Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Friday, May 3, 2013


‘‘National’ Provincial Council For The North” Is it realistic?

By Austin Fernando -May 4, 2013 
Austin Fernando
Colombo TelegraphDr. Rajasingham Narendran’s presentation in Colombo Telegraph (May 1st2013) proposing a “National Provincial Council” for the Northern Provincial Council (NPC), if implemented, could pave towards a different institutional development for devolution. At present it is not in the Constitution of Sri Lanka and hence may be considered dubious, but a circumspect mean to dilute the Provincial Council (PC) governance. One may identify it also as an unconstitutional path. It needs a response in the light of the crucial ongoing and ever emerging threats (i.e. abrogation, reduction of powers, canvassing by political and social groups not to hold elections) faced by the NPC, of which some have been enumerated by him and some not.
Let us see the most down to earth and credible home truth in his presentation. I believe it is his prediction of a victory to the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) under normal circumstances. I am careful in repeating ‘under normal circumstances’ because abnormal circumstances can be created. One need not ask “By whom?” as there is no troubleshooter for such ‘contribution like during the Presidential Election in 2005.  Nevertheless, it is strongly believed that the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) and the United Peoples’ Freedom Alliance (UPFA) want to win this election- “by hook or crook!”
NPC Elections- To hold or not?
The more important concern right now is whether the NPC election should be held; or, would be held. The main reasons adduced against holding the NPC elections as justified by pro-government commentators are: lacking democratic value in the NPC election, holding elections during halfway of the resettlement process, uncorrected ‘post-ethnic cleansing status’ discriminating the Sinhalese and Muslims, threat of the TNA using the election result as a referendum of the right of self-determination for Tamils and the possibility of TNA destabilizing the East and joining hands with Tamilnadu or with Rudra Kumaran’s Transitional Government (See Daily Mirror 2-5-2013 the interview with Minister Champika Ranawaka.) As for me these do not seem as very strong argumants.
Similar view is held by Minister Wimal Weerawansa who in his May Day speech devoted time to show his dissent on holding NPC elections in September. To him the heartburn seems to be the Land and Police powers of the NPC. He has even vowed to break away from the government if the NPC elections are held without removing these two powers (See Ceylon Today 2-5-2013.) He cannot be serious! He has even exaggerated the outcome of the election “if separatists gain the power” and predicted the removal of army camps! “Is the TNA a separatist political party?” may be the question from Mr. Sampanthan, who has not signaled nominating former LTTE cadres of the caliber of Daya Master- then a bosom pal of Velupillai Prabhakaran. Minister Weerawansa has seen a threat of amalgamation of North and East, which has been barred by the Supreme Courts, and cannot be achieved without a pro-proposition vote in the Parliament, which cannot be mustered by the TNA any day.
Basically, though not accepted in public, the true reason to be anti-election in the NPC is that devolution of power will politically annihilate the majoritarian requirement of governing the country, as one entity. On the grounds of authority UPFA exhorts that a NPC headed by a political group other than the UPFA will be the stepping stone for disintegration of the north and east from the rest of the country.
Darisha Bastians (Daily FT 2-5-2013) has revealed a purported novel power sharing manipulation after Dr. Narendran’s presentation was made. It had not been in the public domain as a strategy to hoodwink devolution.  She says that the “Government is mulling an amendment that allows the central government to pass into law any bill pertaining to subjects devolved to provincial administrations, provided they are sanctioned by a majority of the provincial councils, as opposed to all nine. Amendments are also being envisaged relating to the restoration of police and power over State land to the centre.” She adds “This dilution of what it perceives as the ‘dangers’ of the 13th Amendment would allow the regime to rest easier about the prospect of holding elections in the north and losing complete control over that region. The calculation appears to be that if India and the international community want an election, they will get one, but only on the regime’s explicit terms as to what the limits of political autonomy for Sri Lanka’s minority Tamil population will be.” This, she considered as a case of Colombo having once more shifted the goalposts after making significant commitments internationally, especially with India.
The amendment to Article 154G (2) in the above manner must have provoked in a spirit of hoodwinking the international pressures for devolution and hence may create large criticisms against the GOSL. If passed the ultimate will be not devolution, but total central control of power which will be the most unexpected out of power sharing. Can TNA go along with the UPFA as proposed if such day light robbery of devolution is in the cards of the government?
Pro-devolutionist’s thinking
However, pro devolutionist say that the GOSL has promised the public, as well as internationals that after war victory GOSL will be implementing the 13th Amendment, and sometimes promised 13A+. They say that some sort of ‘self determination’ (though this terminology is interpreted differently) for the majority of the people in the North can be assured only by devolving power and query the discrimination of non-enjoyment of the constitutional rights by the North, which are enjoyed by the PCs in the South. They insist that there is no need to reinvent power sharing as it is provided in the Constitution. Further, they question the delay in the implementation of their constitutional right which is interpreted as anti-democratic and couch it with criticism of issues like militarization, colonization, “Sinhalization” etc.
