Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Wednesday, May 8, 2013


CVK Sivagnanam's house attacked

[TamilNet, Wednesday, 08 May 2013, 08:09 GMT]
TamilNetThe residence of Mr CVK Sivagnanam, a veteran civil activist and joint-secretary of the Ilangkai Thamizh Arasuk Kadchi (ITAK), has been attacked Tuesday night around 11:45 p.m. by alleged operatives of the SL military in Jaffna. Mr Sivagnanam narrowly escaped from the squad that stoned his residence. The attackers, who smashed the windows of the house, left the scene after the neighbours confronted them. The incident comes following reports that Mr Sivagnanam had shown interest in fielding himself as the chief candidate in the Provincial Council elections on behalf of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), news sources in Jaffna said. 



Mr Sivagnanam's residence is located close to Chaddanaathar temple in Nalloor on Jaffna - Point Pedro Road, an area heavily monitored by the SL military and Police during the night time. 

The ITAK joint-secretary, who sustained minor scars in the attack, said the SL Police was not prepared to come to his residence when he phoned the Jaffna Police Station. In turn, he was told to come to the Police station in person and file a complaint. 

The SL police didn't show up at the site even as 8 hours have passed since the attack reported to them, Mr Sivagnanam told media Wednesday morning.

CVK Sivagnanam
CVK Sivagnanam
Mr Sivagnanam heads the Council of NGOs in the Jaffna district. The SL military has threatened his organisation on several occasions from expanding its activities into the war-ravaged Vanni region. 

In a similar act of threat, heads of dead cows were dumped in front of the entrance to his house in November 2011.

Threat to journalists and civil activists has sharply escalated in recent times in the occupied country of Eezham Tamils. 

The SL President Mahinda Rajapaksa is planning to hold the elections to the Provincial Council in North, playing his part of deception in the run up to the CHOGM summit in Colombo, a deceit against the nation of Eezham Tamils, civil activists in Jaffna said.




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Stones threw towards ITAK office at Kalmunai
[ Wednesday, 05 September 2012, 12:29.42 PM GMT +05:30 ]
Group of unidentified persons threw stones towards Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi district office at Ampara district last night.
This alleged attack carried out where the Tamil National Alliance parliamentarians Mawai Senathiraja, E. Srawanabawan and M.A.Sumandhiran were at the office.
Glasses of doors and the windows were damaged from this attack. Vehicle of the MP Mawai Senathiraja was also damaged.
During the time of election parliamentarians, candidates and party members were in the office.

Denmark calls for independent international investigation on Sri Lanka

[TamilNet, Tuesday, 07 May 2013, 15:31 GMT]
TamilNetIn an official Parliamentary release on Friday, four major Danish political parties, including two parties of the ruling coalition, called “for the establishment of an independent international investigation into violations of international humanitarian law and human rights committed during the end of the civil war in Sri Lanka.” Welcoming the move as a positive step, the alternative political activists in the country of Eezham Tamils said that the call for international investigation would have been more meaningful had it come at the time of the US-tabled Geneva resolution undermining it. 

The Danish statement is a follow-up of the conference “A forgotten conflict: Conference on Human Rights in Sri Lanka” held in the Denmark parliament on April 17 which saw the participation of Danish politicians from both the ruling left parties and the opposition party, academics, Eezham Tamil politicians from the island and the diaspora, Sinhala journalists, and other civil society activists. 

Further pledging that Denmark would work with UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to continue to monitor the HR situation in Sri Lanka, they also resolved that Denmark would work to ensure that the Tamils who entered the custody of the Sri Lankan military in 2009 will be either released or produced in the Courts. 

The statement was endorsed by the Social Democrats, the Social Liberal Party, the Red-Green Alliance and the Liberal Alliance.

Commenting further on the Danish move, Tamil political activists in the island said that any call which is not attending to the current plight, based on the recognition of the nation and territoriality of Eezham Tamils, will only pave way to another series of calls for post-mortem in future.

What is more urgent to Eezham Tamils today than belated investigations is arresting the on-going genocide –annihilation of the identity of the entire nation of Eezham Tamils, which is worse than the genocide in the war, 
they further said.


David Cameron’s Decision On CHOGM Sets The Wrong Precedence – British Tamils Forum


