UK Tamils urged to boycott Conservative Party

[TamilNet, Tuesday, 07 May 2013, 06:17 GMT]
If the British Prime Minister David Cameron is not prepared to boycott CHOGM hosted by Sri Lanka setting a new global paradigm on genocide, then the UK Tamils should have the guts to demonstrate the same sentiments they had showed to Rajapaksa visiting London to the British Prime Minister too, commented new generation Tamils for alternative politics in the occupied country of Eezham Tamils. As a first step, Eezham Tamils in the Conservative Party should resign, activists ‘instructed’ by the Establishment outfits should come forward to boycott them and the message should go to the Labour Party as well that was in complicity with the genocide. The individuals who continue in vain to cling to the Establishments and the ‘lobbyists’ in their service who do most of the lobbying on their own people have to be identified and ostracized, the alternative activists further said. 

David Cameron

David Cameron will defy boycott calls to attend Sri Lanka Commonwealth Summit, reported The Telegraph on Friday.

Eezham Tamils shouldn’t anymore plead with such leaders as such of UK, Australia etc., but leave them to get exposed in standing politically naked with Rajapaksa at the CHOGM, which will enlighten Tamils as well as 99 per cent of the world on the importance of isolating and targeting the one per cent that is treading on humanity, Tamils for alternative politics said.

* * * Further comments from the Tamil political activists in the island follow:

The CHOGM issue has been hotly discussed for well over two years now. But, Tamils have to realise that the CHOGM issue is ultimately decided by the stand taken by the USA and India at Geneva in protecting the genocidal Sinhala State. The diaspora that failed in realising the importance of vigorously denouncing the US-initiated deception at Geneva in toto, is deemed to fail in the CHOGM issue as well. 

Immediately after ending the war with calculated genocide, the main propaganda of the crisis outfits of the West was that the Tamil people are ‘tired’ of the struggle for independence and now they should drop it, but they may democratically continue their struggle for ‘rights’.

Sections of Tamils fell into the trap, started organising simulated struggles guided by the very adversaries, without realising that the agenda of the adversaries is to deviate struggles from targeting them, to get as much as benefits from Colombo by citing or managing the struggle and above all to make Tamils tired politically too. 

If the struggle is not addressed in the right direction it will certainly be vain and tiring.

* * * Certain sections of Tamils who had already been hijacked by the adversaries detracted the spontaneous uprising of the people in the diaspora during the last stages of the war and asked what was the use, in order to cast defeatism, to silence the people and to lure them towards a ‘tangent’ polity.

It is time for the Tamils to ask them back that what was the use in the tangent polity of theirs for four years, when what is happening today in the form of structural genocide permanently annihilating the identity of the entire nation of Eezham Tamils is worse than the genocide in the war.

The diaspora, not merely in the UK but all across the world, especially the younger generation, should realise that in their future struggles, addressing their own governments is more important than targeting the agent in Colombo.

* * * A very significant development in this regard has come from the youth of Tamil Nadu.

The pre-Geneva media exposures have at least brought in an uprising in Tamil Nadu in the right direction, thus bringing in hope for the future and even making the Tamil Nadu State to officially commit to a stand aspired by Eezham Tamils. 

But the tempo built up by the media exposures resulted in only disappointment, lethargy and mental tiredness in the diaspora that had sacrificed people’s politics for counting on the US agenda. 

Much depends on who take up the articulation of the struggle.

* * * Tamils should also realize that the future struggle is not simply confined to them alone. It is a struggle of humanity and mobilisation has to be in that direction. There are other Commonwealth countries – Malaysia, Singapore, South Africa, Mauritius, Seychelles etc., where the public has to be vigorously mobilised whether their Establishments listen or don’t listen. 

Maldivians in the immediate neighbourhood have a special responsibility in telling their government to keep out of genocidal Colombo. Maldives will be vulnerably affected by any dangerous paradigm cropping up in the region. Intelligent Maldivians might have realised that as long as the LTTE was there, none of the bold advances of the powers that now intensely affect their country could take place, but they all now come due to the post-war disposition of the Sinhala State. 