Manipulations, Manipulations and Manipulations!!
Both these premises are sugar coated. I think both groups speak half-baked truths in this dialogue. Therefore, fears arising in both camps are normal. Undercutting methodologies are invented by GOSL as well by Tamil aspiration exponents. For instance, in addition to the unannounced strategy as mentioned by Darisha Bastians the latest announced methodology was proposed with a thick sugar coating by the Minister of Home Affairs John Seneviratne, suggesting that the land administration should be handed over to an Additional District Secretary in the District Secretariat, which is a central organ of the GOSL, not having any hierarchical bondage to the PCs. Simply it appears to be unconstitutional. Since the mode of operation is not yet known, if someone thinks that this is to hijack or prune the land powers off the PCs, it cannot be considered unjustified, because even the Supreme Court has determined that Land powers are devolved.
Being a lawyer Minister John Seneviratne cannot be unaware of the legal implications of Court decisions on Land Ownership Bill- Determination of the Supreme Court; Vasudeva Nanayakkara vs. KN Choksy and others case; M Dayawathie Vs: Resident Project Manager and three others – Provincial High Court of North Central Province case; HM  Alicenona Vs: S Wahalawatta, Provincial Land Commissioner and three others- Court of Appeal Revision CA 50/2009; Rajapakshalage Prema Jayantha Vs: Divisional Secretary Rajanaganaya SC Reference 04/2011; and, Town and Country Planning (Amendment Bill) Determination of the Supreme Court.
Trying to extend graver suspicion by such ‘manipulations’ may cause increased suspicion also in the TNA, and one need not be surprised if Mr. R Sampanthan instructs Mr. MA Sumanthiran to draft Land and Police power devolution Statutes now itself, so that the NPC could pass them immediately, as the new Chief Minister takes over the reins of power, provided the elections are held in September 2013. Then it will be a clear TNA manipulation.
Dr. Narendran’s propostion
I think that if the latter happens it would be by itself the beginning of the conflict between the NPC and the GOSL, envisaged by Dr. Narendran, as these two issues are most allergic to pro government politicians and chauvinists, as well to the TNA and Tamil chauvinists. It is not what the Constitution expected, but these days who cares for the Constitution?
To avoid such pitfalls what Dr. Narendran tries to do is to “make the best out of a potentially hopeless situation, while furthering the cause of the war-affected, national healing and establishing a Provincial Council for the north.” What I would have expected from him is to be constitutional and not to play ad hoc or by the ear!
Dr. Narendran is extremely adventurous and breaks away from conventional political thinking to implement a conceived ‘out of the box’ solution.  His thesis is to operate the PC system optimally in the north and to explore the possible means to achieve it efficiently. The contradiction is this optimal objective never received blessings from any government since 1987!
His adventurism is so great he suggests the TNA to take the lead in “contesting the election in partnership with the UPFA” United National Party (UNP) and Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), fully aware the UPFA is a coalition of many parties of a diverse nature.  His expectation to bring Minister Weerawansa’s party or Minister Ranawaka’s party (coalition partners representing the majority) along with the government for devolution is a dream to me, when the above quoted newspaper reports are considered.
Another alliance partner Minister Rishard Bathuideen, coming from the North and a minority political representative went public a few weeks back that not a single Muslim will be elected if the elections are held as proposed. GOSL cannot be without his party to electioneer in the NPC and how could such a coalition work under TNA leadership in the NPC?  In addition, what the TNA had been fighting during the last few weeks (e.g. on acquisition of land and resettlement and protests near District Secretariat and Tellipalai Divisional Secretariat last week) have to be forgotten by them to agree with what Dr. Narendran would like to happen. Concurrently, the GOSL- especially the Ministries of Defense and the Land and Land Development have to agree with the TNA on these queried issues to permit Dr. Narendran’s intentions to reach fruition, which is most unlikely.
When the Leader of the UNP says in Mannar that there cannot be any means to acquire land for militarization (I personally have a differing view on it.), for the UNP to go along with the new proposed NPC with the GOSL/UPFA, which trying to stealthily blunt the devolved powers cannot be a reality. The JVP has been a critic of TNA as well as devolution and for them to get in to a coalition will be difficult.
Under these circumstance Dr. Narendran’s basic conceptualization will fail as the ‘National’ perspective in the first NPC may not go forward in that political and major policy conflict context. In contrast, I believe the TNA could agree to be in the Parliamentary Select Committee without so much hassle.
Then Dr. Narendran creates his criteria for easy coalescing. First, it is the best candidates that should be nominated. But, in politics it is not the best candidate that is required for political parties and their strategists. They want the easily winnable candidate.
He proposes that TNA should name its Chief Ministerial candidate and make sure that the person is the right person for the times, proposes Dr. Narendran. What is the assurance that UPFA would consider that TNA’s candidate is the best for them too? If the TNA Chief Minister Candidate as mentioned in the media is JusticeVigneswaran, UPFA will never agree as it will be extremely difficult under the existing laws to stop such an erudite, knowledgeable person fighting for his constitutional rights.
How are the Ministers selected? Just because some party is in a coalition, if the votes polled or percentages are negligible, is the TNA to repeat a “Douglas Devavnanda” where with a few thousands of votes for his party got a substantial number of seats in the Parliament and a portfolio?  Can the TNA agree to such a proposition?
