A sand loot worth of Rs 4,000 million by Douglas Devananda’s NGO

05.05.13 MEDIA RELEASE GOVERNMENT MUST RECONSIDER TAKING OVER LARGE EXTENTS OF PEOPLE’S LAND

Created on 05 May 2013

The government has made moves to acquire over 6381 acres of privately owned land in the Jaffna peninsula, which it says is for a public purpose. The public purpose is presumably for the security forces.  The pasting of notices on trees in Valikamam North under section 2 of the Land Acquisition Act coincides with preparations for the Northern Provincial Council elections in September this year. It appears to be a hurried plan on the part of the government to acquire this large extent of land prior to the establishment of a legitimate and popularly elected civilian administration for the formerly war-stricken Northern Province.

There is concern in the Northern polity that the purpose of this land acquisition is to change the demographic composition with settlers from outside being registered on the Northern electoral lists.  In Kokilai, Mullaitivu and adjoining villages such as Vannankulam, Uradikulam, Thaddamalaikkulam, Pannaiyandaukulam, Akkaraivelli, Vathamadu, Kamankulam, Amayankulam, there are media reports of 3000 such families being settled.   

The government move to take over the land of the war-affected people has caused agitation and panic amongst the thousands of affected people in over 24 villages whocontinue to be displaced and living in camps who now stand to lose their lands forever and given rise to disaffection amongst the majority of people living in the Northern Province.   The National Peace Council notes that shortly after the end of the war in May 2009 the government promised to resettle the hundreds of thousands of displaced persons in their original places of residence. This necessarily implied that private land would be restored to their rightful owners. This was one of the recommendations in the government-appointed Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission.

 NPC is very concerned about the retreat of the government from promises it made and the use of strong arm action against the people using the security forces.  The general practice in the country is that when the government wishes to take over large tracts of land for a public purpose it discusses this matter with the affected population and with their political representatives, and gives the necessary time for legal objections to be made through the judiciary.  We also note that the recommendations of the LLRC are completely opposite to the course of action that the government has embarked upon.  

The LLRC recommended that the government should de-militarize the administration of the North as soon as possible and release private lands taken over by the security forces to the people. Internally Displaced Persons have been internationally recognized as having a right to return to their original lands ever since 1948 when the Palestinians fled Palestine when the new state of Israel was set up. The United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) was set up specifically to deal with the right of Palestinians to return to their land.  More recently, this right of return and restitution of their property was recognized by the UN in the case of Bosnia as well. Resettlement in their former housing was perceived by the displaced as important for reasons of morality, justice, and economic rehabilitation.

In recent years, the return and reintegration of internally displaced persons and refugees have come to be regarded as essential to peace processes in war-torn societies.  An increasing number of human rights documents and peace agreements contain paragraphs on housing and property restitution and the right of displaced persons to return to their homes of origin.  The UN has also recognized the right of the Internally Displaced to go to courts to establish their right to restitution of their property.   The National Peace Council believes that any decision that severely affects the lives of large numbers of people needs to be taken in consultation with the elected Provincial Council after it is constituted. Therefore we urge the government to reconsider its decision to take over the vast extent of privately owned land in the North in the light of what the LLRC has recommended with a view to fostering national reconciliation in a manner that meets with international standards.

Governing Council

The National Peace Council is an independent and non partisan organization that works towards a negotiated political solution to the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. It has a vision of a peaceful and prosperous Sri Lanka in which the freedom, human rights and democratic rights of all the communities are respected. The policy of the National Peace Council is determined by its Governing Council of 20 members who are drawn from diverse walks of life and belong to all the main ethnic and religious communities in the country.

A sand loot worth of Rs 4,000 million by Douglas Devananda’s NGO

 Vadamarachchi: the  sand robbery

Sunday, May 5, 2013

Geophagia – Maheshwari Trust  by V. Sagadevan
A sand loot worth of Rs 4,000 million in Vadamarachchi East is now on process in past four years,to rob the money of thousands of millions of people .Who can question against this?

More than 4000 million rupees of public money has been plundering over the past 04 years ,through the sand business in eastern region of Vadamarachchi by Douglas Devananda’s Maheshwari Trust Fund. If this money had been spent in a proper way by Vadamarachchi East Divisional Council, for its development, to improve the standard of the life of people, Regional Council of Marutankeni would have been upgraded as the Municipal Council of Marutankeni. The quality of life of that Regional Council also would have been increased. But what happened? T hat money alone was spent only to set up a luxurious life of a group of people. In the name of The Maheshwari Trust, funding by non-governmental organization (NGO) is defalcating the public property in a mass level .Who ever the villagers question against this corruption are put under the direct threat of Minister Douglas Devananda.

During the time of Vadamarachchi East divisional meetings, Minister was beating, scolding, slapping members of his party .There were many opportunities that he was getting involved in such violated activities in the presence of the state government officers , people of that region and the community members. The population is considering that this is the way that he is indirectly threatening the people.

Vadamarachchi in the Eastern Province which is consists of its sand resources and natural-resources, has been distressed by the Minister Douglas Devananda’s NGO. There is no program set up for rearrange the deteriorating natural resources or enhance the quality of life of rural people through this derived income from sand operation.

Due to this sand problem which occurred in Vadamarachchi east , a young man , Tevarasa Ketisvaran of Kutattanaiyai, who loves the environment , was shot by gunmen and murdered in gruesome manner on 31st December 2010 at 9.00pm,

Because of this incident, the 1st day of new year 2011 became a fateful day for Vadamarachchi east. These sorts of events bring up a major threat to the democratic process on the civilians in the region.

The rapidly carried out development projects in the Jaffna district like housing, and public and private infrastructure in the coming years are expected to require tens of millions of sand Cubes. There is no reason that people believe in Maheshwari Fund, on their willingness to work with the Justice in future. Jaffna District People fear that the minister will exploit fraudulently the money which will come for the Development of Jaffna, to fulfill the political objectives of his own benefit with help of his colleagues through his sand business.

Conditions are breached.

1. 20,000 Cubes of sand, per month (7,000 Tipper - loads) has been granted permission by the Bureau of geological scale mines. But the amount of sand removed was many times higher than that particular number. No cold feet to prevent illegal activities because of their political background.

2. The copy of the bond of Mining of sand should be displayed in the area of mining. That condition was breached. Not even of the copies of the environmental report and the local regional council’s permit License were displayed at the place of mining sand.

3. The trippers lift more than 3 cubes of sand are not allowed to do transport ,anywhere in the Northern Province .But The 7 Cube trippers of Maheshwari Fund, carry out the loads of sand again and again all the way.

4. Regulation of one way license is to load the sand only at one time. But the Maheshwari financed trippers loaded 02 - 03 times by violating the rules.