* * * New Delhi Establishment keenly engineers in favour of genocidal Sri Lanka hosting CHOGM and getting the Commonwealth in its hands for the next two years –Vijay Nambiar in the UN then and Kamalesh Sharma in the Commonwealth now – diplomatic sources in the West cite. But that is no excuse for the treachery played on the part of the West. Tamils have been witnessing the game of passing the ball for ages.

Downing Street hopes that participation at Sri Lanka’s CHOGM would make that government to allow free provincial elections in September, The Telegraph said. 

The Co-Chair countries that asked the people to go into the hands of the genocidal Sinhala State, washed their hands off once the Eezham Tamils herded into the barbed-wire camps were ‘released’ into open prisons and in jungle lands that were not their original villages. The IDP question has been successfully resolved amazingly at a short time, the culprits tell the world now. The deceptive provincial election will be another occasion to wash hands off and tell that the political solution too is over.

“Handing Sri Lanka the lead role for two years would “kill” the Commonwealth as a functioning diplomatic forum,” The Telegraph cited a Commonwealth diplomat. 

The death of the Commonwealth is perhaps better than retaining it and providing a forum for the anti-people States to play ‘consensual’ villainy on humanity. Common humanity is not going to shed tears for the death of the Commonwealth. But the contrast between the geniuses of humanity and defaulters of civilisation – between those who started the UN, Commonwealth etc., and those who caused the death of them –would certainly get into history.

FACT FINDING MISSION REPORT / REPORTS

Field Report: Jaffna and Killinochchi Districts

CENTRE FOR POLICY ALTERNATIVES on May 6, 2013 

6th May 2013, Colombo, Sri Lanka: The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) undertook a field visit to Jaffna and Killinochchi districts in April to assess the rule of law and human security situation in the areas. The CPA team spoke with a cross section of actors including Government officials, politicians, humanitarian agencies, civil society, media and community groups. During the course of the visit, key themes were highlighted as needing urgent attention including security considerations, preparations for Northern Provincial Council (NPC) elections, the recent land acquisition process and its impact over land ownership and demographic change, as well as larger governance issues. These are briefly highlighted in this report.

Nearly four years after the end of the war, complex and challenging issues abound in the North. This report of a brief visit by CPA highlights some aspects of life in the North. It is by no means a comprehensive or definitive overview of issues on the ground. CPA notes the range of issues that were encountered during the short trip – from the day to day to the larger issues of politics and governance. Many of these issues are not new and have been highlighted by CPA in the past. Accordingly, CPA reiterates the recommendations made in previous years.

In light of possible NPC elections, there is now an opportunity to address shortcomings of previous years. It is paramount that the Government upholds basic constitutional guarantees and fully implements the Constitution including the devolution of power to the Provincial Councils. This visit demonstrated yet again the persistence of land problems, recently compounded by policy directives that may lead to the dispossession of land of thousands. CPA calls upon the Government to take urgent steps to address this situation and to institute processes that are transparent, participatory and just. CPA also calls upon Government and military officials to adhere to promises and pledges made including the release of private lands and to ensure people’s fundamental freedoms are respected. It is important that the Government takes immediate steps to build confidence among the people in the North by addressing the security situation, upholding law and order, providing a conducive environment for free and fair elections and ensuring that basic guarantees provided in the Constitutional and legal framework are adhered to. These steps are fundamental if reconciliation and unity are to be meaningful in Sri Lanka.

Download it as a PDF here, or read it online here.

Northern heat hits Sri Lankan pilgrimage to India

• When weather eases in August, the Sri Lankan Buddhist pilgrimage are expected to visit India again.