Colombo Telegraph
May 8, 2013 |
The Prime Minister (PM)  David Cameron’s decision to attend the summit despite the continuing call by the Canadian Prime Minister Steven Harper’s Government as well as Human Rights Organisations and the Tamils around the world to boycott the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting (CHOGM) in Sri Lank sets the wrong precedence. A spokesperson for the Queen, who is the head of the Commonwealth, has confirmed that it would be the first time since 1973 the head of the Commonwealth would not be present at an important summit for the group.
David Cameron and Rajapaksa
Sri Lanka has failed on the fundamental values of the Commonwealth, such as Democracy, Human rights, Tolerance, Respect and understanding, Separation of powers, Rule of law, Freedom of expression and Good governance.
The PM’s decision has angered the British Tamils and the rational to his decision is baseless. Sri Lanka has failed to implement any of the positive recommendations of its own Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC), which a United Nations (UN) resolution (19.L.2) adopted in the Human Rights Council (HRC) in March 2012 called for. Furthermore Sri Lanka has categorically rejected the HRC resolution (22/L.1) which was adopted in March 20013.
In November 2012, the Foreign Affairs Committee in its report urged the PM to announce his unwillingness to attend the CHOGM in Sri Lanka.  His actions will also put Her Majesty the Queen in a difficult position in sending a representation on her behalf when Human Rights Organisations are calling for a Boycott or a venue change.
The PM to announce his intention to attend six months in advance is ill-timed and will be seen as a clear message to encourage the other heads of States to attend the summit since there are many supports for the boycott call. When Britain should be taking the leadership in promoting Human Rights and uphold the Commonwealth values, the PM has opted to ignore the appalling Human Rights record of Sri Lanka.
Allowing Sri Lanka to host CHOGM 2013 will automatically give Sri Lanka the chair-in-office for the next two years and allowing an alleged war criminal to chair the 53 Nations of Commonwealth Heads of Governments.
Britain is making a historic mistake in its own responsibility towards its commitment to the Human Rights and the Commonwealth values and the Commonwealth is becoming increasingly irrelevant.
We sincerely hope that the PM rethinks his decision and put Human Rights in front of any business deals that will come out of the Commonwealth Business Forum (CBF) which will take place in conjunction with the CHOGM 2013.
The British Tamils Forum (BTF) is calling for expulsion of Sri Lanka from the Commonwealth and change the venue for CHOGM 2013.  We believe that the PM should take the leadership and shift CHOGM 2013 to the UK and making it convenient for the Queen to attend.
By British Tamils Forum 

Hot air over move to impose power cuts at EPZs

Power Secy. stresses impact on national economy

 

By Shamindra Ferdinando

 The country is heading for a major power crisis with the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) even planning to deprive Export Processing Zones (EPZ) of uninterrupted power due to insufficient generation.

This is in accordance with unannounced power cuts imposed in several parts of the country with effect from May 6.

However, the Power and Energy Ministry has strongly suggested to the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) that all EPZs should be exempted from the ongoing scheduled power cuts.

Local and foreign investors have warned the ministry as well as the CEB that interruption of electricity supply could cause a catastrophic situation. They said that the failure on the part of the government to ensure a continuous electricity supply would be a major setback in attracting foreign investment. Now, instead of bringing in new investment, the government would have to reassure those who had already invested here not to panic, sources said.

Responding to a query, sources said that the country’s premier investment agency, Board of Investment (BoI), had assured investors of uninterrupted power supply when they were allocated lands within the EPZs. Sources emphasized that the urgent need was to call for a comprehensive discussion involving all stakeholders.

They said that Power and Energy Secretary M. M. C. Ferdinando has written to General Manager G. M. Wickremasuriya as well as CEB Chairman W. P. Ganegala and Dr. Lakshman Jayaweera emphasising the need to exempt EPZs from power cuts.

Ferdinando stressed that EPZs should be let off power cuts even in the future due to the importance of their operation to the national economy.

Sources said that it was unfortunate the government wanted to include EPZs in the power shedding programme immediately after imposing a hefty electricity tariff which would escalate production costs by about 22 per cent. The bottom line was Sri Lankan products wouldn’t be competitive due to escalating production costs hence the government couldn’t be ignorant of the danger, they said.

PB objects to the President’s move to reduce the electricity bill

Wednesday, 08 May 2013
Finance Minister Dr. P.B. Jayasundera has vehemently objected to the reduction of the electricity bill announced by the President as part of a media circus without his knowledge, sources said.
“We cannot come out of this crisis even after increasing the electricity bill. This move was aimed at just staying afloat. Politicians cannot understand this. They are engage din various gimmicks to score points. It is the public officials who finally have to pay for these mistakes. They are trying to sacrifice everything in order to save one thing,” Dr. Jayasundera has told several members of his staff. Dr. Jayasundera had then left his ministry and not returned for about two days.
While the President announced a reduction in the electricity bill at the government’s May Day rally, Minister Wimal Weerawansa who held his own May Day rally read the sms announcing the President’s statement to his supporters and asked them to be grateful to the President.