5. In addition, the NGO that aims to make money in this way can not be used for political purposes. But claiming that they are using this fund in order to serve the general requirement of public , Minister Douglas Devananda and his group are using them for their Fraudulent political programs . Maheshwari Fund has not given any obvious answer for the People's allegations against this process of misusing of funds.

Since there is no answer for the above questions, from either Minister Douglas or his Maheshwari fund, our society will jump in to the struggle without doing any preannouncement. There will be a plan implemented by us to stop this illegal sand mining in the area of Marutankeni by the Maheshwari Fund and in order to make the owners of sand mining places , people in the area and the people of Jaffna District benefited.

Ended 04 years of war, still the resettlement has not yet been completed. There is an underway process going on behind the screen in Valikamam North to usurp the plots of land of people. Tens of thousands of Tamil youth are leaving the country as they have no Job and insecurity etc. The level of cultural corruption and the robbery incidents have increased like never before in the Jaffna district. The children who lost their parents do not even have any security in care homes.

At this situation, people question is anyone ready to guarantee that heavily earned money through illegal sand by Maheshwari Trust Fund, will be used for the public well-being

‘National’ Provincial Council For The Northern Province: A Reply To Austin Fernando

By Rajasingham Narendran -May 5, 2013 

Dr. Rajasingham Narendran

I welcome Mr. Austin Fernando’s detailed response expressing his concerns and opinions on my proposal for a ‘National’ Provincial for the Northern Province.  My replies are specific to each of the concerns and opinions expressed my Mr. Fernando (Italics and bold).

At present it is not in the Constitution of Sri Lanka and hence may be considered dubious, but a circumspect mean to dilute the Provincial Council (PC) governance. One may identify it also as an unconstitutional path.

I do not think my proposal contravenes the constitution in any way and hence is not an unconstitutional path. Elections will be held and any number of parties can contest. What I am suggesting is that the major parties or groupings should try to come together to contest the election as one group, with the TNA as the major partner. What is proposed applies only to the first elections for the Northern PC.  Some of the constituent parties of the TNA and the UPFA may decide to contest separately. If the UPFA could have contested the General Election as a coalition of various political formations and it was constitutional, what will make a repeat of similar arrangements in the north unconstitutional? The 13^th amendment which pertains to the Provincial Councils does not forbid such arrangements either. It cannot either.

 I believe it is his prediction of a victory to the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) under normal circumstances. I am careful in repeating ‘under normal circumstances’ because abnormal circumstances can be created. One need not ask “By whom?” as there is no troubleshooter for such ‘contribution like during the Presidential Election in 2005.  Nevertheless, it is strongly believed that the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) and the United Peoples’ Freedom Alliance (UPFA) want to win this election- “by hook or crook!

The ‘Hook or by Crook’ approach and its consequences are what bother me. Mr. S. Sivathasan in his article ‘Jaffna Development Council Elections 1987’ in CT of 4^th May’2013, describes the details of such an approach and its consequences nationally, in the immediate period, aftermath and today. What could transpire at the on-coming Northern PC elections may be of greater consequence.

Darisha Bastians (Daily FT 2-5-2013) has revealed a purported novel power sharing manipulation after Dr. Narendran’s presentation was made. It had not been in the public domain as a strategy to hoodwink devolution.  

There is no intent, design or possibility to hoodwink devolution. My proposal instead points a way to make the PC system work in the north as a cooperative venture between various key political formations, to bridge the trust deficit. The PC system should be made to work as-is in the first instance, in an atmosphere of cooperation between the centre and periphery. I am no fan of the PC system, but that is what we have and has to be made to work in the north, once the elections are held. I wish alternatives were found during the past four years!

I think that if the latter happens it would be by itself the beginning of the conflict between the NPC and the GOSL, envisaged by Dr. Narendran, as these two issues are most allergic to pro government politicians and chauvinists, as well to the TNA and Tamil chauvinists. It is not what the Constitution expected, but these days who cares for the Constitution?

The contentious issues of devolving Police powers and land would not arise in this instance, as the ‘National’ Provincial Government will work strictly according to what they agree upon in the MOU.

To avoid such pitfalls what Dr. Narendran tries to do is to “make the best out of a potentially hopeless situation, while furthering the cause of the war-affected, national healing and establishing a Provincial Council for the north.” What I would have expected from him is to be constitutional and not to play ad hoc or by the ear!

Once again there is nothing unconstitutional about what I propose. The emphasis of the first PC, which will be ‘National’ in character, would be to take forward the concerns I have expressed,

Dr. Narendran is extremely adventurous and breaks away from conventional political thinking to implement a conceived ‘out of the box’ solution.  His thesis is to operate the PC system optimally in the north and to explore the possible means to achieve it efficiently. The contradiction is this optimal objective never received blessings from any government since 1987!

The major objective of my proposal is to make a break with what has been taking place since 1987.

His adventurism is so great he suggests the TNA to take the lead in “contesting the election in partnership with the UPFA” United National Party (UNP) and Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), fully aware the UPFA is a coalition of many parties of a diverse nature.  His expectation to bring Minister Weerawansa’s party or Minister Ranawaka’s party (coalition partners representing the majority) along with the government for devolution is a dream to me, when the above quoted newspaper reports are considered.

Even if some constituent parties in the UPFA disagree, the UPFA yet can come to an agreement with the TNA.  The traditional left parties, the SLMC, CWC, UNP dissidents and other smaller parties are likely to be supportive. I believe that Messer’s Weerawansa and Champika Ranawaka will fall in line, if there are no major changes contemplated to how the PCs operate now.

Another alliance partner Minister Rishard Bathuideen, coming from the North and a minority political representative went public a few weeks back that not a single Muslim will be elected if the elections are held as proposed.

Muslim members will be elected from Mannar and Vavuniya. The UPFA, UNP and if possible the TNA can also nominate some Muslim candidates, on the basis of what is agreed upon in the MOU.

In addition, what the TNA had been fighting during the last few weeks (e.g. on acquisition of land and resettlement and protests near District Secretariat and Tellipalai Divisional Secretariat last week) have to be forgotten by them to agree with what Dr. Narendran would like to happen. Concurrently, the GOSL- especially the Ministries of Defense and the Land and Land Development have to agree with the TNA on these queried issues to permit Dr. Narendran’s intentions to reach fruition, which is most unlikely.

I do not think this is an inresolvable problem. If there is an MOU and a ‘National’ Provincial Council is formed, these issues can be settled amicably, as the ‘Mistrust’ factor can be minimized or dissipated.  One of the principle reasons for proposing such a ‘National’ PC is to create the atmosphere to resolve such issues. This subject can also be addressed in the MOU.

