent reporting by independent observers and limit their access to the country.”

In the case of the two articles on the embassy website, the British government's website carried a disclaimer that the two articles did not reflect its views, and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) later issued two disclaimers on its twitter feed. And it's true that by the disarming logic of free speech, even those who call for restrictions on the principle should have their voice heard. Yet by failing to counterbalance anti-free speech views - with which the British government stated it “definitely does not agree” - with pro-free speech ones, the embassy in Manama leaves itself open to the criticism that it cares less about promoting freedom of expression in Bahrain than cosying up to the country's repressive government.

Beyond these web postings, the British government is  doing far too little to press Bahrain on freedom of expression issues. After all, Bahrain ranks 165 out of 179 countries in the 2013 edition of the World Press Freedom Index (collated by Reporters Without Borders). British citizens have themselves fallen foul of Bahrain’s restrictions on free expression; between 17 February 2011 and April 2013, at least thirty-eight journalists, including British journalists from the BBC, the Financial Times, Channel 4 and Sky news, were either denied visas to travel to Bahrain, denied access on arrival in the country, or deported. Britan's foreign secretary William Hague expressed concern about the temporary detention of the Channel 4 journalists, but as far as we have been able to determine, neither the embassy in Manama nor the FCO has commented further.

At the same time, security ties between the two countries remain strong. On 29 April, the head of the UK Trade and Investment Defence and Security Organisation (UKTI DSO), Richard Paniguian, and the British defence attache, Commodore Christopher Murray, met with the Bahrain minister for defence affairs, Lieutenant-General Dr Shaikh Mohammed bin Abdullah Al Khalifa, in Manama to discuss “bilateral military cooperation”. Were human-rights issues raised at the meeting? It seems unlikely.

In the wake of the UK embassy webpage debacle, the Gulf expert Christopher Davidson noted that while Britain's policy may lead to “short-term economic benefits,” downplaying human-rights violations is hardly in Britain’s strategic interests. Such an approach may “cause long-term damage to the UK's reputation" amongst the region's large numbers of young people.

Some members of the foreign-affairs committee of the UK parliament, which is conducting an inquiry into FCO policy on Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, have expressed scepticism about Britain’s ability to influence events in the Gulf, especially around human rights. But through trade, investment and security ties, Britain has leverage with the ruling Al-Khalifas, and should be prepared to use this much more assertively in defence of free expression and other human rights. In December 2012, Bahrain's crown prince praised Britain for its support. “You have stood head and shoulders above others”, he said, making no mention of the United States.

If the British government is serious about standing up for free expression and human rights in Bahrain, it should call publicly and forcefully for the immediate release of all those peaceful Bahraini activists imprisoned for exercising their basic right to freedom of expression and association, and urge an immediate lifting of the restrictions on the exercise of these basic freedoms.

Hagel orders retraining of sex-assault prevention officers; Army sergeant investigated

By Craig Whitlock, Published: May 14

Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel on Tuesday evening ordered the armed services to immediately “re-train, re-credential and re-screen” tens of thousands of military recruiters and sexual-assault prevention officers as the revelation of another sex-crime scandal rocked the Pentagon.

Hagel’s order came in response to the Army’s disclosure Tuesday that a sergeant first class responsible for handling sexual-assault cases at Fort Hood, Tex., had been placed under criminal investigation over allegations of abusive sexual contact and other related matters.

Investigators are also scrutinizing allegations that the sergeant may have forced a subordinate into prostitution, according to a U.S. official familiar with the case.

The Army investigation comes just 10 days after a lieutenant colonel who led the Air Force’s sexual-assault prevention programswas arrested in Arlington County on charges that he groped and battered a woman in a parking lot. That incident, along with fresh statistics showing that sex crimes have become endemic in the military, sparked a furious response from lawmakers on Capitol Hill and President Obama.

Hagel warned last week that the military’s ability to recruit and perform its missions was becoming endangered by deepening public perceptions that the armed forces are unable or unwilling to cope with a sexual-assault crisis in the ranks. The latest embarrassment only made him more angry, Pentagon officials said.

“I cannot convey strongly enough his frustration, anger and disappointment over these troubling allegations and the breakdown in discipline and standards they imply,” said George Little, the Pentagon press secretary.