Sri Lanka: The Northern Provincial Council Election – Analysis


Sri Lanka seen from space
Sri Lanka seen from space

Eurasia Review







By S. I. Keethaponcalan-May 7, 2013
The provincial council system in Sri Lanka was established in 1987 consequent to the Indo-Lanka Accord concluded between Sri Lanka and India in the same year. One provincial council was setup for the Northern and Eastern Provinces, according to the 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan constitution of 1978. The amendment had its genesis in the Accord. Both the 13th Amendment and the provincial council system were conceived as a mechanism to resolve the ethnic conflict.
Elections were conducted to the first provincial council of the merged North-East provinces in 1988 and an administration was formed under the stewardship Varadaraja Perumal of the Eelam People’s Liberation Front (EPRLF), which collaborated closely with the Indian government and had the patronage of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF). This administration however did not last long as it was dissolved in 1990. Since Perumal’s administration depended on the Indian government and the IPKF for its survival, when the decision was made to withdraw the IPKF from Sri Lanka, Perumal had no option but to abandon the provincial council and move with the IPKF to India. Before deserting the council however, Perumal, without any reasonable basis, made a Unilateral Declaration of Independence. Angered by the UDI, President Ranasinghe Premadasa dissolved the North-East Provincial Council in 1990, never to be reconstituted again.
Meanwhile, the Janatha Vimukthi Peamuna (JVP), a nationalist Sinhala political party, which fought for a socialist state in Sri Lanka, from the inception, opposed the provincial council system and the 13th Amendment. Taking advantage of its alliance with the government in power, the JVP filed a case against the merger of the Northern and Eastern provinces in 2006 and gained a ruling in favor from the Supreme Court. Thus the temporarily merged North-East provinces were demerged in 2007.
Although the war between the state armed forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was ended in May 2009, the Eastern Province, a substantial portion of which was controlled by the LTTE, was brought under the sway of the government in 2008. The government wasted no time as it conducted the provincial council elections for the Eastern Province and formed the provincial administration in 2008. Emboldened by the military success in the Eastern Province the government pursued the same military strategy in the North as well. Crushing the LTTE leadership and the military machine, the government ended the war conclusively in May 2009.
The termination of the war and the LTTE led to the belief and the hope that the government, sooner than later, will conduct the provincial council elections in the North as well. The anticipated northern provincial council election was linked to ethnic reconciliation as especially the international community believed that the ballot and an opportunity for the Tamil people to govern their own affairs in the Northern Province will accelerate the reconciliation process. To date however, the Northern Province has been administered by Major General G.A.Chandrasiri, who was appointed by the central government. No election was conducted and about four years after the end of the war the Northern Provincial Council remains without a democratically elected government.
There were two fundamental reasons why the central government has shown no urgency in conducting the provincial council election to the Northern Province, (1) security, and (2) politics. Both these factors are linked closely to the history of elections conducted in the North in the post-war period. In all the elections conducted in the North during the past four year period including the local government election, presidential election and the parliamentary election, the Tamil voters in the North have overwhelmingly voted with the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) or the parties endorsed by the TNA. Therefore, it is clear that if provincial council election is held under the prevailing political condition the TNA most probably will win the vote.
The government and section of the majority Sinhala community believe that this could pose serious challenges to the security of the province. The TNA was supportive of the LTTE policies, politics and strategies and operated as a surrogate of the LTTE. The TNA was also committed to the separate state for the Tamils in the North-East provinces. This makes the Sinhalese extremely suspicious of the TNA’s intensions. Although the TNA dropped its demand for a separate state and endorsed a federalist solution to the ethnic conflict in its 2010 parliamentary election manifesto, the Sinhalese refused to trust the TNA. Therefore, the government believes that, if given an opportunity, the TNA will use the provincial powers to promote separatism. This is one reason why the Northern provincial council elections were not conducted thus far. A powerful section within the of the government believes that it is important to keep the North under military control as long as possible to preempt another Tamil campaign for a separate state for the Tamils in the North.
Politically, the government in the past has demonstrated total commitment to preserving all provincial councils under the control of the ruling political coalition, the United People’s Freedom Alliance. The present government carried out a determined campaign during all previous provincial government elections conducted during its tenure in office and made sure the opposition parties have absolutely no chance of forming a government in these councils. Currently, all provincial councils are controlled by the People’s Alliance government. This will however, not be easy in the North, where the TNA will have a fair chance of winning and forming the government.
The government did not hesitate to hold the provincial council election in the East immediately because the political environment that prevailed in the province following the ousting of the LTTE was different. Former LTTE leaders Vinayagamurthi Muralitharan and Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan hailed from the Eastern Province. They defected from the LTTE in 2004 and collaborated with the armed forces contributing to the eventual military debacle of the LTTE. Politically, they aligned with the ruling party and continue to work with the government. Also, the rift between the Muralitharan faction of the LTTE and the mainstream group caused tension between the Northern and Eastern Tamils. Taking advantage of the political milieu the government conducted the Eastern Provincial Council election in 2008 and formed the administration. Chandrakanthan became the Chief Minister of the Eastern Province Provincial council.
Nevertheless, under pressure from the international community, caused mainly by the resolution adopted in the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in March 2012 on Sri Lanka, President Mahinda Rajapaksa announced that the provincial council election in the North will be conducted in September 2013. Sponsors of the resolution especially the United States were advocating an international investigation on the human rights violations allegedly committed during the last phase of the war. Surprisingly, India, which was a staunch ally of the Rajapaksa government, voted for the resolution. The announcement of the election was made to address the international concerns expressed through the resolution. President Rajapaksa in an interview granted to The Hindu newspaper of India declared “We want to hold elections in September 2013.”
This was obviously one of the major demands of the international community. Without wasting too much time the international community welcomed the announcement. In an effort also to trap the Sri Lankan government in its own pronouncement the 2013 UNHRC resolution on Sri Lanka, which was also sponsored by the US, welcomed “the announcement by the Government of Sri Lanka to hold elections to the Provincial Council in the Northern Province in September 2013.” It seems that the aim has been achieved as the Sri Lankan government seemed to have no option but to hold the election this year. Last week President Rajapaksa announced that he is in the process of consulting his advisors on the date to have the election.
However, holding the election as promised is not easy. First, it seems that in a free and fair contest the TNA will win the election, which still has the potential to discourage the government. Second, there may be resistance from the security apparatus to handing over administration to a Tamil led government, which will be seen as detrimental to the long term security schemes in the North. Third, nationalist Sinhala groups are already up in arms against the proposed vote in the North.
The Bodu Bala Sena and Ravana Blaya two of the emerging vocal Sinhala-Buddhist nationalist entities have already declared their reservation of holding election in the North coupled with threats of public agitation if and when the election becomes a reality. On May 1st in one of the May Day rallies, Wimal Weerawansa, the Minister for Housing and Common Amenities in the present government declared that he will resign his position in the cabinet if the government decided to go ahead with the Northern polls. In a recent newspaper interview, Patali Champika Ranawaka, the Minister of Technology, Research and Atomic Energy, reiterated that his party was opposed to the proposed election. What is interesting is that all these anti-election groups are in one way or the other close to the government, which ignited the belief among some commentators that the government was behind the emerging movement and may use it as an excuse not to hold the promised election.
This perception has created doubts in the minds of the people of the North that it is unlikely that the government will in the near future hold the proposed election. Others argue that the government may, in order to defeat the challenges created by the promised election, try to scrap the 13th Amendment altogether. Scrapping of the 13th Amendemnt may also reinforce the popularity of the government, especially the President among the Sinhala people in the South. Therefore, the people in the North and the international community, albeit with some doubts, are waiting eagerly to the official announcement of the election, which may or may not come.
(The author is Chair of the Conflict Resolution Department, Salisbury University, Maryland. Email: skeetha@yahoo.com)