When the Leader of the UNP says in Mannar that there cannot be any means to acquire land for militarization (I personally have a differing view on it.), for the UNP to go along with the new proposed NPC with the GOSL/UPFA, which trying to stealthily blunt the devolved powers cannot be a reality. The JVP has been a critic of TNA as well as devolution and for them to get in to a coalition will be difficult.

I agree that there cannot be a prohibition against the state acquiring land for above board, valid and legitimate reasons. The gray areas on the issue of land acquisition can be addressed in the MOU.

My intention was to make the impossible happen in the national interest and in the interests of the long and yet suffering Tamil people. This is the reason why I described my proposal as ‘Out of the Box’.

Notwithstanding this, I think the JVP may fall in line, if its concerns are addressed in the MOU. As to the UNP, it will depend on whether it views the on-coming elections in the north as an opportunity to begin resolving a long standing and debilitating national problem or as one step to topple this government.

Under these circumstance Dr. Narendran’s basic conceptualization will fail as the ‘National’ perspective in the first NPC may not go forward in that political and major policy conflict context. In contrast, I believe the TNA could agree to be in the Parliamentary Select Committee without so much hassle.

It will fail, if the concerned political formulations do not have the vision and farsightedness to seize the opportunity to seek a workable solution to a long festering national problem and forestall foreseeable consequences. The first term of the Northern PC should be the opportunity to take the sting out of the PC system and explore improvements or alternatives in a calmer and rational manner.

He proposes that TNA should name its Chief Ministerial candidate and make sure that the person is the right person for the times, proposes Dr. Narendran. What is the assurance that UPFA would consider that TNA’s candidate is the best for them too? If the TNA Chief Minister Candidate as mentioned in the media is Justice Vigneswaran, UPFA will never agree as it will be extremely difficult under the existing laws to stop such an erudite, knowledgeable person fighting for his constitutional rights.

Yes. Definitely the Chief Minister should be from the TNA. It can be anyone who has what it takes to be an efficient administrator, skilled negotiator and a model to be looked up to and respected. If it is Justice Wigneswaran, let it be so. He should contest the elections and win. Further, I do not think the UPFA would object to him, as he has to work within the framework of the MOU and is undoubtedly a fair man with a world view.

How are the Ministers selected? Just because some party is in a coalition, if the votes polled or percentages are negligible, is the TNA to repeat a “Douglas Devavnanda” where with a few thousands of votes for his party got a substantial number of seats in the Parliament and a portfolio?  Can the TNA agree to such a proposition?

The PC electorates in the north should be allocated as per a formula agreed to in the MOU. All political formations who are signatories to the MOU should support the candidates of the other parties to the agreement, in the assigned electorates.  If the TNA is interested in taking a new approach to resolving the problems of the Tamils, it has to do so.  The ‘DD’ phenomenon you describe will not take place, if there is an MOU and there is no ‘Hook or by Crook’ contest.

Dr. Narendran proposes to leave out politicians of the “old mould”, when it is a national trait to appoint senior politicians as Chief Ministers (e.g. MS Amarasiri, WMPB Dissanayake, GD Mahindasoma, Amarasiri Dodangoda) and old age retirees as Governors (Messers DB Wijetunga, Maithreepala Senanayake, EL Senanayake, MS Amarasiri).

The Governor has to be civilian. An ex-military man will be unacceptable to the northern Tamils, regardless of his credentials. This aspect too has to be negotiated and included in the MOU. I do not think the Governor has to be necessarily a Tamil.  He or she should be a person who has once again the standing to be trusted and respected by the people, the Provincial government and the President. Persons like Mr. Lionel Fernando or you fit the bill. If a Tamil is considered, Mr. Ramanujam, the retired Secretary to various Ministries would suit the bill. He is an efficient, stern, experienced and above board administrator. He has also no political affiliations.

The Chief Minister of course has to be an experienced and learned person of the likes of Justice Wigneswaran. However, a mix of the reasonably old and middle aged should be brought into the PC.  They should have proven themselves in various fields of endeavour and be able to reflect the new concerns of the people. Old wine packed in new bottles, will yet be insipid!

If ex-militants of all hues are to be given up what can the government say of Minster Devananda, Deputy Minister Karuna Amman, and former Chief Minister Pillayan or Daya Master as proposed now? When Dr, Narendran cannot stop UPFA stopping Daya Master to be a candidate, his trying to stop other political groups from nominating former terrorists in their lists will be a failing exercise for sure. Will it not denote permitting the UPFA to monopolize whatever vote sympathetic to terrorists to go along only with the UPFA, through Daya Master? Will not this be interpreted as Dr. Narendran trying to bring some novices who would dance to the tune of the Governor, a class of partial bureaucrats and central government ministers in the Northern Task Force, who according to TNA have usurped their powers and that of the PCs and trying to further weaken PCs as submitted earlier?

What the government wants to do with them in the centre is its concern. However, grateful the government is to some individuals for the services they have rendered, they should not play a role in the north and east. There were and are part of the problem in the north and east. They are definitely are part of the solution either by history,  intellectual capacity, experience or acceptability the people of the north .  These issues should be addressed and included in the MOU.

Dr, Narendran seemed to me as a great believer of Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs). Perhaps, if he remembers the number of MOUs signed between the UPFA and others (e.g. with the UNP, JVP) he will not try to stick to useless pieces of MOU papers.

An MOU has nothing wrong per-se with it. There has to be honour even among thieves! An MOU fails because the individual signatories fail. The MOUs you mentioned failed because of political opportunism and individual foibles. Because this MOU too would have the potential to fail, does not preclude it being tried. There is always a first .  This is a necessary risk that has to be taken.

Take the case of appointment of ministers. When there are only four provincial ministries and four major parties in his “National PC” exercise, any MOU will have to agree that each party should get at least one portfolio. Imagine as predicted by Dr Narendran at the outset an overwhelming victory goes to the TNA. Even if the TNA gets 70% of the vote and proportional number of Councilors, it will be entitled for the Chief Minister’s and another Minister’s position only on that basis, as the TNA, UPFA, UNP and JVP (if all parties mentioned by Dr. Narendran join, which I think is only a day dream!) have to be accommodated in the Board of Ministers; two out of five for the TNA inclusive of the Chief Ministry and three for the other constituent parties of the proposed “National” NPC. It will be the tail wagging the dog, with help of the Governor who will always act according to presidential dictates! Dr. Narendran’s thinking that the NPC and the “Council of Ministers” should have also Sinhalese and Muslim members may not be a reality sometimes, if we were to believe what was stated by Minster Bathurdeen a few weeks back that no Muslim would be elected if the election is held in September next. If we go by the current ethnic representation in the Parliament from the Northern Province, when the NPC election is held, no Sinhalese Councilor may be elected.