Defense officials said Hagel learned of the Army investigation Tuesday morning from Army Secretary John McHugh. But the Pentagon did not publicly disclose the case until Tuesday evening, several hours after Hagel appeared at a town hall meeting for Defense Department employees at the Mark Center in Alexandria.

Neither the Pentagon nor the Army identified the sergeant because no charges have been filed. Special agents from the Army’s Criminal Investigation Command are probing allegations that the sergeant first class mistreated subordinates, committed assault and abusive sexual contact, and engaged in pandering, the Pentagon said in a statement.

Officials said the noncommissioned officer had been suspended from duties as an “equal-opportunity adviser” and sexual-harassment and assault prevention officer at Fort Hood, one of the Army’s biggest installations. The Pentagon did not disclose when the allegations first came to light or how many victims may have been involved.

Reaction from lawmakers was swift and livid.

“Tragically, the depth of the sexual-assault problem in our military was already overwhelmingly clear before this latest highly disturbing report,” said Sen. Carl Levin (D-Mich.), the chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee. He said lawmakers would push ahead with a number of measures to address sexual assault in the armed forces, including changes to military law.

In Bangladesh rubble, the prices of profit

By Sarah Morris

MADRID | Tue May 14, 2013 8:42am EDT

Rescue workers attempt to find survivors from the rubble of the collapsed Rana Plaza building in Savar, around 30 km (19 miles) outside Dhaka May 4, 2013.

Credit: Reuters/Andrew Biraj

(Reuters) - Order dockets found in the rubble of a Dhaka garment factory where over 1,100 workers died show just why it pays foreign stores to buy from Bangladesh - clothes made for as little as a tenth of what they sell for in the West.

Rana Plaza, which collapsed three weeks ago, supplied big names in global retail; documents plucked from its ruins by labor activists and seen by Reuters bring into sharp focus the price of putting shirts on the backs of cost-conscious shoppers.

In one case, polo shirts of a brand sold in London for $46 were offered for sale from Rana Plaza for just $4.45, a typical transformation in an industry where manufacturers across Asia and retailers in Europe and North America are locked in war to get catwalk trends ever faster, and ever cheaper, to consumers.

Found at the site, where rescuers dug out bodies of hundreds of seamstresses and factory hands, were orders from Spanish chain store Mango to Phantom Tac, a supplier based in Rana Plaza, where owners are accused of sacrificing safety to profit.

It is no secret that retail price labels, whether for a $5 T-shirt or a $5,000 suit, reflect manufacturing costs that are a fraction of what the wearer eventually pays. But the mark-ups revealed by the Rana Plaza documents - of 5 to 10 times from factory gate to store window - offer a precise insight into the relationship of one end of a global supply chain to the other.

One order form, a copy of which was shown to Reuters by activists, bore Mango's letterhead logo and was dated January 23 this year. It specifies 12,085 polo shirts for a men's autumn/winter range in five colors - black, off-white, royal blue, burgundy and straw - in six sizes, from XS to XXL, and in 100-percent cotton at a weight of 220 grams per square meter.

The price to Mango: $4.45 each. The chain currently offers similar shirts for sale in Spain for 26 to 30 euros ($34-39) and for 26 to 30 pounds ($40-46) at its branded stores in Britain.

A Bangladeshi garment worker, typically paid less than half the wages of counterparts in China, the world's biggest clothing exporter, would have to spend two or three weeks earnings just to buy one polo shirt at Mango in Madrid. A Spaniard on the minimum wage could afford the same shirt for a day's labor.

"GOOD PRODUCT - COMPETITIVE PRICE"

Other costs - shipping, shop wages and rents, advertising and so on - eat up the mark-ups retailers make in a ferociously competitive business where consumers demand the lowest prices.

Operating profits of 15-20 percent are common, however; many firms insist they do also try to ensure suppliers do not abuse poor garment workers - as seen in moves this week to sign up to a new code of practice in Bangladesh to try to improve safety.

Mango, which has over 2,600 outlets in 107 countries, said it had not finalized the order found in the rubble. The company, based in Barcelona, said that it would have gone ahead only had a trial sample been found to be up to standard and had Phantom Tac passed Mango's checks on its labor practices and safety.

"The documents found refer to an order that wasn't confirmed and that we would not have confirmed until we had finished the social audit with a positive result," a spokeswoman said.