Is “Bodu Bala Sena” A Racist Organization?


By Hema Senanayake -May 8, 2013 
Hema Senanayake
Colombo TelegraphA couple of months ago BBS became a household name in Sri Lanka. We may agree or may not agree with the views of BBS but we all agree that it created a heavy impact in the social fabric of Sri Lanka. Some people think that BBS is a patriot movement and some people think that it is a cheap racist organization.
Therefore when somebody told me that the General Secretary of BBS (Bodu Bala Sena) was supposed to come to the New York Buddhist Vihara on May 05th to submit his case to Sinhalese community in New York I thought I should come and meet him to ask a question. So, I asked one of the resident monks in the temple that whether the session was open for a discussion. The reverend monk told me that the planned session had been cancelled. I missed the opportunity of asking an important question directly from the General Secretary of BBS. So, I thought I would raise that question through the media.
The question is about as to how we recognize a Sinhala racist.
There is a small background story to this question. Let me explain it first. One of my Sinhala friends’ son was studying in Queens, New York. At about grade 10 he left this school to a new school in Howard Beach area close to the JFK airport. In that school most of the students were white. Majority of them were from Italian descent and some of them were from Irish decent. In fact in this boy’s very first class in that school there were no students from African descent. For dark skin students there were only two, one was my friend’s son and the other was an Indian girl.
In the evening of the very first day in that school I telephoned the boy as to find out how he was doing in the new school because I knew that old students sometimes play mischiefs on newcomers. In responding to my call he replied that the school was good and he said “but one racist white student yelled at me.”
“What did he say” I asked him. The white student had told our boy “go back to your country, go back to your jungle.” Perhaps some of those students might have thought that Sri Lanka was a jungle. I asked him whether he was scared. He said “No, I did not but I gave him a good reply.”
This child had told the white guy that he would go back to Sri Lanka but on a certain basis. The white student had asked what the basis was. He had told him that the basis was “first-in-first-out”; “so, you came first and must go out first then I would go back next.” Our child was studying American history in that grade and knew that white people came to America a few centuries ago from Europe. That was the reason he intelligently played a trick on the white student without going into a verbal or physical fight. I asked him as to what happened after that. He said that the white student had just gone away.
From this story we get a practical definition as to who a racist is. Our child defined the white student who yelled at him as a racist because that student had asked him to go back to his country thinking that the America is belonged to them only. In the same way if a white skin person come and say to any member of Sinhala community who domiciled in the United States that he or she has to go back to Sri Lanka they would definitely identify that person as a racist. So, this establishes a universal practical definition for a racist. That is, a racist is a person who thinks that a country belongs only to its old inhabitants who contributed much to the country’s culture. Racists think that other citizens must go back to countries where they came from.
Let us equally apply this definition to Sri Lanka. If a Sinhala-Buddhist person thinks that Tamil or Muslim citizens must go back to their former countries, that person is a racist. Also if that person verbally abuses citizens of minorities and destroys their properties, that person is a full blown racist.  From this definition even a child like my friend’s son could recognize who a racist is. I like this practical definition of racism than the scholarly definition of the word which says that racism means “prejudice, discrimination, or antagonism directed against someone of a different race based on the belief that one’s own race is superior” (Oxford Dictionary).
Racist is not a patriot; racists are disgrace to a country. So, I wanted to ask from BBS Secretary General whether BBS is a racist movement in terms of my friend’s son definition of the word. Since I have missed that opportunity as the General Secretary had cancelled his planned meeting in New York, I now pose this question to the members of Sri Lankan community that live in the United States and elsewhere around the world. What is BBS in view of their recent acts, speeches and declarations?
In view of the same definition, LTTE was a racist organization because they evicted around 100,000 Muslims from North thinking that north was part of Tamil homeland. Therefore I think this is a fair and practical definition of a racist so that even a child could recognize who a racist is. Hence this definition must be duly embedded into the core of the social fabric in Sri Lanka.