By P K Balachandran-

05th May 2013 

It is the hot weather in North India rather than the anti-Sinhalese sentiment in Tamil Nadu which has severely curtailed the flow of Lankan Buddhist pilgrims into India, says the Buddhist Overseas Pilgrimage Tour Operators’ Association Sri Lanka (BOPTOASL). “The troubles in Tamil Nadu have ceased, and yet, the flow of pilgrims continues to be poor. It is virtually nil now. But this is because of the extremely hot weather in Delhi, Bodh Gaya and Varanasi, and not fear of attacks in Tamil Nadu,” said chairman of BOPTOASL, I P S Gunasekara.

“The other key inhibiting factor is cost. Avoiding Chennai and going to Bodh Gaya via Delhi, has greatly added to the cost of travel. It costs LKR 37,000 to fly to Delhi directly from Colombo, while the Colombo-Chennai ticket costs only LKR 17,000 to 19,000. Overall, it is much cheaper to fly to Chennai and take a train from there. When the weather eases in August, we will begin our operations and we will use Chennai as our port of entry,” Gunasekara said. “We are hopeful of getting pilgrims to transit through Chennai though there is still no guarantee that violence will not occur again,” he added.

IMPACT OF BOOK ON BUDDHA

The Lankan tour operators’ other worry is the possible impact of a new book on the birthplace of the Buddha written by a Buddhist monk Ven. Meewanapalaane Siri Dhammalankara of Padukka. Published in 2009, it says that the Buddha was born in Sri Lanka and not India, and that the holy land is not India but Lanka. It has been recommended by the popular monk politician Ven. Uduwe Dhammaloka.

The title of the book is Apa Upan Mei Hela Bima, Budun Upan Jambudveepayee (This Hela Bima, where we are born, is Jambudveepa–the Birthplace of Lord Buddha). Here, Hela Bima is Sri Lanka, “the land of the Sinhalese.” Jambudveepa is the traditional Sinhalese name for India. According to Dhammalankara Thero, the Jambudveepa of yore is actually Sri Lanka, and not India.

Tour operators fear that people might stop going on pilgrimage to India after reading the book. But Gunasekara feels that only the followers of Dhammaloka Thero may be swayed by the book. The majority are opposed to it. “The issue is going to be taken to court,” he said.

Money Power Of Provincial Councils

By S.Sivathasan -May 7, 2013 

S.Sivathasan

When the poverty of the Provinces is seen in contrast to the seeming affluence of the Centre, the salient feature that emerges is that poorProvincial Councils and a not so poor Centre coexist without disharmony. The Councils do not ruffle the Centre and the latter keeps the former in good humour. Since both are of the same feather sitting together is not irksome to either. Only the ninth will be different. One relishes champagne and the other partakes of toddy with  ill will to none.  Knowledge of reality may cause disquiet.

To write about, does money power exist in the Provinces? the cynic would inquire. He may be called candid and realistic. Truth will emerge when the figures of 2012 are examined.

Tax revenue for the nation was Rs. 1.035 trillion. For nine Provincial Councils it was Rs, 41 billion equivalent to 3.9% of the nation’s. What does it connote? The tax base permitted for the Councils can generate only that much and no more. The centre’s 96.1% share flows from the policy of centre takes all. Do the Councils know precisely of this cavalier treatment?

Central government transfers to the Councils totaled Rs. 112 billion. Of this amount Rs. 101 billion was for personal emoluments. This payment is mandatory giving the Councils no flexibility for redeployment. Neither increase nor decrease is practicable

Central government’s total expenditure for the year was Rs.1.540 trillion. One would point out that of this amount Rs. 408 billion was for Interest Payment. True, but how much of this was on borrowings for capital works in the Provinces?

Total expenditure of the Councils was Rs. 159 billion. Of this amount, recurrent consumed Rs. 136 billion (emoluments included). The Councils have only limited flexibility for redeployment of  Rs. 35 billion after salaries are paid..

Allocation for capital was Rs. 23 billion. It averages Rs. 2.5 billion which is a meager sum compared to  massive expenditure incurred on a huge officialdom.

Figures may be easily remembered when they are rounded off as 100 billion and 60 billion for recurrent and capital put together. These are not astounding figures, only a paltry sum when measured by purchasing power.