Another set of documents retrieved from the dusty wreckage shows an order, complete with pattern sketches, for long-sleeve, checked shirts under the Danish brand Jack's, owned by retailer PWT Group. The unit cost was $5.08, and tags to be attached to each shirt listed a retail price of 24.90 euros ($32.66).

"A good product - at a competitive price," runs the slogan for Jack's menswear, sold in Scandinavia, Russia, Britain and Ireland. Its owners said they were shocked by the loss of life:

"We are very moved by this and feel deeply with the wounded and families of the victims," said PWT marketing manager Brian Borsting, adding that the firm planned to offer financial help.

Bangladesh ranked bottom in minimum pay for factory workers in 2010, according to World Bank data. Business owners told Reuters average wages were around $64 a month. The minimum wage for the lowest skilled in the clothing industry is 3,000 taka - about $38. It was nearly doubled in 2010 after violent protests, but most workers earn above the minimum, limiting its impact.

The government has again responded to pressure after the Rana Plaza disaster by calling this week for new regulations on wages and calling on private employers to raise pay levels. But as clothing accounts for 80 percent of exports, employers have persuasive political arguments against eroding competitiveness.

U.S. aid agency USAID found in 2009 that a pair of chinos using $4.60 of materials left a Bangladeshi plant for $5.37, 92 cents less than a Chinese competitor. Nearly all the Bangladeshi advantage, for a garment made in 40 minutes, came from a labor cost of just 32 cents an hour, compared to $1.44 in China.

CRITICAL VIEWS

Mango, with sales last year of 1.69 billion euros, does not disclose its margins. Among listed competitors, Spanish rival Inditex SA (ITX.MC), the world's largest clothing retailer and owner of Zara and Massimo Dutti, most recently recorded a 58-percent gross margin - the excess of revenues over the cost of the goods it sold - according to Thomson Reuters data; Sweden's H&M Hennes and Mauritz AB (HMb.ST) had a margin of 55 percent.

After accounting for other costs, taxes and so on, these two had net margins of 16 percent and 9 percent respectively.

Activists argue that global chains should do more to share their profits with the people who make their products:

"More than low prices for clients and the safety of its workers, retailers have been focused on achieving high margins," said Ruben Sanchez, spokesman for Spanish consumer group FACUA.

"They have the room to spend more on workers' conditions."

Fashion retailers have been criticized on social media, too.

Benetton's Facebook page shows a stream of comment about working conditions in Bangladesh that drew a response from the Italian company: "We intend to play our part and this is why we are providing a fund for the victims," it said in a posting.

British discount fashion retailer Primark, owned by Associated British Foods Plc (ABF.L), and Canada's Loblaw Cos Ltd (L.TO) also offered compensation to families of victims who were working for their supplier at Rana Plaza.

The factory collapse was one of four deadly incidents in six months in Bangladesh and retailers and authorities in the European Union and United States are looking at stricter codes.

(Additional reporting by Ruma Paul in Dhaka, Tracy Rucinski and Fiona Ortiz in Madrid, Veronica Ek in Stockholm and Astrid Wendlandt in Paris; Editing by Emily Kaiser and Alastair Macdonald)

Managing 1983 Refugee Inflow In Jaffna

By S.Sivathasan -May 14, 2013 

S.Sivathasan

At the stroke of the midnight hour on Saturday 22^nd of July 1983, landmine explosions in Thinnavely on the borders of Jaffna town disturbed an uneasy calm. The events that followed tore the country apart for over 25 years. The immediate challenge was for Jaffna society to respond and to measure up to the tasks of managing the inflow of refugees. What happened was magnificent, reinforcing our faith in the goodness of humanity.  Jaffna receiving her beleaguered kith and kin, with warmth and affection made lasting impressions on many.

In the event of a crisis it is the arm of the government, possessing authority and commanding the resources, that is looked up to for leadership. The Government Agent Dr. Devanesan Nesiah supported by the senior officials of the Kachcheri provided it. On this occasion there was a different dimension as well. Those in the lead of the social polity came forward spontaneously, to coalesce with the official segment. Youth volunteers turned up in substantial numbers to add to the strength. Without a call everybody expressed their anxiety to share in the social responsibility. There was a rare display of unity of purpose for social action that was well sudtained.