Dalai Lama lashes Myanmar, Lanka Buddhist violence



The Dalai Lama has implored Buddhist monks in Myanmar and Sri -Lanka to put an end to a series of recent attacks on Muslims in their countries.
The Tibetan Buddhist spiritual leader spoke Tuesday night about religious violence when asked questions following a speech he delivered to 15,000 people at the University of Maryland in the United States.

Myanmar, which was earlier known as Burma, has been wracked by sectarian violence that has killed hundreds and displaced more than 135,000 over the past year, while Sri Lankan Buddhist groups have recently attacked Muslim businesses.
"Killing people in the name of religion is really very sad, unthinkable, very sad," the Nobel Peace laureate said. "Nowadays even Buddhists now involved, in Burma and Sri Lanka also. Buddhist monks ... destroy Muslim mosques or Muslim families. Really very sad."
He said that he sometimes counsels his fellow Buddhists: "When they develop some sort of negative emotions toward the Muslim community, then please think (of) the face of Buddha."
If the Buddha is there, he will protect the Muslims, he said in a video of the speech posted on the university's website.
The Dalai Lama is the head of the Tibetan school of Buddhism, while Buddhism in Myanmar and Sri Lanka is dominated by the separate Theravada branch, which does not answer to his authority.
The sectarian violence in Myanmar first flared in western Rakhine state nearly a year ago, when mobs of Buddhists armed with machetes razed thousands of Muslim homes, leaving hundreds dead and forcing 125,000 people to flee, mostly Muslims.
That violence has since spread into a campaign against the country's Muslim community in other regions.
In March, at least 43 people were killed and 12,000 displaced in the central city of Meikhtila when Buddhist mobs rampaged through the town and police stood idly by. Most of the victims were Muslim.
Last week, one person was killed and nine others injured when Buddhists stormed a township about 80 kilometers (50 miles) north of the main city Yangon, ransacking mosques and burning several villages to the ground.
New York-based Human Rights Watch has accused authorities _ including Buddhist monks, local politicians, government officials, and state security forces _ of fomenting an organized campaign of "ethnic cleansing" against the Muslims in Rakhine state. The government has denied the charges.
Sri Lanka, which is dominated by a Buddhist majority, has also been hit by rising instances of hate speech against Muslims and attacks on Muslim-owned businesses.
Groups led by Buddhist monks have spread allegations that the small Muslim minority was dominating business there and trying to take over the country by increasing its birthrate and secretly sterilizing Buddhists.

Release Azath Salley – CRM Calls For Even-Handed Action Under The Normal Law

Colombo TelegraphMay 8, 2013
Azath Salley‘s detention under the Prevention of Terrorism Act should be revoked and he should be released immediately. If there are indeed serious allegations of his inciting religious hostility that merit investigation, such investigation, and any consequent action, should take place under the normal law. It should also be part of a wider law-enforcement exercise against all such offenders, irrespective of ethnic, religious or political affiliation.
Even during the existence of the armed conflict the position of the Civil Rights Movement has been that the PTA, if not repealed, should at least be drastically amended. Among the totally unacceptable features we have repeatedly condemned are its “no bail” provisions, and the provision for long term detention at the will of the executive with no legal rules as to place or conditions of detention. It is intolerable that resort to this discredited Act should be made today.
Of extreme concern in the instant case is the context in which this arrest of a prominent member of a minority community has been made.  We refer to the alarming hate campaign against this same minority currently conducted by elements claiming to represent the majority Buddhists, which campaign has reportedly at times been accompanied by highly inflammatory actions and speeches which in some instances have resulted in violence. The law enforcement agencies have been conspicuously absent or ineffective. On some occasions they have simply remained bystanders. A vigorous and principled counter-campaign by the government emphasising values of tolerance and inter-religious harmony has been called for by many but remains no more than a fervent hope.
To now use the inhuman provisions of the PTA against Mr Salley is not merely an act of injustice perpetrated on one individual. It sends a most dangerous message to a community already feeling unfairly under attack, and may act as encouragement to the extremist forces mobilised against minority groups, raising a spectre some of us fondly dreamed had been laid to rest.
Suriya Wickremasinghe
Secretary CRM

Economic growth stalling


* Electricity price hike, though necessary, will have negative impact on growth in a number of ways

 
article_image
"There seems to be clear evidence that growth is stalling," warns economic think tank the Pathfinder Foundation, highlighting several macroeconomic issues plaguing the country and echoing concerns continuously raised by several economists in the recent past.

"The scope for expansionary macroeconomic policies is limited. The space for lower interest rates brought about by the electricity price increase is unlikely to offset the negative impact on growth generated by the combined effects of the increased cost of power, the over-valued real effective exchange rate and low-productivity/competitiveness. Repeated boom and bust cycles (including the possibility of a major crisis in the future) cannot be avoided without a package of reforms that strengthen the growth framework of the economy through improved productivity/competitiveness to boost exports," the think tank warned.

"The growth momentum in the Sri Lankan economy has slowed down significantly. It is important to examine its performance subsequent to the necessary stabilization measures introduced in Feb/March 2012 to address the overheating of the economy. This was reflected in the severe balance of payments/reserves and inflationary pressures at that time. Trends in indicators that are often used as proxies for growth, such as electricity consumption, shipments (total cargo handled minus transhipment) and cement consumption (domestic production plus imports) seem to point to growth of less than 5% in 2H 2012 i.e. the period when the stabilization measures would have taken effect."