Provincial Councils were established in 1988. After an existence for 25 years how much has their financial muscle grown? A comparison for two years would suffice. For 2011 it was Rs. 157 billion and for 2012 Rs. 159 billion.

National totals do not provide a good picture because of disparities among Provinces. A few variations in tax collection may be cited. In 2011 the Western Province collected Rs. 24.5 billion, North Central Province Rs. 1.9 billion and Northern Province the lowest at Rs.81 million. Grant from the central government plus revenue totaled Rs.35.5 billion for WP, Rs 13.9 billion for Sabaragamuwa and NP at the ninth place with Rs. 10.6 billion.

In contrast, allocations for Defence were: 2012 Rs.207 billion and 2013 Rs. 247 billion. The year on year increase is Rs.40 billion and capital allocation for nine Provinces is Rs. 23 billion with single digit annual incremental growth.

Without the wherewithal no Province has thought of an iconic project like a satellite city or a new Provincial capital. What a sad commentary that 200 council years have not produced a single project of note. Twenty five years have seen only a holding operation. To think large finances have to be placed in Provincial hands.

The Provincial Councils to create an impact need money in ever increasing volume. Money means power and power gives prestige. So those at the highest levels of governance have no inclination to share power let alone part with. Overweening patriotic fervor is needed to place the nation above self. The absence of it sees the Provinces emasculated and the Centre impoverished. When the Provinces grow the nation will prosper.

Northern PC election: A back ground document

Northern PC election: A back ground document

Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA)-

Tuesday, May 7, 2013

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) undertook a field visit to Jaffna andKillinochchi districts in April to assess the rule of law and human securitysituation in the areas. The CPA team spoke with a cross section of actors including Government officials, politicians, humanitarian agencies, civil society, media and community groups.1
During the course of the visit, key themes were highlighted as needing urgent attention including security considerations, preparations for Northern Provincial Council (NPC) elections, the recent land acquisition process and its impact over land ownership and demographic change, as well as larger governance issues. These are briefly highlighted below.

Elections for the Northern Provincial Council Considering pledges repeatedly made by the Government of Sri Lanka to the international community2 there has been strong speculation that elections for the NPC will be held during the course of this year. Speculation was further augmented when President Mahinda Rajapaksa, on at least two occasions announced that elections for the NPC will be held in September.3Although many officials in the administrative service contacted by CPA maintained that they had not been officially notified of any scheduled elections, members of political parties –including those in the UPFA- stated that elections for the NPC will take place this year. Were elections to the NPC to happen, they will be significant as the first elections for the NPC since the enactment of the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution.

Although no date has been set for elections, there was a high level of interest among politicians and civil society in Jaffna regarding the holding of elections and its impact. In contrast, there was little interest among community groups as they did not see elections as having a significant long term impact on the quality of life in the area. Many local groups stated that as with previous elections held in the North since 2009, many promises are likely to be made during the  campaign and not kept resulting in no real improvement in living conditions for the ordinary people. There was also a general sense that holding of NPC elections will not deliver on a political solution to the Tamils and that regardless of who wins, there will be very limited scope for the NPC to fully function as provided in the Constitution.

Legal Measures for the Holding of NPC Elections

This will be the first election held for the NPC and therefore certain steps need to be taken prior to the holding of elections. According to Section 10 of the Provincial Councils Elections Act No. 2 of 1988 the President will have to issue a directive to the Elections Commissioner “to hold an election” for the NPC.

The Elections Commissioner (EC) should within one week of the President’s “directive” issue a notice of his intention to hold an election for the NPC. The notice should specify the following:

The period during which nomination papers shall be received by the returning officer of each administrative district in the province (the "nomination period"). The normal office hours at the office of the returning officer. The number of candidates required to be set out in the nomination paper.4

The nomination period will start on the fourteenth day after the date of publication of the EC’s notice and finish at twelve noon or the twenty-first day after the day of publication of said notice.

After the expiration of the nomination period the Returning Officer of each District may reject any nomination paper for the reasons set out in Section 17 of the Provincial Councils Elections Act.