Dr. Narendran proposes to leave out politicians of the “old mould”, when it is a national trait to appoint senior politicians as Chief Ministers (e.g. MS Amarasiri, WMPB Dissanayake, GD Mahindasoma, Amarasiri Dodangoda) and old age retirees as Governors (Messers DB Wijetunga, Maithreepala Senanayake, EL Senanayake, MS Amarasiri).
If ex-militants of all hues are to be given up what can the government say of Minster Devananda, Deputy Minister Karuna Amman, and former Chief Minister Pillayan or Daya Master as proposed now? When Dr, Narendran cannot stop UPFA stopping Daya Master to be a candidate, his trying to stop other political groups from nominating former terrorists in their lists will be a failing exercise for sure. Will it not denote permitting the UPFA to monopolize whatever vote sympathetic to terrorists to go along only with the UPFA, through Daya Master? Will not this be interpreted as Dr. Narendran trying to bring some novices who would dance to the tune of the Governor, a class of partial bureaucrats and central government ministers in the Northern Task Force, who according to TNA have usurped their powers and that of the PCs and trying to further weaken PCs as submitted earlier?
Dr, Narendran seemed to me as a great believer of Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs). Perhaps, if he remembers the number of MOUs signed between the UPFA and others (e.g. with the UNP, JVP) he will not try to stick to useless pieces of MOU papers.
Take the case of appointment of ministers. When there are only four provincial ministries and four major parties in his “National PC” exercise, any MOU will have to agree that each party should get at least one portfolio. Imagine as predicted by Dr Narendran at the outset an overwhelming victory goes to the TNA. Even if the TNA gets 70% of the vote and proportional number of Councilors, it will be entitled for the Chief Minister’s and another Minister’s position only on that basis, as the TNA, UPFA, UNP and JVP (if all parties mentioned by Dr. Narendran join, which I think is only a day dream!) have to be accommodated in the Board of Ministers; two out of five for the TNA inclusive of the Chief Ministry and three for the other constituent parties of the proposed “National” NPC. It will be the tail wagging the dog, with help of the Governor who will always act according to presidential dictates!
Dr. Narendran’s thinking that the NPC and the “Council of Ministers” should have also Sinhalese and Muslim members may not be a reality sometimes, if we were to believe what was stated by Minster Bathurdeen a few weeks back that no Muslim would be elected if the election is held in September next. If we go by the current ethnic representation in the Parliament from the Northern Province, when the NPC election is held, no Sinhalese Councilor may be elected.
Clean objectives
Having required Mr. Sampanthan to act as the initiator of his thinking Dr. Rajendran predicts ensuring excellent objectives. No one can object to them. They are so serene. They seem to me as non-adversarial, enabling the recovery of the war-affected people and areas, building trust for non-separation, paving the way for a new political culture and the way for a national consensus to improve devolution exercises, promoting national reconciliation, dissipating the distrust between the ethnic groups, enabling the entry of quality persons into politics, forestalling political issues promoting ignition of divisive passions anew.
If this is the need of the country too why not the Parliament resolve a constitutional amendment to bring non-adversarial political behavior, trust building, to pave a new political culture, bring forth reconciliation, wipe out distrust, create space for quality parsons to engage in politics, which is rarely seen now even in the Parliament, so that such could be a guide to all lower level political organizations? From the manner the Ministers, Opposition, some civil and religious groups behave, do we find these great virtues receiving worshipping (Namaskars)? Contrarily, what we hear from Dharisha Bastians is not conducive to recovery, trust building, reconciliation, but igniting dissension and consequentially division.
I agree more with Dr. Narendran on the last wish of his presentation. Let Mr. Sampanthan, the President and Mr.Wickremasinghe rise up to the occasion and act in unison with wisdom. It should not be limited to NPC elections. It should encompass all aspects of politics, governance, rights, independence whether it is of the economy, judiciary or press or movement or religious belief etc.
Limiting this to NPC elections alone will be seen and at least interpreted as Dr. Narendran trying to scuttle democracy and constitutional operation in a vicious manner in a limited geographical terrain to satisfy the needs of a section of the political hierarchy, who cannot gain victory under normal circumstances. I need not say which section!
My understanding is that the GOSL/ UPFA should not attempt to bogus discoloration of any political group against it, as representatives of the terrorists, and play the ‘sin-accruing game’ on such minority groups. It  must see manipulations as roadblocks for reconciliation, better understanding, trust building, sustainable future relations. It must concede that governance needs more than triumphalism and adverse name tagging.
TNA and other Tamil political groups, Diaspora and all Transitional Government supporters  also should recognize that they cannot be winning over the government or the majority communities by trying to crucify them, especially after a war victory that had been unprecedented, if they wish to develop reconciliation, better understanding, trust building, sustainable future relationships.
Striking a balance is a must, but it should be within the laws of the country and through consensus building. One group should not try to steamroll the other, because the two groups have lived like brothers and sisters and they can repeat that wonderful exquisite performance in the future too.