The events of 1983 were unprecedented in their magnitude. They were not comparable to 1958 or 1977. Yet it was possible to estimate the likely inflow. The figure settled to 50,000 of whom over 28,000 were expected by ship, about 2,000 by plane and the balance by road and rail. Actuals corresponded to estimates after two months of operation. Receiving the refugees using sea transport, who arrived at KKS and sending them to their place of choice claimed priority attention and consumed much of our time and energy. Time of ship departure from Colombo and likely arrival in Jaffna were critical to this operation. There was however no regular intimation from Colombo. Mr.AK Nesaratnam of the Sathya Sai Organization, Colombo on his initiative conveyed this information every morning. To us this was invaluable help. The operation was a complex one, but was well executed.

Logistics support for refugee movement was a prime requirement and an arrangement was worked out. With fuel supplies in limited quantity, issues had to be controlled and GA had a controlling voice over it. Van operators were summoned and the proposal was put across for them to provide free transport to the refugees in return for them to pay for and obtain fuel for their normal plying. They readily agreed because it was attractive by them. Without assured supplies they will be immobilized. But it was really altruism that motivated them to participate in a well synchronized service. Mr. M Panchalingam Additional GA handled this work and did it well. Time of docking of ships, transport to college and thence to the homes were communicated to the drivers and they adhered to them steadfastly. There was never a breakdown because the operation was a community affair.

The first plan of action was to receive them at the harbor and transport them one km to Nadeshwara College the centre of operations. Thoughtfully their health needs were attended to. Medical specialists about six on the first day were present to help and to get a feel of things for assistance on subsequent days. As the refugees got down from the harbor they were given a welcome drink. After some rest and socializing with known faces, they were treated to lunch. With that they were taken by van and dropped at the doorstep of their homes.  A splendid feature of this service was, perhaps for once all the volunteers whatever their social position were seen doing their work with humility. They displayed a blindness to class and caste that was total. It was done with love and respect knowing well the ordeal they had experienced.

At the harbor as they landed and at the college where they moved about, I was able to observe on all days something noteworthy. After a harrowing experience in Colombo, and though the journey mostly by cargo ship was unpleasant and tiresome none of them showed signs of fatigue. Nor were they distraught or dejected. They seemed happy and had smiles. A feeling of relief and release was writ upon their face. This was remarkable. They had come into free territory where the mind was without fear. Warmly received by mostly unknown faces and sent to their own place of residence to join their relatives was to them a memorable experience.

The refugees were spared the pain of unloading, carrying or loading their luggage. This was all done by youth volunteers. In the first few days we met in the afternoon to review operations so as to smoothen them. When we noted that pieces of luggage were numerous we thought tags would help. A volunteer who owned a press happily agreed to do it free and brought a consignment the following morning. He did that till the operation was completed. The refugees numbering 28,000 brought with them over 100,000 pieces and nothing was lost.

Rice and vegetables needed in huge quantities day after day for nearly 50 days were all donated at the college centre. Some organizations even provided cooked meals. There were donations received at the Kachcheri too. Volunteers were engaged in cooking and serving. The youth in large numbers attended to much of the back breaking work. When organization was in place and once work got stabilized, GA and some officers made their visits less frequent.

Our attention was now required for relief work. State responsibility and our obligation did not end with sending the refugees home. Refugees who had no home to return to or no relatives to accommodate them needed support from the state or social and religious institutions. Within the limitations of resources and organizational capacity what could be provided was done. In this regard from the beginning of the influx, religious organizations too played a part worthy of appreciation. Sustained effort required above all grit. The Catholic Church with resources, together with a disciplined clergy and a host of nuns, made its contribution over a long period of time and stretching across several locations.

A major item of assistance from the state was food. GA struck upon the strategy of extending to the refugees the food stamp scheme that was in operation. This had easy acceptance because it is in the nature of the government to endorse the existing over a new formulation. But an improvement urged and approved was one kilo of milk powder per food stamp package. This arrangement went on for some months. At this point of time Mr. Bradman Weerakoon was appointed Commissioner General of Essential Services, a new office that was created to smoothen matters. He was adequately empowered to take speedy decisions. When GA spoke to him about the above proposal approval was given immediately. Documentation was subsequent.