All parties need not have ministerial positions. The TNA, UPFA and the UNP would be entitled to ministerial positions. Whom they nominate in terms of communal identity and in terms of their elected members in the Provincial Councils, will be the prerogative of these parties. The MOU should include provisions to spell out these details.

Having required Mr. Sampanthan to act as the initiator of his thinking Dr. Rajendran predicts ensuring excellent objectives. No one can object to them. They are so serene. They seem to me as non-adversarial, enabling the recovery of the war-affected people and areas, building trust for non-separation, paving the way for a new political culture and the way for a national consensus to improve devolution exercises, promoting national reconciliation, dissipating the distrust between the ethnic groups, enabling the entry of quality persons into politics, forestalling political issues promoting ignition of divisive passions anew.

If this is the need of the country too why not the Parliament resolve a constitutional amendment to bring non-adversarial political behavior, trust building, to pave a new political culture, bring forth reconciliation, wipe out distrust, create space for quality parsons to engage in politics, which is rarely seen now even in the Parliament, so that such could be a guide to all lower level political organizations?

The solution I suggest is valid because of the failures of our political institutions- the Executive Presidency and Parliament. As I see it, the biggest hurdle is to convince the majority of the Sinhala people that some degree of devolution is in order and is not a path to dividing the country.  This can be demonstrated in practice by the ‘National’ PC in the north. This will help bridge the trust deficit.  Once, the majority among the Sinhalese is convinced, most of their politicians will fall in line. The northern Tamils also will also concede that the PC system even as it is, can be made relevant to their lives. The onus would be thus on the TNA to make things work, however hard the process is.

The Tamils in the north too need a break from contentious politics to concentrate on matters that are more crucial to them at this point in time. There is an urgent need for the people in the north to join the national mainstream and place their faith in the Sinhala political establishment.  What better opportunity would the Sinhala political establishment have, than what I suggest?

I agree more with Dr. Narendran on the last wish of his presentation. Let Mr. Sampanthan, the President and Mr.Wickremasinghe rise up to the occasion and act in unison with wisdom. It should not be limited to NPC elections. It should encompass all aspects of politics, governance, rights, independence whether it is of the economy, judiciary or press or movement or religious belief etc.

The process should start with the northern PC and extend to the national theatre. The north should be the crucible for the necessary experimentation.

Limiting this to NPC elections alone will be seen and at least interpreted as Dr. Narendran trying to scuttle democracy and constitutional operation in a vicious manner in a limited geographical terrain to satisfy the needs of a section of the political hierarchy, who cannot gain victory under normal circumstances. I need not say which section!

The proposal if accepted in principle will make democracy more meaningful and beneficial to the people in the north. A charade will not convince the northern Tamils, who by nature question everything.

The Northern PC elections are being held under a UPFA government and hence there is no alternative to dealing with it. It would have been imperative the same was done if the UNP was in power.  The idea is to not to satisfy any section of the political array. The underlying principle is to take out the sting of adversarial politics from the Northern PC and events leading to its elections.  This exercise must transcend partisan consideration and rigid positions to succeed.

My understanding is that the GOSL/ UPFA should not attempt to bogus discoloration of any political group against it, as representatives of the terrorists, and play the ‘sin-accruing game’ on such minority groups. It must see manipulations as roadblocks for reconciliation, better understanding, trust building, sustainable future relations. It must concede that governance needs more than triumphalism and adverse name tagging.

The TNA has declared that it is willing to find solutions within a united Sri Lanka.  However, doubts persist about its intentions on account of statements by some of its members and sections of the Diaspora. The political posturing in Tamil Nadu is also not helpful. While the government and the UPFA in particular should recognize that Mr.Sambanthan is trying to move the TNA in a more sensible direction.  The government should also be single minded in its approach to reconciliation and political solutions. It has to recognize that the TNA is a reality and has to be dealt with. Its attempts to forge alternatives have miserably failed. TNA should also move fast out of what Mr.M.Sivathsan recently described as its ‘Greek Kalends’ (A point in time that does not or will not exist) mindset.

TNA and other Tamil political groups, Diaspora and all Transitional Government supporters  also should recognize that they cannot be winning over the government or the majority communities by trying to crucify them, especially after a war victory that had been unprecedented, if they wish to develop reconciliation, better understanding, trust building, sustainable future relationships.

This was the biggest mistake committed by the TNA and the other formations you mention in the aftermath of the last war. The TNA- at least Sambanthan and Sumanthiran- is trying to rectify this mistake. The GOSL too made a serious mistake in trying to tailor a Tamil leadership to its measure and remaining extremely paranoid on the security front four years after the war. However, political grandstanding in the run up to the elections and after could potentially make the situation worse. My proposal takes this likelihood into account.

Striking a balance is a must, but it should be within the laws of the country and through consensus building. One group should not try to steamroll the other, because the two groups have lived like brothers and sisters and they can repeat that wonderful exquisite performance in the future too.

What I have proposed is within the laws. However, it may not be in line with the rotten political culture in this country.  The communities should come together and this can happen only if our politicians come together. There is no steamrolling involved in my proposal. It will be more of give and take, in the interests of the Northern Tamils and this country.

Northern election after seizing powers. President Mahinda on secret plan.

President Mahinda Rajapakse headed United People Freedom Alliance government has decided to hold the northern provincial council election after grabbing police and land powers from provincial councils which is according to reliable sources.

 

In another three weeks period, plans are underway to make necessary amendment in the constitution, and later President will give the directive to hold the northern election is according to sources.

 

By making the relevant amendments in the 13th amendment to the constitution, the entire land powers will come under the control of central government, and the  principal in police powers will be brought under the central government, for which recommendations are made.

 

Concerning this, the assignment in preparing the draft recommendation has begun already.  This draft recommendation would be forwarded to Attorney General Department.

 

If government hold the northern provincial council without removing the police and land powers from the 13th amendment to the constitution, the support for government will be disbanded are the continuous threats to the government by racist associate parties and Sinhala movement.

 

Amendment is proposed to introduce to pave way to hold the Presidential election in three years and President's term of six years to define to five years.

 

This entire recommendation will be introduced as 19th amendment to the constitution.

 

Concerning this Patriotic National Movement Leader Prof.Gunadasa Amarasekara expressing his views said, after the seizure of police and land powers, President will make the notification for northern election is the confirmed information received. He gave his gratitude  to the decision taken by  President. 

Sunday , 05 May 2013

Tradition neglected in today's rotating world. Prof.Sathiyaseelan notify

Our tradition is discarded in the rotating world. Today tradition, medicine, language, living style and family bonds are ruined in Jaffna.