SRI LANKA: The caste base of our cultural roots

Basil Fernando-May 3, 2013AHRC Logo
Reconciliation has not been treated as an attractive word in Sri Lanka. The government's view is that forgetting is the best course available. It argues that reconciliation attempts could reopen the wounds and will do more harm than good. Officially therefore, the government policy is to encourage forgetting.
This policy does not come under serous criticism from the intellectuals and the opinion makers in Sri Lanka. A few have complained about this policy. However, their voices have not evoked much of a response from society.
The government's policy of forgetting as well as the absence of a strong retaliation against it points out some serious problems. This article is about one such cause which to me, appears perhaps as one of the most important causes, not only giving rise to this preference for forgetting but also for many other serious problems that affect Sri Lanka. For example, the easy approach to murder. Within the last forty years or so after 1971 Sri Lanka has witnessed a continuous period of large scale killings. In many instances these killings have been done after arrest. This has never become a serious matter of concern and controversy. The leaders of all religions are quite silent about it despite the fact that one of the few most important precepts of any religion is the objection to murder. The family members of the victims are advised to forget and various religious devices such as meditation are used to help such persons to forget and to find peace of mind. Confronted with any kind of cruelty the religious exhortation is usually to forget and to achieve one's own peace of mind.
These attitudes can be analysed from many points of view. One of the most common explanations is the influence of karmic theories. Learned persons in various religions may give various explanations about such karmic theories. However, in the popular mind people have their own understanding of these matters and during the time of crisis which affect them, they turn to their own internalized notions of these matters.
My intention is not to go into these religious explanations that favour forgetting rather than active engagement for reconciliation. I would rather draw attention to some cultural habits which have resulted from our social history of many centuries. What I refer to is the influence of caste-based notions that have generated psychological habits and attitudes which strongly persist despite of some advances in rational education. Many people would say that they are not as caste minded as their ancestors were in previous generations. And they are honest in saying so.
However, the caste influence that I am talking about is the deeper psychological and inner habits of the mind (or some may call it the soul) which persists despite of some achievements in the rational sphere. What we are talking about is habits formed over centuries. Exactly when the caste system became entrenched in Sri Lanka is hard to determine. However, it is generally agreed that by the beginning of the Polonawaru period the caste system was well entrenched in Sri Lanka. Whether during the Anuradhapura period caste was a serious factor is doubtful. In India original Buddhism came in radical opposition to Brahmanism. A central aspect of Brahmanism is the caste system which provided them with the rationalization for their own superior positions. In India there is a large body of contemporary writings which tries to illustrate the enormous contribution Buddhism made to undermine caste and to give space to those persons who were considered Sudras, who were the lowest on the caste ladder. However, in Sri Lanka this aspect is not talked about very much. Perhaps the same principle regarding forgetting is also being applied here because many controversies could arise if this issue is brought for open discussion.
What is important for the purpose of this article is that caste became the main form of social organisation in Sri Lanka at a certain historical period and this position continued for many centuries. What follows from this is that when any form of social organisation is entrenched for many centuries it enters into the psyche of the people who live under it. The psychological habits keep on having their rebirths in the same way other biological aspects of any species also have their rebirths.
Caste archetypes
The psychological habits implanted by the caste system are the notions of hierarchy based on the grading of human beings into fixed categories. Those considered the highest caste have one kind of identification or to use a modern term we could say an archetype. Those considered the lowest were the ones engaged in work of a physical nature. Even within the castes themselves there were deep divisions. For example while the Govigama caste is considered the highest caste the agricultural labourers who actually do most of the work relating to farming were considered as belonging to a lower category than those who owned the lands (it is remarkable that in relation to the JVP insurrection of 1971 58.5 percent of those who were detained were from the Govigama caste -- Table 31, page 351 of Religion and Ideology Sri Lanka by F. Houtart). Thus, the label 'Govigama' did not apply equally to persons within this caste. The actual agricultural labourers were identified with the marginalised groups such as the Karavas, Salagamas, Wahampuras, Padus (Batgamas) Dhobys (laundrymen), Beravas (drummers) and Navandamas (smiths). This identification therefore was more or less the same as Sudras in India, the basis of classification being those who engage in physical labour.