Apart from government support, funds were required for several other needs. The first organization to move in this direction on its own initiative was OXFAM from UK. The representative given a brief presentation at the GA’s Residency gave a cheque for a good amount. This institution continued to give assistance for some years more. Individuals and organizations happily gave cash donations since the management of refugees had become a continuous programme. Anticipating an inflow of cash from several corners it was deemed best to have a single fund with a non kachcheri account. RRF ’83, was the name assigned to the organization. It was created with about ten members. Well known personalities enjoying the confidence of the community were drawn into it. Dr. Yogu Pasupathy, very personable and of equable temperament was invited to be its first Chairman. An engineer became the Secretary and he offered the facilities of his private office for meetings. For nearly two months, GA and I participated in all meetings held daily at 8 am.

Managing the refugees on arrival and thereafter was a great operation done with acceptance to all. It was a labour of love tinged with sympathy. Within two months when pressure eased, all those in the forefront of operations – more than 100 – were invited to the kachcheri  by the GA for an expression of gratitude and our indebtedness.

Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner tells BBC that IBAHRI is ‘absolutely welcome to come in’

The International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI) welcomes the Sri Lankan High Commissioner to the United Kingdom’s recent public statement that IBAHRI representatives will be granted visas to enter Sri Lanka.

Made during a live interview, broadcast on the BBC Radio 4 Today programme on 30 April 2013, the comment follows the Sri Lankan authorities’ refusals on two occasions to accord individuals of high-level IBAHRI delegations entry to Sri Lanka to investigate the independence of the legal profession and the impeachment proceedings against Chief Justice Bandaranayake.

In response to a direct question asking whether IBAHRI would be let in to Sri Lanka Dr Chris Nonis replied: ‘Yes, if they come in the official manner in which we or any institution of ours would apply to come to Britain.’  He added, ‘What we look forward to and what we invite is all of you, everyone, to come to Sri Lanka...and make an objective and impartial analysis of the reality of contemporary Sri Lanka.’

During the interview the Today programme’s journalist, Justin Webb, said: ‘Just on that point, because it’s such an important one isn’t it, because this is the association that represents lawyers right around the world, the International Bar Association – if their Human Rights Institute comes back to you and says, “This is what we would like to do, these are some top lawyers who would like to come to Sri Lanka…” They are obviously not visa risks, they are not going to engage in some abuse of the process…if they say what they want to do, will you let them in?’

Dr Nonis replied: ‘Naturally, if any institution is formally invited and has reciprocity with an institution there, as is done [in the UK], naturally of course we would’.

The full interview is available on the BBC website until 6 May. Click here to listen. Also, the transcript is available to read here.

Dr Mark Ellis, Executive Director of the International Bar Association commented, ‘The International Bar Association has long-established links with Sri Lanka’s legal community and is taking a close interest in the independence of its legal profession. We welcome Dr Chris Nonis’ commitment to allow the IBA’s Human Rights Institute entry to Sri Lanka, paving the way for constructive conversations to facility what he describes as “impartial analysis of the reality of contemporary Sri Lanka”’.
ENDS

NOTES TO THE EDITOR

A high-level IBAHRI delegation applied for visas to enter Sri Lanka on 21 January 2013, using the official online visa application process. The online form provides four options to indicate the ‘purpose of visit’. Option one was selected, to ‘participate in conferences, workshops and seminars’, the category which best fits the intentions of the delegation, which were to hold a range of consultations and seminars with various participants. The alternative options were to participate in ‘art, music and dance’, ‘business meetings and negotiations’, and ‘short training courses’. The online visa application process does not allow applicants to provide further information on the purpose of their trip. Approval to enter the country was suspended on 29 and 30 January in the cases of the delegates who had applied and been approved for entry to Sri Lanka through the online application process. A further visa had been issued to one member of the delegation, facilitated through the relevant national diplomatic channels on 18 January 2013 but was revoked on 29 January.

The IBAHRI subsequently wrote to the High Commission requesting visas to conduct a fact-finding mission to investigate the independence of the legal profession and the impeachment proceedings against Chief Justice Bandaranayake. The IBAHRI did not receive a response from the High Commission, and was not granted permission to enter the country.