 

We consider protecting the old is uncivilized, and selling it for lower rates, and buying new items.

 

However we are forgetting, that we not only selling things, but through this, we are marketing the expression, language and tradition.

 

A book launch titled "Jaffna life” was held at Kailasapathi auditorium on Thursday by the efforts from the Jaffna University history faculty.

 

Prof.P.Pushparatnam Chairman of the Jaffna university history faculty chaired and University Deputy Vice Chancellor Prof.S.Sathiyaselan was the chief guest addressed at the book launch made the above statement.

 

On the commencement of the Jaffna University, a request was made that the university should come forward to document the   culture and tradition. But now this task is accomplished, however all the sectors have the responsible to preserve was said by him. 

Sunday , 05 May 2013

Rejoinder To A Rejoinder: The Politics Of ITAK

By Shanthi  Sachithanandam -May 5, 2013 

Shanthi Sachithanandam

I must thank  Dr. Kalaichelvan  for buttressing the argument in my earlier article with the following conclusion in his article, although it was arrived in a  rather long winded  manner. I quote him, “The more serious issue here is that the Eelam Tamils should sincerely conduct introspection into our social fabric and honestly confront the evils of our society, in order to transform into a progressive and ethic-based democratic body politic. Effectively, there should be a process of reconciliation must be happening within the Tamil body politic, and any attempt to discredit and ignore the dissenting voices, wont succeed and in fact it may endanger the whole architecture of Tamil nation building project.” That is exactly the point I was putting forth.

But then I also sense his anger at what he sees as my attempt to “scuttle the new political consensus that is emerging from the Tamil body politic” which is why he has gone to some lengths in describing the  “polemic” and “pedantic”  aspects of my article. A political consensus is a mirage that does not exist anywhere, neither amongst the majority nor amongst the minority. Making an apparently lofty call for political consensus is, I consider, a crude attempt at silencing dissent. In order to propel the debate forward  I would like to help by throwing in some food for thought, doing a Ram Jethmalani here. Ram Jethmalani was a lawyer who campaigned assiduously  for transparency and accountability in the Bofors (Arms) deal in India in the 1980s. As part of his campaign he used to pose just ten questions daily published in the Indian express, to the then Prime Minister Mr Rajiv Gandhi. In addition to multiplying the readership of Indian Express, these questions also raised awareness of the people on the issue and led to many retractions by the Congress government. So here they come.

1. Can a 800 c.c car run a Grand Prix? Similarly, could a three member team be substituted for a party  apparatus that could organize the political and voter education of the Sri Lankan Tamils, as well as work amongst the Sinhala community, all the while bringing the world Tamil community together on international advocacy issues?
2. Why is it that caste affiliations, family affiliations, and regionalism play very important roles in the selection of candidates for any of the elections in the North and East rather than merit, capacity, past record of service rendered, and integrity? Why do you think political parties fuel these differences that undermine our unity and credibility?
3. Why is it that consultants who work with bilateral and multilateral aid projects in the North and East, confirm the Sri Lankan government’s assertions that funds allocated for the development of those areas are being taken back because the elected councilors do not have the capacity to spend them?
4. Despite seeing the caste conflicts, incidents of violence against women, and the inter- ethnic conflicts that have arisen in various parts of North and East, why haven’t our political parties been the vanguard of a movement for social transformation?
5. Why are the other constituent parties of the TNA now  raising questions related to decision making processes and also transparency and accountability in the way funds  received by ITAK have been spent?
6. Why is it that the central committee members of ITAK complain openly that they are not informed of important decisions within the party?
7. Why is it almost impossible to see any active party youth groups anywhere in the North and East? Why are the old leaders still in the saddle?
8. Why is it that except standing for elections, conducting Talks with the government, and organizing demonstrations here and there, no new activities and strategies have been evolved by the party for the past fifty years?
9. Could spending a substantial amount of time in India for personal reasons help us to meet all of these challenges in Sri Lankan politics?
10. When a political party does not respect the principles of power sharing, transparency and accountability within its own structures, and subscribes to exploitative social relations within its support base, could it have the moral authority to demand a just solution from the Sri Lankan government?

Despite such gaping holes in Tamil politics, the Tamils continue not only to vote for this, but also to not making any attempts to find alternatives for themselves. It is Dr. Kalaichelvan who has explained this as  “The backward culture of Tamil body politic is simply the reflection of the society that holds this body politic”.  I will refrain from commenting on this and leave the conclusion to the readers.

Negotiations are possible only if there is the capacity to force a solution. A true non violence movement  brings that capacity to the table.  ”Talks” pretends to trust the good sense of the other side, which is meaningless in power politics. Thusydides in his ‘A Comprehensive Guide to Peloponnesian War’ has said that  “Right, as the world goes, is only in question between equals in power, while the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must.”   In negotiations, the strong are made acutely aware that they will pay a high political cost if they fail to reach and honour a mutually acceptable compromise. The Sinhalese leaders unilaterally abrogated the B-C Pact and D-C Pact because they knew Tamil politicians were incapable of enforcing a cost to treachery. The fact that Sinhalese did what they wished, and Tamils suffered what they must, only confirms that Greek wisdom. The speech of Mr. Sambandan saying that if those pacts had been implemented this country will not be in this position today, has a pathetic ring to it seeking excuses for the powerlessness of the ITAK.  As for “The ITAK/TNA talking with the government of the day could be the only sensible policy translation of a non-violence politics” is indeed hilarious.

I think I have explained adequately about the basis of a non violence movement in my previous article so do not wish to dwell more on that subject. Finally, I cannot possibly conclude this response without referring to his outbursts regarding the so called “ Jaffna  bourgeois elite”. Wherever they maybe, in North America, Europe or Australia, perhaps Dr. Kalaichelvan should address his concerns to them.

Rapprochement with India, way cleared for C’wealth summit

By Our Political EditorSunday, May 05, 2013

• �Rajapaksa Govt. makes dramatic moves to improve ties with New Delhi; Japan to help rebuild relations with US
• �Rajapaksa to go ahead with NPC elections despite dire warnings from the JHU and the NFF

Even if most Sri Lankans did not realise it, this week’s developments came as further proof that the Government is on reverse gear over important domestic and external developments. In essence, it reflects a clear policy change in some areas and underscores a new resolve to address issues differently.

On the domestic front, President Mahinda Rajapaksa announced at the UPFA’s well attended May Day rally that some drastic changes would be made to the recently raised electricity tariffs. That was indeed a paradox. The revision of tariffs was done with his concurrence. The Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) cleared it through a statutory mechanism in place to look after consumer interests. That was the Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka (PUCSL) which heard public complaints from many not to increase prices. The PUCSL still approved it, but offered no rationale for its action.