The government has set an economic growth target of 7.5% for 2013, but the Pathfinder Foundation pointed out several factors that would make this challenging.



= The electricity price hike, though necessary, will have a negative impact on growth in a number of ways. Exporters will not be able to pass on the increase in their electricity costs and the resulting loss in competitiveness could well lead to some loss in market share. Producers for the domestic market can pass on the cost rise to their customers. However, this is likely to dampen demand thereby constraining growth.

= Overall consumption, particularly of fast-moving consumer goods, is likely to decline, with negative implications for growth.

= Investment is likely to be deterred by the higher cost structures associated with the increased prices of electricity and fuel.

= The combination of the increase in electricity prices and an over-valued real effective exchange rate will erode the competitiveness of the economy. This will dampen growth prospects for both exports and import competing sectors. The current poor export performance, where exports have halved from 33% of GDP to 16% over the last decade, will be exacerbated.

"On the positive side, the improvement in the state bank balance sheets brought about by the recent electricity and fuel price adjustments will create space for some easing of interest rates. In addition, the prospects of lower interest rates are likely to boost the stock exchange. The wealth effects of this are likely to provide some support to both domestic consumption and investment. This will serve to boost growth prospects in the economy," the think tank said.

Limited Scope for Expansionary Macroeconomic Policy

"It is unlikely that the positive phenomena mentioned above will be sufficient to offset the combined effects of an overvalued real effective exchange rate and higher energy and fuel prices. In the present context, it is also important to recognize that too aggressive an easing of macroeconomic policies, particularly interest rates, will result in a repeat of the balance of payments/reserves and inflation problems experienced in late 2011/early 2012. There is also limited scope to loosen fiscal policy at this time given the constraints being faced on the revenue front and the worrying trends in debt servicing. Total debt repayments were greater than total revenue in 2012. The increasing exposure to external debt and within that short-term commercial debt further circumscribes the room to maneuver in terms of loosening fiscal policy.

"The positive impact on domestic consumption of the wealth effects associated with gains on the stock market are unlikely to offset the reduction in consumption triggered by the electricity price increase, particularly as the marginal propensity to consume is relatively low among the wealthy who invest in the stock market."

Improved productivity/
competitiveness

The Pathfinder Foundation argues that Sri Lanka is overly dependent on remittances and borrowed foreign capital inflows (see The Island Financial Review of May 06, 2013).

"The headroom for such borrowing could run out relatively quickly, particularly if the creditworthiness of the country is not enhanced through a boost in export performance. At present, remittances are the only bright spot in the country’s external account. This is a very precarious situation. Furthermore, the growth record, since April 2012, demonstrates that even with buoyant remittances the economy does not have the import capacity to grow faster than 5-6% without overheating. It would be disappointing if post-conflict Sri Lanka had to settle for a growth rate which is not very different from that achieved during the 25 years of conflict. The root cause of the problem is low productivity and a lack of competitiveness that has undermined export performance.

"Sustained growth of 7.5% - 8% (without repeated boom/bust cycles eventually leading to a major crisis) can only be achieved through a package of measures to strengthen the growth framework of the economy based on increased productivity/competitiveness. Given the size of the domestic market, the Sri Lankan economy cannot achieve a higher growth path on a sustained basis without a significant turnaround in export performance. This requires an elimination of the anti-export bias in the macroeconomic policy framework. Addressing the over-valued real effective exchange rate (which reflects the movement in the cost structures between Sri Lanka and her major competitors/trading partners) and trade policy (tariff structure) should be a central part of any reform package.

"This needs to be supplemented by structural reforms that increase the competitiveness of the economy, including measures to restructure the electricity and fuel sectors to contain costs. Another major challenge is to address the low productivity in the agricultural sector and the public service which absorb large amounts of financial and human resources and yield a very low return to the economy.

"The highest priority should be attached to improving the investment climate as a higher growth path is not attainable without increased domestic and foreign investment. Attracting non-debt creating flows, particularly long-term investment in the form of FDI, is central for sustained growth and development of the country. Furthermore, the momentum of the government’s infrastructure development program cannot be maintained without increased private sector involvement," the think tank said.

Hate Incidents Report: Muslims Continue To Be Subjected To Violence And Persecution Often At The Hands Of Militant Buddhists – SFM