From the point of view of the formation of psychological habits by way of many centuries of repetition of varying kinds of treatment to those who belong to different categories, what this means is that many forms of boundaries have been established to keep these categories well demarcated. Every form of treatment was relativised in terms of these categories. When one category addressed the persons belonging to other categories even the language used was distinctly different and this distinction is embedded in the grammatical structure itself. The other forms of association such as marriages, attendance at social gatherings including religious gatherings were all determined according to these gradations.
The central issue of caste is regarding the significance of individuals. Those who belong to the top category have the highest forms of recognition and those who belong to the lowest had no recognition except within their own group. For example, the killing of a Brahmin was considered the highest crime with tremendous consequences in this life and the next. The killing of a Sudra may not be a crime at all. This Indian notion was assimilated by Sri Lankan Buddhism which made the killing of a Buddhist monk in the category. The internationalization of this recognition structure is the deeper psychological impact that the caste has had and continues to have on Sri Lankans. Such psychological imprints go much deeper than mere rational or cognitive categories. What is merely in the intellect can be changed by the improvement of understanding achieved rationally. However, what is imprinted psychologically does not go away merely due to better rational education or achievements in the cognitive sphere.
It is these deep psychological imprints that get replayed in terms of reactions to what is considered good or bad, moral or immoral. For example, though modern legal systems may speak of everyone as equal before the law in the actual treatment of people still the old habits have a greater influence than modern classifications introduced by law. For example, a police or military officer will not usually dare to kill a person who is perceived as belonging to the top category. However, he may not think twice when the victim is a person who belongs to the lower category. The epidemic of killings that we have been experiencing in Sri Lanka since 1971 is shocking to anyone who looks at the world on the basis of modern legal definitions or charaterisations. How could thousands of persons be killed after securing their arrest? It is simply impossible to explain such a thing to anyone whose thinking is grounded on modern democratic and rule of law notions. However, for the generality of Sri Lankans this epidemic of killings has not caused any nightmares or problems of conscience or problems of morality.
Fraud done by people at the top does not seem to create outrage or strong reactions among the Sri Lankans. While there are very many who at a cognitive level resent what they see happening, such resentments do not accompany the emotional reactions against the self destruction caused by large scale fraud and corruption. A few centuries of psychological habits seem to predetermine the reactions of the people. Being accustomed to corruption and being able to live with it has gone to the very depth of the psyche. The same can be said of the wide spread lawlessness, the increase in crime, large scale abuse of children and women and every other kind of abomination including the destruction of the free speech and freedom of association.
What has been achieved cognitively through rational endeavors such as the establishment of a rule of law system within the country, the introduction of basic democracy with free elections, transparency achieved through parliamentary debates and the freedom of the press and the basic availability of humane treatment by law enforcement agencies and the courts is easily lost. However, that does not bother the psyche of the people. The psyche is quite at rest with the help of habits which have been implanted and reproduced in every generation. These many centuries old habits do not find the kind of crisis that the country's public institutions suffer as being significant problems.
Thus, dealing with the abysmal situation that the county is in now, requires much more work in bringing to light the psychological roots of the Sri Lankan behaviour.
Until then the government's policy of forgetfulness will not find a great resistance from the people. On the part of intellectuals and serious thinkers much more work is required to expose the caste base of our cultural roots.