After allocating approved symbols for recognised political parties and independent groups (According to Section 20) the Returning Officer of each district should publish a Gazette Notification specifying among other things:

• The administrative district in which the election is contested
• The names of the candidates, placed in alphabetical order in Sinhala and the serial number assigned to each such candidates, the approved symbol allotted to such party or group, and in the case of an independent group the words.
• The date of the Poll.

The date of the Poll will be a date falling on a Saturday (which is not a Poya Day or any other specified public holiday) and a date not less than five weeks or more than eight weeks from the date of publication of the notice of the EC.

Accordingly, the Poll will be held within 9 weeks from the date the President issues a directive to the Elections Commissioner to hold an election for the NPC.

The Number of Seats for the NPC

The total number of seats for each Provincial Council is equal to the total number of members entitled to be returned from each administrative district within the province plus two bonus seats to be awarded in terms of Section 61 A of the Provincial Councils Elections Act. According to Section 3(3) of the Provincial

Councils Elections Act, the number of seats for each administrative district within the province will be determined by the Elections Commissioner on the basis of:

• One member for every 40,000 residents in that administrative district
• (ascertained to the nearest 40,000). Based on the data of the last General Census.
• And One member for every 1000 square kilometres of area in that administrative district.

CPA was informed by officials that the total number of seats for the five   administrative districts in the Northern Province will be divided is as follows:

District - Jaffna 16, Mannar 05,  Vavuniya 06,  Mullaitivu 04,  Killinochchi 02,  Bonus

Seats 5

Total 38

Voters Lists and Related Issues

CPA was informed that the 2012 electoral list would be used for any election held within the course of this year (2013). The Northern Province consists of two  “Electoral Districts”. The Jaffna Electoral district includes both the Jaffna and Kilinochchi administrative districts whilst the Vanni Electoral district is comprised of the Mannar, Mullaitivu and Vavuniya administrative districts.

No. Registered voters Jaffna Electoral District Year 2008 -721,359 ; 2009 - 816,005 ;2010- 484,791

No. Registered voters Vanni Electoral District Year 2008 - 266,975 ;2009 - 270,707; 2010 -  236,449

(Source: http://www.slelections.gov.lk/ep.html)5

The number of registered voters in the Jaffna electoral district has reduced drastically.6 This is a result of the Department of Elections carrying out the annual revision of the electoral register and thereby removing those who no longer live in those areas, the deceased and those who have been registered twice. CPA was informed that the enumeration was done annually to ensure accuracy in numbers but consideration was given to special situations such as displaced communities. CPA notes that the Department of Elections needs to take steps to address the needs of those who continue to live in displacement.

Another group that requires attention are former combatants. During the Presidential Election in 2010 special arrangements were made for this category -

13 polling centres were established for them to vote. It is hoped that a similar arrangement will be made if NPC elections are held.

Identification Documents

Both the Government Agent for Jaffna and the Government Agent for Kilinochchi

stated that problems relating to identification documents have been solved, with most persons who had lost identification documents during the conflict being issued same. The Commissioner for Elections had previously recognised seven forms of documentation for voting. These documents are:

1. National Identity Card issued by Department of Registration of Persons.

2. Valid Passport.

3. Valid Driving Licence.

4. Government Pensioner's Identity Card.

5. Elders’ Identity Card.

6. Identity Card issued to the Clergy by the Department of Registration of

Persons.

7. The temporary identity card issued through the Department of Elections for

the previous Provincial Council Elections. (These cards will be-revalidated and

re-issued to the holders though Grama Niladharis)

CPA requests that awareness raising is done by the Commissioner of Elections

and his department among individuals in the North as to the requirements for voting including the need to register and the necessary documentation. CPA also notes that the need for special identification documentation be recognised, in the event conventional documentation is unavailable among registered voters in the area.

Foot Notes

1 The CPA team also participated in a public demonstration held in Jaffna against the land acquisition process which had a wide representation of politicians, lawyers, civil society and affected communities.