May 8, 2013 Colombo Telegraph
Sri Lanka’s minority Muslims continue to be subjected to violence and persecution, often at the hands of militant Buddhists, who are very active at the grassroots level. The Secretariat for Muslims (SFM) documented 21 incidents occurring from January to March, and 54 incidents in March alone.
The SFM has now documented all the incidents that occurred in April, that range from low-level harassment of Muslims, venomous media statements, direct threats to violence, attacks on mosques, death threats, business boycotts, and property seizure, in what appears to be part of a growing campaign to destroy Muslim communities or drive them into exile.
Intimidation aimed at other aspects of daily Islamic life is also now disturbingly commonplace in Sri Lanka. Men’s beards, traditional hijab/veils by women have been condemned by extremists seeking to fuel sectarian hatred.
Much of this persecution is carried out with apparent impunity. An example of this (and also the most notable incident) was the attack on the showroom cum warehouse complex in late March of the reputed, Muslim owned apparel firm “Fashion Bug” in the suburbs of Colombo, while police stood and watched. Also of note is the arrest of Azath Salley on May 2nd. Salley has been an outspoken critic of the BBS. His arrest was based on ‘several complaints’ but no clear charges, and clearly flouts international conventions on minority rights and religious freedoms. According to Amnesty International, his campaigning to end oppressive practices against minorities in Sri Lanka, in particular Muslims and Tamils, has brought on the ire of the Sri Lankan government.
This document also includes incidents such as mosques in Colombo being threatened to close. Meanwhile, in Galle, Sinhalese landlords have forced their Muslim shop owner tenants to vacate their shops by the end of the year. April also saw the launch in Batticaloa of a public campaign calling for a protest against Muslims. Similar campaigns have since been held in other parts of the country.
Click here to read the full document covering the incidents of April 2013.




By Ranga Jayasuriya

In the long list of assassinations, abductions and assaults of media personnel,  Subramaniam Sugirtharajan (35), a freelance journalist of  the Tamil newspaper Sudar Oli is  only a footnote. He was gunned down, while waiting in front of his residence in Trincomalee for a bus to go to work on 24 January 2006.  A father of two, he was an   employee of the Ports Authority.

But, three weeks before his death, he photographed the most conclusive evidence revealed that the five students of Trincomalee who were massacred on 2 January 2006 were, in fact,  shot in close range,  in the execution style.  The shocking pictures were published in the Jaffna-based Uthayan paper, and challenged the government’s version of the incident that the students were killed after an exchange of fire.


Three weeks after the pictures appeared, Sugirtharajan was dead. His killers were never caught, though many alleged the military had a hand in the killing.  His name was tucked away in a long list of unresolved killings, abductions, disappearance of media personnel, who made the supreme sacrifice for performing their duty.


The discourse of the attacks on  the media is habitually focused on the  high profile murder of Editor Lasantha Wickrematunge,  the abduction of Cartoonist, Prageeth Ekneligoda, the  periodic attacks on the Uthayan paper and the abduction and torture of journalist and media activist, Poddala Jayantha,and so forth.


Paid a heavy price


In this long list, Sugirtharajan is a footnote. However, it was provincial journalists like him and media workers, who ensured the besieged Northern media industry would continue to function, who took the brunt of the violence.


They paid a heavy price for their commitment, idealism or simply being in the wrong place at the wrong time.


The preponderance of those victims is Tamil. And a sizable number of them are media workers, who contributed to the profession through means other than editorial work.  During the war in Jaffna, newspaper delivery men, who transported the bundle of the morning newspapers in the back of their motorcycles, had often been treading with death.


Delivery men such as Mariyadas Manojanraj,  Sathasivam Baskaran were killed while distributing newspapers in the Jaffna Peninsula and their ilk continue to be at the receiving end of  regular violence.


Both in the North and to a certain degree in the South, journalists were placed at the mercy of the belligerents of all sides.


On 28 May 2008, Paranirupasingham Devakumar,  Jaffna correspondent for the News First and Shakthi TV, was hacked to death,  allegedly by a group of  LTTE supporters,  who were enraged the journalist covered a rally of the Eelam’s People’s Democratic Party (EPDP), a  constituent party of the ruling United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) . Devakumar acted against the wishes of the Tamil Tigers and paid the supreme sacrifice.  His killers are still at large and police suspended investigations, citing lack of evidence. No arrests were made.


Earlier, during the heydays of the peace process in 2004, the LTTE, which had been exploiting the restraint exercised by the military at the time embarked on a mission to eliminate the dissenting voices among Tamils.  The EPDP took the brunt of the killings; its senior members and local operatives were killed at an alarming rate.


On 16 August, 2004 The LTTE gunned down Kandasamy Aiyar, media secretary and senior member of the EPDP in Colombo.


After the split of the mainstream Tamil Tigers, the break-away Karuna faction led by Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan alias Karuna, a minister of the present government joined the fray.


On  31 May, 2004 Aiyathurai Nadesan, a Tamil journalist attached to the Daily Virakesari, was shot by assailants believed to be of the Karuna faction in Batticaloa. 


Dharmaratnam  Sivaram, the editor of the Tamilnet website was gunned down on 28 May, 2005, allegedly by the para-military operatives at the behest of the military intelligence.


Two PLOTE cadres were initially arrested by the police for the murder. One suspect known as Arumugam Sri Skandharajah alias Peter was indicted and the trial was re-initiated before a Sinhala speaking Jury in 2011, after a lapse of five years. The trial later grinded to a halt due to the absence of evidence.  The suspect was released on bail.


In most cases, where the culpability of the government and state military apparatus are suspected, the investigations tend to come to an abrupt halt.


Political directive


Prageeth Ekneligoda, the cartoonist disappeared after he left the office, informing his colleagues he was going to meet a ‘contact’. He left the office on that fateful day, after receiving a telephone call from the ‘purported contact’  The Criminal Investigation Department (CID), which investigated the disappearance traced the last caller to his mobile phone in Batticaloa.  After the initial breakthrough, before the suspect was arrested, the CID investigations came to a grinding halt, which the inside sources confided was due to a political directive.