Now, President Rajapaksa has played the role expected from the PUCSL. He has freed nearly fifty per cent of the country’s electricity consumers from paying the higher tariff. Details of the revision appear elsewhere in the Sunday Times. Two major opposition parties — the United National Party (UNP) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) — reacted with lightning speed to claim credit for the move. Whoever was responsible, it was not those within the UPFA though many ministers were uncomfortable with the tariff revision. So much so, Minister Vasudeva Nanayakkara even sought a special cabinet meeting to discuss the issue. Though not publicly known, state intelligence arms in their reports to the ruling hierarchy did voice concerns over consumer discontent.

Lesson number one from Rajapaksa’s May Day order: Neither the CEB nor the PUCSL, it is now clear, did its homework before making a final decision. It seems their thirst to raise badly needed revenue was the only motivating factor. Two Ministers — Keheliya Rambukwella and Sarath Amunugama — were to justify the increase on a non-existent issue, a so-called subsidy. That turned out to be a facade. Now, more details of the basis on which the increases were made are emerging.

Dr Dipu Moni, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Bangladesh, and Chair of the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group meeting the press at Marlborough House, London. Picture courtesy Commonwealth Secretariat

The larger volume of the increase had been queued for sectors that consumed the least electricity. Thus, Rajapaksa’s May Day order was that there would be no increase in tariffs for those using less than 60 units a month.

They had been called upon to pay five rupees per unit as against the three rupees they paid earlier. They will now continue to pay the old rate. In addition, this category and those using up to 180 units will have a 25 per cent reduction on their fuel surcharge, a levy that varies according to usage.

Through the tariff revision, the CEB expected to raise some Rs. 34 billion via domestic consumers but it would be eight to nine billion rupees less after the latest change. However, there will be no change in the revenue of some Rs. 12 billion the CEB expects from industrial users.

The new tariff increase is across the board. It is in marked contrast to a slab system (example 0 to 30 units, 30 units to 60 units and 60 to 90 units and so on) that it replaced. Earlier, users who were able to minimise their electricity usage paid less. However, the current increase does not afford them this opportunity.

This is because there is a flat rate for a large segment. On the other hand, some industrial users are switching to solar energy and are collaborating with the CEB by selling them excess power generation. The system is monitored through a net-metering system where the CEB only charges for the electricity used. If no power from the national grid is used, the CEB credits their accounts to be offset later.

Rajapaksa’s order notwithstanding, CEB sources say, a wider segment of the middle-income groups are still affected. “Only when these consumers receive their bills later this month will they realise the tsunami effect of the increase,” said a CEB source who did not wish to be identified. The source added, “The cascading effect of the tariff hike, where rates for goods and services will increase can be seen by the same time.”

Besides an impending bus fare hike, several industrialists say price revisions of their products would be made after they assess the costs they would incur under the increased tariffs.

On the external front, the most significant development came when the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG) met in London on April 26. Its members endorsed that the Commonwealth Heads of Government (CHOGM) meeting would be held in Colombo, as planned, on November 15, 16 and 17. The Sunday Times revealed exclusively in these columns last week that “….an influential member of the Commonwealth who is not a CMAG member strongly lobbied for Sri Lanka�.” It was India. India’s one-time senior diplomats and now Commonwealth Secretary General Kamalesh Sharma charted the course of events so successfully at the CMAG meeting at the ‘Marlborough House’ in Sri Lanka’s favour. As revealed last week, there were strong criticism over Sri Lanka from Foreign Ministers of Canada, Sierra Leone and Trinidad and Tobago.

They had accused Sri Lanka of violating ‘Commonwealth principles’. The consensus of the majority CMAG members, diplomatic sources said, was in favour of Sri Lanka. Bangladesh Foreign Minister Dipu Moni was to point out that CMAG had no mandate to seek a venue change and hence no such move was entertained. Quite clearly India delivered on its latest promise.

Barely a week after CMAG, Secretary General Sharma has already presided over a Commonwealth Roundtable on Reconciliation where a Sri Lanka delegation is also taking part. During his address, Sharma noted, “You will no doubt be aware that during the first cycle of the Universal Periodic Review, several Commonwealth member states accepted recommendations that included taking all necessary measures to implement national reconciliation strategies and to reinforce related mechanisms; to follow up on recommendations from truth and reconciliation commissions; and to share experiences regarding their national reconciliation mechanisms. Our Commonwealth contribution is to help our member states get to where they want to be — in this case to help build capacity and advance reconciliation.

The focus over these three days will also be on practical experience gained from existing models of judicial and non-judicial mechanisms of transitional justice, including truth commissions, memorialisation, restorative justice and criminal prosecution. Through exploration of case studies shared by Kenya, Papua New Guinea, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Uganda and Northern Ireland, we hope to broaden and deepen understanding of how post-conflict challenges have been dealt with in a range of specific contexts, and to glean new insights into best practices.”

The roundtable was held on May 1. Earlier that day, a delegation from the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka met Sharma. It comprised Commissioner Sri Warna Mahanamahewa, Thangavel Kanakaraj, Regional Co-ordinator for Jaffna; Rohitha Priyadarshana, Regional Co-ordinator for Vavuniya; and, Abdul Careem Abdul Aziz, Regional Co-ordinator for Batticaloa. The Commonwealth Secretariat said it plans to “help the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka in achieving specific targets that the Secretary General has identified�.”

A statement added: “The Commonwealth Secretariat and the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka have agreed on two immediate areas of technical assistance, which are expected to be carried out over the next three to six months. This will entail strengthening the capacity of the Commission on effective use of national inquiries as a means of human rights protection, and on its role in taking forward an agenda aimed at national reconciliation�

“Also discussed were remaining challenges of land resettlement of people who had been displaced by conflict; reconciliation efforts linked to Sri Lanka’s trilingual policy of Sinhala, Tamil and English; and the importance of an effective grievance reporting system.”
It is clear that the Commonwealth is laying the groundwork to address issues raised in the second United States resolution at the Human Rights Council in Geneva. In other words, the Sri Lanka Government is now making a serious effort to address issues raised in the resolution and also address international criticism. That means when the UNHRC meets in September, the Government would be able to go with a report card instead of hurling criticism at the UN and its top officials. How far the moves would proceed remains to be seen. Yet, the Government could now make claim that it has the backing of the 54-member Commonwealth.

How did all this become possible? The answer lay in the remarkable thawing of relations between Colombo and New Delhi, in the weeks after the UN Human Rights Council sessions in March this year. The UPFA leadership at the highest levels had made it clear to their Congress Government counterparts in New Delhi of the willingness to forget the past, restore good relations and move forward. The result was a flurry of diplomatic activity. Sri Lanka has agreed to address matters of concern raised by New Delhi. These had included even some matters of international concern like human rights issues and reconciliation.