Limit The Cabinet To 20 Cabinet Ministers – Online Petition By Liberal Party Of Sri Lanka

Colombo Telegraph
“Join us in calling on His Excellency The President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka to introduce a Constitutional Amendment to limit the size of the Cabinet to 20, with no more than 20 Cabinet Ministers and no more than 20 other Ministers of Junior Ministerial rank.” says  Liberal Party of Sri Lanka.
Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha MP, Leader - Liberal Party of Sri Lanka
Liberal Party of Sri Lanka urge people to support their Petition to Mahinda Rajapaksa.
To:
His Excellency Mahinda Rajapaksa, The President of Sri Lanka
His Excellency Mahinda Rajapaksa
We, the signatories of this petition, call on His Excellency The President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka to introduce a Constitutional Amendment to limit the size of the Cabinet to 20, with no more than 20 Cabinet Ministers and no more than 20 other Ministers of Junior Ministerial rank.After recent discussions on Constitutional Reform, it was decided to launch an on line petition with regard to one vital reform. This is universally agreed to be essential, and we believe that there will at the most be just 225 individuals in Sri Lanka who will oppose it.
The provision that must be introduced into the Constitution is a mandatory cap on the number of Ministerial positions. The current situation, where the President may appoint as many Ministers as he wishes, and at various levels, leads to waste as well as inefficiency.
The cost of maintaining so many Ministries, as well as the large private offices of each Minister, is colossal. But even worse is the difficulty of ensuring consultation and coordination in subject areas that require coherent and consistent interventions.
We also have the spectacle of Members of Parliament urging that they be appointed Ministers. This is understandable because of the immense advantage Ministers have when it comes ensuring popularity. Given that many Ministers do not have enough to do, they see Ministries as instruments of enhancing their standing in their own electorates.
Given that there are so many Ministries, it is understandable that MPs cannot see why they too should not be elevated to enjoy similar powers of patronage.
When there is no Constitutional limit, and given the precedents of the past, it is difficult for the President to turn down such requests. We believe that, in acceding to this petition, Your Excellency will also be able to introduce better and more responsible systems of governance, and allow the Executive to fulfil its duties rather than become an instrument of electoral popularity.
Sincerely,
[Your name]
To sign the petition click here
His Excellency Mahinda Rajapaksa, The President of Sri Lanka: Introduce Constitutional Amendment limiting Cabinet to 20 Cabinet Ministers

His Excellency Mahinda Rajapaksa, The President of Sri Lanka: Introduce Constitutional Amendment limiting Cabinet to 20 Cabinet Ministers

    1.  
    2. Petition by
  1.  
  2.  
Join us in calling on His Excellency The President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka to introduce a Constitutional Amendment to limit the size of the Cabinet to 20, with no more than 20 Cabinet Ministers and no more than 20 other Ministers of Junior Ministerial rank.
To:
His Excellency Mahinda Rajapaksa, The President of Sri Lanka
His Excellency Mahinda Rajapaksa 
We, the signatories of this petition, call on His Excellency The President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka to introduce a Constitutional Amendment to limit the size of the Cabinet to 20, with no more than 20 Cabinet Ministers and no more than 20 other Ministers of Junior Ministerial rank.

After recent discussions on Constitutional Reform, it was decided to launch an on line petition with regard to one vital reform. This is universally agreed to be essential, and we believe that there will at the most be just 225 individuals in Sri Lanka who will oppose it.

The provision that must be introduced into the Constitution is a mandatory cap on the number of Ministerial positions. The current situation, where the President may appoint as many Ministers as he wishes, and at various levels, leads to waste as well as inefficiency.

The cost of maintaining so many Ministries, as well as the large private offices of each Minister, is colossal. But even worse is the difficulty of ensuring consultation and coordination in subject areas that require coherent and consistent interventions.

We also have the spectacle of Members of Parliament urging that they be appointed Ministers. This is understandable because of the immense advantage Ministers have when it comes ensuring popularity. Given that many Ministers do not have enough to do, they see Ministries as instruments of enhancing their standing in their own electorates.

Given that there are so many Ministries, it is understandable that MPs cannot see why they too should not be elevated to enjoy similar powers of patronage.

When there is no Constitutional limit, and given the precedents of the past, it is difficult for the President to turn down such requests. We believe that, in acceding to this petition, Your Excellency will also be able to introduce better and more responsible systems of governance, and allow the Executive to fulfil its duties rather than become an instrument of electoral popularity.
Sincerely,
[Your name]
Ready to go to international courts. Mawai


“Our people should go to their native lands and towards this objective we will go to international courts for which activities have commenced by us”  was said by Tamil National Alliance Jaffna district parliament member Mawai Senathiraja

He attended the discussion on the theme “Preventing land impounding” held at Nallur youth hall yesterday Thursday and he made this statement.

He said, “Initially should brief the respective regional people of the relevant divisional council. We would advance the campaign for the “rights for living” protest against land confiscation”.

In advancing our protest, beyond the party on the basis of region, we will absorb   civil social committees. Through this we would advance continuous protest in the aim of paralyzing the district secretariat.

Parliament member C.Sritharan said, now we are facing more pressure than the period arm struggle occurred.

We should at least collect five persons and protest. Our race in a well-planned manner is getting eliminated said Sritharan.
Friday , 03 May 2013
Sinhala housing scheme once again in Nawatkuli


Encroach of illegal colonization of Sinhala people in Nawatkuly and activities are processing in the past days in constructing houses was said.

The land belonging to National Housing Directive Board located in the Nawatkuly locality from the later part of year 2010, 78 Sinhala families illegally intruded and settled was said.

Initially they erected huts and were living illegally, later without possessing deeds for the respective property and without obtaining the approval from Chavakachcheri divisional council, activities have commenced by them in constructing permanent dwellings.

However from last January month this assignments were suspended, but now constructing permanent houses have begun was said.