On occasions, even the courts become hollow in the search of justice when the state is alleged to be involved in the killings.


On 2 June, 2006, Sampath Lakmal, the freelance journalist, who was believed to have maintained a close relationship with the Army intelligence and had allegedly served as a military informant was killed after he left the house at night, after receiving a call from one Lieutenant ‘Kumar Sir’. Mother of the slain journalist, Rupa de Silva overheard him greeting the person at the other end as ‘Kumar Sir’ and it was later revealed he had met one Lieutenant Kumara. Later his bullet ridden body was found in Dehiwela. Despite the incriminating evidence, which was presented to the court by the mother of the slain journalist, no arrests were made.


The investigations into the most high profile murder of the recent times, that of Lasantha Wickrematunge, initially caused ripples within the military intelligence circles.  A group of military intelligence officials were held under close observation and confined to their barrack. The former Director of Military Intelligence Corp, Major General Amal Karunasena was recalled from Eritrea where he was sent to open a Sri Lankan mission in Asmara. Two suspects, Kandegedara Piyawansha, a former military intelligence officer  and Pichchai Jesudasan, an estate Tamil youth, were taken into custody after the initial investigations. Later, Piyawansa was released on bail after he made a statement in the Magistrate’s chamber. Requests made by the counsels appearing for late Wickrematunge to obtain a copy of the statement made by Piyawansa was denied due to the objections raised by the CID.


Later to make matters worse, Jesudasan died under suspicious circumstances while he was in jail on 15 October, 2011.


Even four years after his death, justice is yet to be delivered to the former newspaper editor.


And the victims of, violence unleashed against media, were made victims for a second time, of the entrenched culture of impunity, which has, in part, been fostered by the government.


Poddala Jayantha, who was abducted and tortured by his captors was targeted by a sinister campaign of personal vilification carried out by the spin doctors of the government and some of the least salubrious government ministers, such as Mervyn Silva, who boasted in a public rally that he ‘broke’ the legs of Poddala Jayantha and threatened to do so again,  should he ever return.


Journalists and media workers killed since 2006


24 January 2006: Subramaniyam Sukirtharajan, freelance journalist, Sudar Oli, shot dead in Trincomalee in front of his residence.


3 May 2006:  On the International Press Freedom Day, gunmen raided the Uthayan newspaper in Jaffna, killing staff members, Suresh Kumar and Ranjith Kumar. The EPDP was blamed for the attack. No arrests were made.


2 June 2006: Sampath Lakmal Silva, a freelance journalist of the Sathdina newspaper was shot dead in the early hours of 2 July, 2006, and his body was found in Jayawardena Place, Dehiwela. He was 24 years old at the time of his death.


1 August 2006: Mariyadas Manojanraj,  a newspaper seller was killed in a bomb explosion, while travelling to his newspaper office in Jaffna.


16 August 2006: Sathasivam Baskaran,  a  delivery driver attached to the Uthayan newspaper was killed inside the delivery vehicle.


20 August 2006:  Sinnathamby Sivamaharajah, Managing Director of the Jaffna-based Tamil newspaper ‘Namathu Eelanadu’. He was shot dead inside his house, which was 300 metres inside the High Security Zone (HSZ) of the Sri Lanka Army (SLA) in Tellippalai in Jaffna on 20 August, 2006.  The newspaper was forced to shut down due to his demise.


15 February 2007: Subramaniyam Ramachandran, a reporter of Thinakural and Valampuri, was abducted by an unidentified group in Vadamarachchi in the Jaffna Peninsula and feared to be dead.


16 April 2007: Subash Chandraboas, 32, editor of a small Tamil-language monthly magazine, Nilam (The Ground), was shot dead in the evening near his home in Thoanikkal, near Vavuniya. His 8-year-old daughter told CPJ the assassins had spoken in Tamil and Sinhalese.


30 April 2007: Selvarajah Rajivarnam, young journalist of the ‘Uthayan’ daily, was shot dead by a motor cycle riding gunman at 10 a.m. on the Navalar Road.


1 August 2007: Nilakshan Sahadavan, student at the Jaffna Media Resource Training Centre (MRTC) and part-time journalist, shot dead by unknown persons in Kokuvil.


27 November 2008:  Three media workers employed by the Voice of Tigers: Isaivizhi Chempiyan (a former presenter), Suresh Linbiyo (a technician) and T. Tharmalingam were killed in a Sri Lanka Air force bombing raid.


28 May 2008: Paranirupasingham Devakumar, Jaffna district correspondent of News First and Shakthi TV  was  hacked to death in Navanthurei, on his way home from Jaffna town.


6 October 2008: Rashmi Mohamed, a journalist for Sirasa TV, was killed by a suicide bombing that targeted Major General Janaka Perera at the opening of a new United National Party office in Anuradhapura .  


8 January 2009: Lasantha Wickrematunga, chief editor of ‘The Sunday Leader’, killed by unknown assailants while driving to work.


12 February 2009: Punniyamurthy Sathyamurthy, a journalist attached to the pro-LTTE Tamil net was killed during an air raid on Thevipuram, Mullaitivu in the Vanni


24 January 2010: Prageeth  Ekneligoda, cartoonist of the Lanka e news disappeared, feared to be abducted and later killed.
2013-05-05