2 Report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review, “Addendum - Views on conclusions and/or recommendations, voluntary commitments and replies presented by the State under review: Sri Lanka”, 21 February 2013, para 2.7 available at http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/RegularSession/Session22/A-HRC-22-16-Add1_en.pdf (accessed on 3 May 2013); Minister Samarasinghe, Statement at the High Level Segment of the 22nd Session of the United Nations Human Rights Council, 27 February 2013, available athttp://www.island.lk/index.php?page_cat=article-details&page=articledetails&code_title=73616 (accessed on 3 May 2013).

3 Daily Mirror.lk, “President promises NPC elections in September”, 21 April 2013, available at http://www.dailymirror.lk/news/28374-president-promises-npc-elections-in-september.html

(accessed on 3 May 2013); Ceylon Today online, “NPC election in September – President”,23 April 2013, available at http://www.ceylontoday.lk/16-30420-news-detail-npc-election-inseptember-president.html (accessed on 3 May 2013).

4 Per S. 13 of the Provincial Council Elections Act, No 2 of 1988 each nomination paper shall have the names of candidate’s equivalent to the number of members to be elected from that administrative district, increased by three.

5Data for 2011 and 2012 were not publically available.

6 Between the year 2008 and 2010 the number of registered voters has reduced by 236,568.5

Taken from  the Field Report: Jaffna and Killinochchi Districts by CPA,  Download it as a PDF here, or read it online here. 

Sri Lanka: A Tale Of Ethnic Hatred Foretold

By Marwaan Macan-Markar -May 7, 2013

Marwaan Macan-Markar

After Sri Lankan troops crushed the Tamil Tiger rebels in a final, bloody battle near the north-eastern coast in May 2009, visions of prosperity across the country were bandied by the triumphant Colombo regime. Slogans that satisfied the ruling establishment, under the grip of President Mahinda Rajapaksa, were unfurled. The South Asian island was promoted as a “Wonder of Asia” to attract foreign investors and visitors. The assumption by the national cheerleaders was simple: with the battle won — ending a nearly 30-year separatist war where over 100,000 people were killed — the entire country was fertile ground for an economic take off.

The two-and-a-half years that followed appeared to support the optimism that a peace dividend was on the cards. The country’s small stock exchange, valued at US$ 14.5 billion, reached new heights, even being ranked as the world’s best performing bourse in 2010. The travel pages in the major international media played their part, offering a positive spin to a country that had for years provided headlines about suicide bombers, massacres and grim death tolls after military campaigns. They began promoting Sri Lanka’s assorted mix of beaches, wildlife game reserves, its ancient royal cities, and the tea-covered slopes of the hill country as welcome fresh trails for tourists to explore. Keeping pace was the boom in hotel construction, capped by the new symbol of this age – the Seven Star, 661-room Shangri La Hotel, a US$ 500 million investment being built facing the Indian Ocean in Colombo.

Foreign examples were invoked to strengthen the claim that Sri Lanka had turned a significant political corner. They helped to support the argument that stability was now assured and all nationals were welcome to build a modern economy from the ashes of a civil war. And Singapore became a favourite in this mix. The affluent city-state made its way into public discussions in the press and on websites. That Sri Lanka could be Asia’s next Singapore – or even better – evolved as a favourite line.

There was little mystery why Southeast Asia’s most successful economic story would emerge as a Sri Lankan benchmark to strive for. It is rooted in the belief that Sri Lanka – or Ceylon, as it was then known – was once better than Singapore on economic and social fronts. This sense of one-upmanship over a past fact is hard to ignore. After all, such an insight was revealed by no less a person than the founding father of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew. During a visit to Ceylon in the late 1950s, a young Lee had not only remarked that Ceylon’s development indicators were far ahead of his island at the time, but he had wanted Singapore to become another Ceylon.