Currently only two families are living and progressing on this activity.
Friday , 03 May 2013

Under the Land Redemption Ordinance, arrangements are done to erect the Chavakachcheri police station by impounding a private land. Concerning this, an announcement in three languages was yesterday Thursday displayed in front of the land.

140 perch land located in Kachchai road coming under Chavakachcheri Koyitkudiyiruppu grama sevaka division is notified for confiscation.  Notification indicating the four side periphery was notified.

The land owned by the   person has migrated to a foreign country is confiscated in this manner. Adjoining to this land, the owner’s sister’s residence is occupied as the office of Deputy Police Superintendent was said.
Friday , 03 May 2013

Film accuses Sri Lanka of war crimes

President rejects alleged actions by military forces

AFP-JIJI
New occupiers: Sri Lankan soldiers take cover under umbrellas as heavy rain falls in Mullaitivu, the former military headquarters of the Tamil Tiger rebels, in January 2009. | AFP-JIJI

The Japan TimesThe Sri Lankan military committed numerous war crimes during the final months of the country’s 26-year-long civil war, according to a documentary aired for the first time Friday, amid vigorous protests from Colombo.
However, in an interview published Saturday, President Mahinda Rajapaksa firmly denied the allegations made in the documentary and also denied that government troops executed the 12-year-old son of separatist chief Velupillai Prabhakaran in 2009.
Rajapaksa told India’s Hindu newspaper in the interview: “Had it happened, I would have known (it). It is obvious that if somebody (from the armed forces) had done that, I must take responsibility. We completely deny it. It can’t be.”
Using graphic video and pictures taken both by retreating Tamil Tiger rebels, civilians and victorious Sri Lankan troops, “No Fire Zone — The Killing Fields of Sri Lanka” presents a chilling picture of the final 138 days of the conflict that ended in May 2009.
Filmmaker Callum Macrae insisted before the screening that the film at U.N. headquarters in Geneva that it should be seen as “evidence” of the “war crimes and crimes against humanity” committed by Sri Lankan government troops.
“The real truth is coming out,” he said.
Sri Lanka’s ambassador in Geneva, Ravinatha Aryasinha, strongly protested the screening of the film on the sidelines of the ongoing U.N. Human Rights Council meeting.
He described it as “part of a cynical, concerted and orchestrated campaign” to influence the debate in the council about his country.
Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, which hosted the screening, are calling for the council to order an international probe.
They charge that Sri Lanka’s domestic Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission has glossed over the military’s role.
The film, for instance, alleges that a “no-fire zone” set up by the government in January 2009 basically functioned as a trap for the hundreds of thousands of civilians who flooded into it in hopes of finding safety.
The area was heavily shelled, and in the film maimed and bloodied bodies, of men, women and children could be seen strewn around.
Peter MacKay, a U.N. worker who was trapped inside the zone for two weeks, questioned in the film why the government would set up the “no-fire zone” within range of all of their artillery.
“Either you don’t care if you kill the people in that safe zone or you are actively targeting them,” he said, adding that he believed the latter was true.
He and others describe how aid centers and makeshift hospitals were shelled soon after U.N. or Red Cross workers informed the government of their coordinates, which is ironically standard practice to ensure that such places are spared in bombing campaigns.
The footage provided by the retreating Tamil Tigers and civilians is devastating, showing parents wailing over their dying and dead children, but the images provided by the government forces are perhaps even more shocking.
Video of a Tamil commander first being interrogated, and then a picture of his mutilated body in the dirt; naked and bound prisoners coldly executed; dead, naked women, who have clearly been sexually abused filmed amid degrading comments by onlooking soldiers.
And then there is footage of Tamil Tiger leader Prabhakaran’s son, Balachandran, whose body is seen with five bullet holes in his chest.
He was not caught in cross-fire: a separate video shot two hours earlier shows him in military custody eating a cookie.
The Sri Lankan government has cast doubt on the authenticity of the footage, with Aryasinha insisting Friday it was of “dubious origin.”
Macrae, however, insisted that all the footage had been carefully checked and analyzed to ensure none of it had been tampered with.
“All of it is, I’m afraid, genuine,” he said.
Rights groups say up to 40,000 civilians were killed by security forces in the final months of the no-holds-barred offensive in 2009 that ended Colombo’s years-long war with Tamil separatists.