A quid pro quo has been New Delhi’s assistance, like clearing the decks for the CHOGM to be held in Colombo, and having Sharma proceed on priority basis in setting the ground for an international effort at addressing most of the issues involved. For India, it seems a foreign policy victory. It is viewed as dispelling perceptions of a sole Chinese stranglehold on Sri Lanka or a major sphere of influence for Pakistan.

Both Sri Lanka and India are on the verge of reaching accord on the multi-million dollar coal fired power project in Sampur. Two key agreements for power purchase and implementation have almost been concluded. Indian concerns over the future of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution have been allayed. President Rajapaksa has reiterated that elections to the Northern Provincial Council would be held in September. The fact that such elections would take place is an acknowledgement that the 13th Amendment would stay, barring possible amendments, contrary to demands by sections of the Government that it had to be annulled. Concerns about a possible abrogation of the tank farm agreement in Trincomalee, where some oil tanks are leased out to Lanka-India Oil Company (LIOC), have been formally contradicted during official diplomatic contacts. Even some specific security concerns that weighed heavily on New Delhi have been dispelled.

Just a week ago, the Government agreed to India’s nomination of Y.K. Sinha, a career officer in the External Affairs Ministry, as India’s new High Commissioner in Sri Lanka. He is the son of Lt. Gen. S.K. Sinha who was appointed by the then BJP Government as the Governor of Jammu and Kashmir. Interesting enough, the outgoing High Commissioner Ashok Kantha is also the son-in-law of a BJP stalwart and one time External Affairs Minister, Yashwant Sinha.

Putting Indo-Sri Lanka relations on the track to reach out to Commonwealth and other nations does not seem the only priority for the Government. UPFA sources hinted yesterday that Sri Lanka may obtain the good offices of Japan in its efforts to improve relations with the United States. More so since External Affairs Minister G.L. Peiris has declared in Parliament that there was no change in relations with the US. That reply to the opposition suggested that the ties remained strained, notwithstanding efforts by Jaliya Wickramasuriya, Sri Lanka’s envoy to Washington, to break new ground with the US. Japan’s Deputy Prime Minister Taro Aso arrived in Colombo on a two day visit on Wednesday. He is also the Minister of Finance and is officially following up on a visit to Tokyo by Rajapaksa in March this year. Aso is en route to Tokyo after attending the 46th annual meeting of the Asian Development Bank in Greater Noida, India. Rajapaksa has developed a personal relationship with Aso from the days when he was Sri Lanka’s Prime Minister. Taro is accompanied to Colombo by Yuko Obuchi, Senior Vice Minister of Finance.

In fact, Japan has been playing a role in reconciliation efforts. Its Ambassador to the United Nations, Tsuneo Nishida, handed over last year a special report to the UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon on issues relating to reconciliation. This was after representatives of Bangladesh, Nigeria and Romania, under an initiative from the Programme on Peace-building and Rights at Columbia University’s Institute for the Study of Human Rights examined the situation in Sri Lanka.

A conciliatory move towards the US came just weeks earlier when the Government decided to sell the land adjoining the US embassy, the earlier British High Commission premises, to it. The request has been on hold for years and earlier the Government offered a land in Galle Road, Kollupitiya. However, the US was not in favour of it.

Rajapaksa’s latest stance on the 13th Amendment, reflected by the impending Northern Provincial Council (NPC) elections, does not seem an issue that would sail smoothly. Two of the UPFA’s constituent partners — the National Freedom Front (NFF) and the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) — are bitterly opposed to the 13th Amendment and the conduct of the NPC polls. Yet, ministers close to Rajapaksa say this was a relatively small issue for Rajapaksa who had carried through many major controversial issues despite initial protests by some partners. One case in point, they say, was the introduction of the 18th Amendment to the Constitution. Another, they say is this year’s impeachment of Chief Justice 43, Shirani Bandaranayake.

In this regard, the strongest critics over NPC polls are NFF leader, Wimal Weerawansa and Jathika Hela Urumaya General Secretary Champika Ranawaka. When Weerawansa charts a course different to that of the UPFA, his adversaries say he is put up by the UPFA leadership to take up that position. “This is not true,” he told the Sunday Times when asked about veering away from the UPFA May Day rally to hold its own one. He said it was done to express his party’s “strong objections to the NPC elections.” Here again, he said, it was not at the instigation of the UPFA leadership.

He said; “The conduct of the Northern Provincial Council elections will lead to a constitutional crisis. The TNA, if it wins, will form its own police force and take over lands. There is provision in the law for a police force and land use. It will work on a plan to push the military out of the north. It will collude with those in the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress in the Eastern Provincial Council to form an axis where one side will control the north and the other the east. That is the strategy it is working on. Thereafter, it will call for UN intervention in Sri Lanka. What they could not get through a separatist war, they will achieve through an election.”

Minister Weerawansa said the NFF would launch a campaign “in the next two weeks to educate the people of the dangers and prevent the conduct of the NPC election.” He told his party’s May Day rally he was not interested in his ministerial portfolio and was willing to give it up if he could ensure no polls were held.

Minister Ranawaka told the Sunday Times, “It is undemocratic to conduct the elections to Northern Provincial Council. The people did not give a mandate for such PCs. We accept that the Government was under pressure to agree to the 13th Amendment. The other thing, the LTTE chased away the Sinhalese and the Muslims from the North. There were systematic massacres. Earlier there were 20,000 Sinhalese and 10,000 Muslims. Today there are only 746 Sinhalese and some 1800 Muslims. It has disturbed the ethnic balance. We don’t want the Government to give legitimacy. We want it to restore the ethnic balance. If the TNA gains control, it will destabilise the Northern Province. It will then tie up with the disgruntled elements in the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) in the East. Together they can team up with those in Tamil Nadu. The 13th Amendment has to be changed. This is particularly after the passage of the Divineguma Bill into law. Otherwise, the TNA can hijack legislative power and even campaign against the armed forces.”

Tamil National Alliance leader, Rajavarothayam Sampanthan was away in India on a private visit. The party’s National List parliamentarian M.A. Sumanthiran responded to the comments of the two ministers. He told the Sunday Times, “We have heard about the remarks made by Ministers Ranawaka and Weerawansa against the TNA. They are used by the Government to make these remarks. The Government is not sincere. These are not their own comments, but are those made on behalf of the Government. Minister Weerawansa has threatened to resign if the Northern Provincial elections are held. He should do so now since a public assurance was given by President Mahinda Rajapaksa that the NPC elections will be held in September. Even Minister Ranawaka is trying to safeguard the Government by making such remarks. The two ministers have created a false fear among the public that if the TNA wins the Northern Provincial elections, the Army would be driven out leading to the creation of a separate state. We have put forward our proposal to the people at the 2010 elections. Even in this election let the people decide.”