Unfortunately, the visions of Sri Lanka attempting to reclaim lost ground in the race to become a developed, modern success story have only been shaped by physical trappings. A new harbor, a new international airport, new roads and a new performing arts centre funded by Chinese loans and investments are among the visible. So, too, are the new high-rise buildings coming up to redefine Colombo’s skyline. They enabled the government to boast of crossing US$ 1.66 billion in foreign direct investments (FDI) in 2011, the highest ever annual foreign investment flows since the country’s board of investment was set up in the late 1970s. Last year saw FDI come as close, hitting US$ 1.2 billion.

But such indicators avoid a deeper crisis that continues to grip this country of predominantly Sinhalese-Buddhist. It goes back to the days when then Ceylon’s fall from grace began (something that even the Singapore’s Lee took note to avoid copying). It was part of the reason the country’s largest minority, the Tamils, gave birth after decades of race riots to a Tamil Tiger killing machine. It is the crisis of modernism that has haunted most post-colonial states– of striving to find a balanced political order, a fair legal system, and a state and its representatives that respects and protects each citizen as equals. It is the idea that genuinely encourages a multi-cultural landscape, ensuring a sense of equality for both the majority and minority ethnic groups. In other words, an inclusive society.

The island’s history after gaining independence from British colonization in 1948 was drawn to something more emotional, a trend that naturally resonated with the majority community – the politics of reclaiming a past shaped by Sinhala kingdoms. Buddhist monks were pivotal in the quest to reestablish a predominantly Sinhalese-Buddhist polity. So, too, were political leaders who found that appealing to ethnic passions than resolving the economic and social fault lines through good governance more profitable at the polls. This political tinderbox was shaped by both Sinhalese and Tamil leaders, paving the way to a devastating war that put Sri Lanka on the map of countries cursed by toxic ethnic politics.

So, one would have thought that after such a bloodied history, Sri Lanka’s post-war narrative would have given cause for a more enlightened approach. Rather than being only impressed by Singapore’s development indicators, its efficient, functioning system, Sri Lanka’s ruling class could have drawn lessons from the ideas of equality and respect for multiple ethnicities – some of the pillars behind the city-state’s achievements. There are other examples of how a confident, modern state designs its future: always looking forward, driven by new opportunities, being open to new ideas and promoting and rewarding excellence. They are values that enable a country to transcend the narrow confines of religious or ethnic extremism and become a relevant player on the global stage.

But as Sri Lanka approaches its fourth anniversary since the war ended, a ghost from the past has reappeared. It is the story of making Sri Lanka an even stronger Sinhala-Buddhist nation as a primary political and cultural objective. This time, an aggressive network of Buddhist monks – rallying under the banner of the ‘Bodu Bala Sena’(BBS or Buddhist Power Force) – have set their sights on tormenting the country’s second largest minority, the Muslims, in the latest assertion of extreme majoritarianism. Public rallies in cities and towns have been held to plant the seeds of hatred among the Sinhalese-Buddhists – who make up nearly 75 percent of the country’s 20 million population – against the Muslims, who account for nearly nine percent. In addition to campaigning against Muslim food habits and the clothes Muslim women wear, the BBS has also accused popular Muslim-owned clothing stores of distributing sweets to Sinhalese women that lead to infertility, and selling belts to Sinhalese men that damage their testicles.

If the rise of the Shagri La Hotel in a seafront stretch of Colombo is what the Rajapaksa regime wants to hold out as a sign of post-war Sri Lanka’s future direction, then the BBS clearly offers other ideas. This group, which has the support of Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, the powerful defence secretary and presidential sibling, achieved this through its treatment of another building – a Muslim-owned clothing store, Fashion Bug, in a Colombo suburb. It was attacked.

The mob that led the recent assault included stone wielding Buddhist monks. Other signs of the state — even the police — supporting the BBS have continued elsewhere, exposing the trap Sri Lanka still finds itself in. It is an imprimatur that has provided sufficient oxygen for such a troubling spectre to grow. Undermined, as a result, are more pressing needs of the hour, such as a rise of a genuine civic nationalism. And this, sadly, leaves room for one obvious outcome: a tale of fear and ethnic hatred foretold.