The IBAHRI conducted a remote fact-finding mission through a series of in-depth conversations by telephone and via the internet with a range of key players in Sri Lanka, including judges, lawyers, journalists, parliamentarians and civil society activists. The delegation found there to be a systematic effort to intimidate and discredit lawyers and others who advocate and promote respect for fundamental rights in Sri Lanka.

The report was launched at the House of Lords, London, hosted by Baroness Kennedy of the Shaws, on 22 April 2013. 

• Click here to read the transcript of the exchange between Dr Chris Nonis, Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner to the United Kingdom, and BBC Radio 4 Today programme’s Justin Webb.
• Click here to download the IBAHRI report A Crisis of Legitimacy: The Impeachment of Chief Justice Bandaranayake and the Erosion of the Rule of Law.
• Click here to read more about the launch of A Crisis of Legitimacy at the House of Lords, London.
  Click here to watch a four-minute film on the IBAHRI report and recommendations.

For further information please contact:

Romana St. Matthew - Daniel
Press Office
International Bar Association
4th Floor, 10 St Bride Street,
London EC4 4AD

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Website: www.ibanet.org

Sri Lanka allows International Bar Association delegation to visit country

May 14, Colombo: The Sri Lankan government has lifted its ban on fact-finding visits by the International Bar Association's Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI).
The government has said that the institute is welcome to make an "objective and impartial analysis of the reality of contemporary Sri Lanka," according to the institute.
In February 2013 Sri Lankan authorities revoked the visas of a previously constituted delegation and prevented them from undertaking a rapid response mission to Colombo to probe the impeachment of the former Chief Justice Dr. Shirani Bandaranayake.
The External Affairs Ministry of Sri Lanka said the four members of the delegation provided inaccurate information on their visa applications and therefore the delegation was barred form entering the country.
Last month the institute released a report on Sri Lanka raising the issue whether Sri Lanka is a suitable venue to hold the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Colombo in November 2013.
Since the delegation was not allowed to visit the country, it conducted interviews and consultations remotely in preparing the report "A Crisis of Legitimacy".

** Related Story :: International Bar Association concerned by Sri Lankan government\'s blocking of delegation

Namal-PB clash resurface over Lotteries Board issue

Monday, 13 May 2013 1

Finance Ministry Secretary Dr. P.B. Jayasundera has overruled an order issued by MP Namal Rajapaksa to remove the Chairman of National Lotteries Board, Chaminda Athuluwage, who has been accused of many corrupt and fraudulent cases. Dr. Jayasundera has ordered not to remove Athuluwage.

The chairman has been accused of corruption in relation to advertising and promotions of the institution. There are 7 companies that have been registered with the institution to carry out advertising and promotional work and all these companies are owned by people supportive of the government. Most of the projects are carried out by an advertising company owned by the editorial director of Lake House Seelaratne Senarath.

It has been proven by now that the chairman has acted in a corrupt manner when publishing advertisements of the Lotteries Board. Although previous chairmen of the Board had not spent more than Rs. 2 million for a musical show organized by the institution, the current chairman had allocated Rs. 9 million for the programme and had kept 40% of the money for him.

Meanwhile, he has also approved several marketing promotions for the Board and has given 80% more funds to the companies to carry out the projects. Audit reports of the Board indicate that the allocations made for the promotions are three times more than what the previous chairmen have used and that the chairman had given more money and taken massive commissions. Therefore, Namal Rajapaksa has ordered that Athuluwage be removed from his post at the Board and former chairman Upali Liyanage be re-appointed to the post.

Upali Liyanage is married to one of former President Chandrika Kumaratunge’s school friends and he was appointed as the National Lotteries Board Chairman due to this friendship. In order to safeguard his position, Liyanage became a henchman of Kumaratunge’s media advisor, Sanath Gunathileka. Liyanage has switched his allegiance to the Rajapaksas with the change of government and is now a good friend of Namal Rajapaksa. He is now the chairman of the Fisheries Harbour Corporation that is affiliated to the Fisheries Ministry. However, it is learnt that he is eyeing the post of chairman of the National Lotteries Board.

Close to home, but not close enough

However, as many as 5,000 families are about to begin a legal battle for their land rights, said S. Sugirthan, chairman of the Valli North Pradeshiya Sabha — the local body — in Kankesanthurai, Jaffna.