New Electricity Tariff Is Neither For Pro-Business Nor Pro-Poor


By Hema Senanayake -May 3, 2013 
Hema Senanayake
Colombo TelegraphThe government’s current approach in regard to the revision of electricity tariff, including the President’s May-day declaration for the relief for poor, is neither for pro-business nor pro-welfare. Lack of professionalism is rampant in the government.
On April 30th, the Central Bank which is the chief official economic advisor to the government, defended the electricity tariff increases through the public media. Speaking to the media Deputy Governor of the Central Bank, Dr.Nandalal Weerasinghe claimed that there is no other way to do it in economics and insisted that poor consumers who consume less units of electricity are the most benefited from the tariff revision since the consumers of higher number of units are made to pay more as the consumption increases.
The next day on May 01st, the President pulled down the part of the planned tariff increases. In fact the president jettisoned the part of the tariff hikes which were defended vigorously by the Central Bank. This is the irony of this episode. I guess both the Central Bank and the President got this matter wrong again. Let me explain my point as simple as possible.
This is an issue of certain interrelated factors. Key words of such factors are: real prices of products, Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, CEB, welfare and the national budget.
Before I begin my analysis I must say that certain households need petroleum products and electricity at welfare prices but the current method is not the way to go.
In economics there are certain principles that even Minister of Finance cannot ignore. One such principle is that prices of the economic produce of the economic system cannot reflect the will of the bureaucracy. Prices of petroleum products and electricity do not reflect the economic realities of the present day. Prices of those products, in fact reflect the will of the government as at now, period. For a long time, International Monetary Fund (IMF) correctly viewed that this cannot continue.
A few UNP parliamentarians including Ajith Perera have agreed with the IMF and had said that the present electricity tariff crisis would not have surfaced if the government had listened to the IMF and adjusted the prices over a few years while reducing corruption and waste in those institutions. If Leon Trotsky were alive today he might have taken the same position as of IMF. There are certain enlightening quotes of Trotsky on this subject of pricing of economic produce. Perhaps his views are more enlightening than IMF’s. Hence let me quote a few of them.
“And as to prices, they will serve the cause of socialism better, the more honestly they being to express the real economic relations of the present day.” (Trotsky, The Revolution Betrayed).
“Directive prices were less impressive in real life than in the books of scholars.” (Trotsky, The Revolution Betrayed).
“The professors (of Stalin’s regime) forgot to explain how you can estimate the real cost if all prices express the will of a bureaucracy and not the amount of socially necessary labor expended.” (Trotsky, The Revolution Betrayed).
No doubt, that Trotsky knew that even in socialism the prices should reflect the economic realities of the day. This is well justified in economic theory but explaining it, is beyond the scope of this article.
Getting back to our analysis, let us start with CPC. The CPC should not supply to any of its clients at cheaper prices. After cutting down waste, corruption and managerial incompetence (which occur due to political appointees) let CPC to price its products so as to reflect the economic realities of the day. If this happens many parliamentarians view that the prices of diesel, gasoline (petrol) and kerosene could be brought down. So, it is positive, the prices of CPC products should not reflect the will of the government. This means CEB or Mattala Air Port or any other entity is not getting petroleum products at discounted prices. Such discounts if necessary for a short time period must be borne by the national budget which will spread such discounts across the economy.
Now, as CPC does not supply fuel at discounted price to CEB the cost of production of electricity might go up a little bit. But now the price of a unit of electricity reflects the real price not the government stipulated price. If possible bring the price per unit of electricity down by Rs. 2 or 3 through reducing wastage and corruption. What is important is as Trotsky suggested let the electricity price be reflected the amount of socially necessary labour and other resources. This is the same thing IMF wants.
However there are certain households and a few entities that might need electricity at a welfare price. So, the CEB has to provide them electricity at a welfare (reduced) price which means there is a cost of welfare. But certain households and most of the business entities which consumes higher units of electricity can and must pay for the real price for electricity. But the cost of welfare on electricity should not be added on top of the bill of electricity of the businesses and households that are willing to pay for the real price of the electricity. As a result those business entities might adjust the prices of their products and services so as to reflect the cost they pay for electricity. I guess these adjustments will bring down prices of the most goods.
Now we have a question as to who is going to bear the cost of welfare. It should not be borne by the CEB and hence banks which provides working capital to CEB also secured. In fact the cost of welfare on electricity should be borne by the national budget. As a result the cost of welfare spread out throughout the economy, so one group of economic agents is not overburdened. In fact this approach is pro-business and pro welfare.
Look at the relief that we have in the economy under this approach. If CPC products reflect the real prices then according to many opposition parliamentarians the price of diesel and petrol would be reduced. CPC is no more a burden on national budget. CEB also adjusted prices so as to reflect the business cost. But in this case we need to subsidize prices for some vulnerable households and a few entities. The cost of welfare on electricity is transferred to the national budget. The cost of welfare is moved to the point of consumption from the point of inputs for production.
I invite Deputy Governor of the Central Bank Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe to use this approach and redo the math. What is important is that you got to know the economic principles first.
As said earlier the lack of professionalism is rampant in the government. Vital economic decisions are being made from the political stage. Especially the economy and the country’s money system are managed badly.