*Marwaan Macan-Markar, a Sri Lankan journalist, is a foreign correspondent who has been reporting from Southeast Asia since 2001, following a posting in Mexico City. A version of this essay was published in The Edge Review, www.theedgereview.com, a new Southeast Asian magazine launched in Kuala Lumpur

Army coordinates dental clinic for school children

06 May 2013

The Sri Lankan Army has organised a “dental clinic and awareness lecture on oral hygiene” for children from the Methodist Girls’ School in Point Pedro, Jaffna. The event, attended by around 900 pupils and their teachers, was organised by the 7th Vijayabahu Infantry Regiment, according to the Civil Military Coordination Jaffna website. The regiment, which has been honoured with awards by the president Mahinda Rajapakse, was involved in front line fighting throughout the war, and played an instrumental role in the final “mop-up” operations in Mullivaykal, where Sri Lankan troops are accused of carrying out executions, rapes and other war crimes.

Our Brother Bharatha Killings: Unfolding Drama Of Getting A Quadruple Murderer Off The Hook

By Asela Premachandra and Sisters of Bharatha Lakshman Premachandra -May 7, 2013 

“In the time of deceit – telling the truth is a revolutionary act” - George Orwell

Latest news about deceitful health conditions of Duminda Silva is; He has been re-admitted to the Navaloka hospital due to his so-called negative health condition, just 24 hours after the news report that Hirunika is planning to go to courts to get Duminda’s bail revoked on the grounds that courts were misled at Duminda’s bail hearing with regard to his health condition.  So it is another day, another move by Duminada Silva, another blatant insult to the common sense of every Srilankan living in and out of Sri Lanka and another new low for entire judicial system in Sri Lanka.

According to so-called well researched statement issued   by Duminda Silva’s family what transpired on the 28^th of April 2013 was a spontaneous reaction by his supporters with sheer exuberance to the news Duminda Silva has been discharged from the Navaloka hospital that day. They probably completely forgot to include following facts.

1. 24 hours after Duminda Silva is given bail due to his so-called poor health condition, it was reported that Duminda is suddenly well enough to leave the hospital and will be discharged on the 28 th of April.

2. Duminda’s brother’s media conglomerate repeatedly made announcement about his release from the hospital.

3. Thousands of SMS were sent asking people to come and greet Duminda.

4. People were given free transportation, food and beverages provided with Duminda’ pictures, banners and fire crackers.

5. There was absolutely no effort made to minimize public contact with Duminda. Contrary to that he was freely and enthusiastically moving with his supporters and giving media interviews about where he is going to stop first and starting his political activities in Kolonnawa.

6. After getting blessed by the President, defense secretary then he met senior police Officers and others in his residence all day long including giving more media interviews.

In their so-called well researched article went on saying that having seen the media clips (Duminada’s departure from the Navaloka hospital ) the doctors of  Mount Elizabeth hospital  warned the family their  concerns regarding his exposure to germs because of his delecate health.  Yet, Duminda had no problem touring  Kolonnawa  electorate over the same weekend greeting his supporters amidst the large amount of burning fire crackers and pyrotechnic displays and  inhaling burning sulfur and other harmful chemicals  exposing himself  to an  unhealthy environment . In that Statement,   many things were mentioned but they completely failed to  establish any evidence to collaborate Duminda ‘s behavior after his release from the Navoloka  hospital.   The legal argument they brought forward to get bail for Duminda was on the grounds of so-called his sensitive and poor health conditions which requires his undivided  family attention .

Since Duminda’s  heart is  set to serve “Have nots” (according to his family) it would be a great start for him to resume his politics by asking the President to conduct an independent public inquiry with judicial powers to prosecute members of the “stock market mafia” one of whom looted nearly quarter billion rupees from fraudulent NSB deal and amassed hundreds of millions of rupees through “pump and dump” stock deals at the expense of EPF and ETF which belongs to poor innocent people in  Sri Lanka.

It is a great insult to our intelligent people  of Sri Lanka to witness this ever unfolding drama of getting a quadruple murderer off the hook .