Resettled Tamils like Selvi and Gunaratnam (Jaffna) are unhappy in government-sponsored dwellings.

MEERA SRINIVASAN

JAFFNA, May 14, 2013

The country’s 30-year ethnic conflict may have ended four years ago, but for Gunaratnam Selvi — who remained displaced for considerable part of the war — the daily battle for food is far from over.

“I pawned my earrings a few days ago because we had no money for food,” said Ms. Selvi, who has been residing in a thatched-roof home in an Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camp in Konappulam, Jaffna, since her family’s return in 2002.

“We tried going to our land to see who lives there. We could not go very close, but there was a name board with something written in Sinhala,” she said.

TRAUMATIC PHASE

After a traumatic phase, families like that of Ms. Selvi were hopeful of being able to return home someday. But when they actually did, a new problem stared at them — their homes were not theirs anymore.

While locals alleged that the army took over land belonging to them for its “high security zone”, Jaffna Security Forces Commander Major General Mahinda Hathurasinghe denied any such takeover. “The Sri Lankan army, navy and air force require land to accommodate their troops, but only government land is used for the purpose. In cases where private land is needed, as in Palali, we compensate the owner as per the market value of their land,” he said.

Observing that there was a “proportionate increase” in army presence in Jaffna peninsula due to the overall growth of the army, Major General Hathurasinghe said the number of army personnel had come down to 13,200 now from 26,400 in December 2009, when he took over as commander.

LEGAL BATTLE

However, as many as 5,000 families are about to begin a legal battle for their land rights, said S. Sugirthan, chairman of the Valli North Pradeshiya Sabha — the local body — in Kankesanthurai, Jaffna.

According to family members, the government has allotted the families alternative sites for homes — such as the ones at the IDP camp — but they find them wanting in basic infrastructure and livelihood opportunities.

Prior to being displaced in the early 1990s to the Vanni, Ms. Selvi’s family lived in a small home they owned on a 0.25-acre plot by the sea in Jaffna. Her husband Gunaratnam would venture into the sea and bring back basketloads of fish that ensured a steady income. “Now we are not close to the sea and cannot go fishing. We are forced to take up other jobs for a small daily wage that is hardly sufficient,” said Mr. Gunarathnam.

There are space constraints as well. Inbaraja, who lives with his wife and three children, said: “The IDP camp homes are rather tiny. Look, this is all we have for the five of us [He lives with his wife and three children],” he said, pointing to his room that seemed not more than 7X4 feet in area.

There is a kitchen that is smaller, and some space in front of the house. The homes do not have toilets, and there are only common toilets in the settlement. Even a brief shower leaves the zone inundated, residents said.

“We are just asking the government to let us live in our homes, that is where we belong. We do not want anything else,” said Mr. Inbaraja.

OTHER NORTHERN AREAS

According to official sources, as many as 83, 618 persons from 23,351 families in Jaffna were displaced in 1990. Most of them are in IDP camps, while a few stay with host families. A few others have migrated abroad and some are in Rameswaram.

The problem faced by those who return is not specific to Jaffna. It is also prevalent in other parts of the Northern Province that still bears imprints of the war.

Sankari (name changed), who returned from Menik Farm — the largest refugee camp for persons displaced by war, located near Vavuniya — had to part with her land in Keppapulavu, Mullaitivu, for the near-500 acre high security zone that the army has set up. “Close to home is one thing, but home is another. The army is building some houses for us nearby, but nothing like our own place, on our plot of land,” she said.

Saraswati’s case is not very different. Her family is one of the few residing in Mullivaikal — Mullaitivu district that was among the worst-hit during the last phase of the war. Her home now — made largely of tin sheets and wooden planks — is right next to the rubble of her once concrete home.

RELIC OF THE WAR

A few yards away from her home, by the shore, stands Jordanian merchant vessel Farah 03 as disturbing relic of the war. The damage to the giant ship, said to be used as firing pad by the LTTE, presents a telling image of post-war Sri Lanka. It even serves as a tourist spot for many from the south of the country, or from outside.

The road leading to this point too has metal scrap of vehicles damaged in the war.

“Many homes here were damaged very badly. While it is good that the war is over, living in such an environment brings back memories of those days,” Saraswati said.

(*name changed on request)