Amidst these developments, on Thursday, Azath Sally, a former UNP Deputy Mayor of Colombo was arrested by detectives of the Police Department’s Terrorism Investigation Division (TID). A known political pole vaulter, he had quit the UNP and joined the UPFA some time ago. During his tenure with the UPFA, he faced allegations in courts of fraudulent conduct but the case was withdrawn. Sally parted ways to form his own Muslim-Tamil Alliance and contested the Ampara District in the Eastern Provincial Council elections last year. He lost and later became a vociferous critic of President Rajapaksa on TV talk shows and media interviews. He earned the ire of hard-line Buddhist groups for his biting criticism of them. Several of their websites poured scorn on him after the arrest. On the other hand, he won the support of Muslim groups which strongly condemned the arrest which has gone high profile. Joining in was the Canadian Government with a call for his release. Andrew Bennett, Canada’s Ambassador for Religious Freedom, said in a statement: “Canada condemns the arrest of Azath Sally; leader of Sri Lanka’s newly formed Muslim-Tamil National Alliance.”

Amnesty International also followed suit.�The arrest also angered the Government’s coalition partner Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), which Sally has often criticised. Its leader and Justice Minister, Rauf Hakeem called for Sally’s release “unconditionally” and told the Sunday Times “otherwise he would become the first Muslim in Sri Lanka to be charged with terrorism under the PTA on a non-LTTE related case. Similarly the PTA could be used on other Muslims too.”

He said, “(Sally) may have used intemperate language or conducted himself badly. However, you do not use an iron rod, a crowbar or other weapon when only a pin would do.”

A cabinet minister who did not wish to be identified said, “The arrest under the PTA was ill advised and had made Sally a hero, something he never would have achieved through his political pursuits. We have helped him.” He lamented that those who made these costly mistakes did not learn.

Canada’s Prime Minister, Stephen Harper said in Ottawa this week that he would skip the CHOGM in Colombo due to the Government’s “human rights abuses.” However, British Prime Minister, David Cameron will take part. The Daily Telegraph on Friday quoted an official spokesperson as saying “Mr. Cameron had decided to make a robust stand in person against Sri Lanka’s human rights record and attacks on its democratic standards by its authoritarian president, Mahinda Rajapaksa. We do not think that turning away from the problem is the best way to make progress in Sri Lanka. There’s nothing to suggest that not going will convince Rajapaksa he must do more.” An official announcement was also made in London yesterday.

Last week’s exclusive front page report in the Sunday Times and reference in this column about Cabinet approval to re-fleet Sri Lankan Airlines at a cost of Rs. 315 billion with ten Airbus aircraft with British Rolls Royce engines noted “�Britain may take part at the highest levels in the light of Prime Minister, David Cameron’s Government weighing in favour of trade as part of its foreign policy pursuits.”
The re-fleeting deal itself has raised eyebrows in sections of the UPFA. Their concern is over whether such a colossal amount was high priority when more important issues like electricity tariffs have been raised. They ask how the Government was going to raise funds when it was finding it difficult to meet essential requirements and had more to spend on CHOGM. Two major promoters of the deal, one the head of a state company and another monitoring many a government activity, the Sunday Times learns are of the view that the required funds could be obtained through private banking sources. They have opined that only a Government of Sri Lanka sovereign guarantee would be needed. However, those backing the move have chosen to ignore the fact that the burden of repayment including high interest rates would fall on successive Governments or generations to come.

Civil Aviation Minister Priyankara Jayaratne told Cabinet last month, “The aging fleet of A 340 aircraft needs to be replaced in the year 2014/2015 as the leases of these aircraft expire during this time frame and these aircraft are also approaching the end of their useful design life, thus there been (sic) no other option than replace them with a suitable available aircraft type. The new generation wide body aircraft will not be available with the manufacturers until 2019, and with Lessors until 2017. Therefore, also considering the commonality with the current fleet, the Airbus A 330 was selected as the most suitable option to replace the A 340 fleet.

“The A 330-300 variant is a larger aircraft compared to the current A 330-200 variant used by SriLankan Airlines and has 299 seats compared with the 269 at present and the range and payload is also more aligned to the mission requirements of the airline and is therefore the preferred option. Airbus offered aggressive discounts for the aircraft whilst Rolls Royce engine is preferred as it is the engine used in the current fleet and also as considerable discounts in both price and maintenance cost has been offered by Rolls Royce.”

With regard to the procurement of seven Airbus A 330-300 aircraft, Minister Jayaratne has said that the Sri Lankan Airlines fleet needs to be replaced from 2017. Besides the purchase of ten aircraft (six A 330-300 each costing US$ 234,389,333 or more than Rs. 29.5 billion and four A 350-900 aircraft each costing US$ 283, 308, 300 or more than Rs. 35.6 billion), the Cabinet also gave approval on April 18 to:

• Lease aircraft for an additional three A 350-900 to be delivered in 2017 as replacement for A 330-200 aircraft.
• Fund for one on sale and lease back method for all six A 330-300 aircraft. This is on the grounds that the current generation aircraft, SriLankan Airlines does not propose to own them due to the risk of falling value in the future.

This means, besides the purchase cost of Rs. 315 billion, Sri Lankan will incur further expenses running into millions of dollars or (billions of rupees) for the leasing of three more A350-900 aircraft. This again means more loan and interest payments.

The absence of a coherent foreign policy for Sri Lanka, there is little doubt, has led to the present situation. A Government that took on the international community aggressively has opted for a new route now. At least with one country, the United States, it is after paying over US$ 100,000 every month (more than Rs. 12.6 million) to persuade Washington to change its attitude towards Colombo. The money is being spent by the Sri Lanka embassy in Washington DC and the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) to lobbying firms. Instead, Sri Lanka is now changing its policies for a more realistic approach and not Washington.

Yet, the turnaround is unreservedly a credit for President Mahinda Rajapaksa. Domestically, he weakened opposition parties so much that they have ceased to be a potent force. On the external front, at least for now, he has set the cat among the canaries. Canada and Britain and even Australia which are close allies are at opposite poles over attending CHOGM. More importantly, his action has also driven a wedge between the Conservative Government of Premier Cameron and the British-based Global Tamil Forum. This group made up largely of the Tamil Diaspora has been supporting it.

A rapprochement with India has not only delivered CMAG support but also cleared the decks for the Commonwealth summit. However, the billion dollar question is whether the External Affairs Ministry will be able to maintain the status quo he has secured through an element of successful political manoeuverings. That takes much more than rhetoric, prose and media statements.