Playing big brother to Sri Lanka is not in New Delhi's interest, says ex-RAW official

Rhik Kundu, TNN Apr 18, 2013

BANGALORE: Jyoti Sinha, a former research and analysis wing official, played an important role in increasing India's influence in neighbouring countries like Myanmar, Bhutan, Nepal, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka during the NDA regime (1999-2004). He is also considered the architect of Indian influence in Sri Lanka from 2001-2004. The former IPS official spoke to TOI on the Tamil issue during his recent visit to Bangalore for a lecture on 'Latest developments in Sri Lanka: India's Interest and Concerns'. Excerpts from an exclusive interview:

How has India's vote against Sri Lanka at UN change relationship between New Delhi and Colombo?

I am sure the Sri Lankan government is very upset about it. But, I think anyone who has dealt with the island nation closely will not disagree that most Sinhalese, except for a small percentage, want a deep abiding and enduring friendship with India. They feel much more comfortable with India's support and our endeavour to help them prosper. The Sri Lankan government does realize that the voting was due to the present fluid political situation in India and Tamil Nadu in particular, prior to the upcoming 2014 elections, which has compelled New Delhi to take this stand at the UN.

Where do the political parties in Tamil Nadu stand on this issue?

The political parties in Tamil Nadu are trying to outdo each other in espousing the cause of Sri Lankan Tamils. But, had they been genuinely concerned, they would have raised the issue in 2008 when there were battles taking place about 24km from the coasts of Tamil Nadu. They didn't ask the central government to send an observer force, either as independents or under the UN observer unit. Nobody talked about genocide then. This problem has been raised with keeping 2014 elections in mind.

Is there any part of the government/political establishment which is genuinely sympathetic to the Tamils in Sri Lanka?

The government knows that Sri Lankan Tamils look up to India as their mother country. There is sympathy in New Delhi and across India. But, just by making noise you are not serving the cause. All parties are aware of the fact that Sri Lankan Tamils need our support to create a polity that is fair to both the Singhalese population and themselves, one which gives them the opportunity to enhance their legitimate self-interest in Sri Lanka.

How should political establishment go about finding a solution?

By studying the ground realities in Sri Lanka and figure how best you can contribute to a settlement between the two ethnic groups, in such a manner that your subtle intervention is accepted by both sides, without impinging on the self respect of both Sinhalese and Tamils.

What should New Delhi's approach towards Colombo be?

Playing a big brotherly role will not serve New Delhi's future interests. A mature andenlightened assessment of Indian foreign policy towards smaller neighbours must be based on the premise that our self-interest lies in promoting their self-interest, which is by helping them to be a stable and prosperous state, which is in peace with itself. This way we can prevent our neighbours from being used by our foes, as victims of strategic and tactical manoeuvres.

Venerable Voices: Stirrings Of A Sleeping Conscience ?

By H.L.Seneviratne -April 19, 2013

Prof. H.L. Seneviratne

In the 1930s and ‘40s educated urban Buddhist monks launched a movement of rural development, proclaiming that their work is not ritual but  “social service”. They achieved some successes in the early period of their work, but by the mid-1940s this largely social and economic movement had deteriorated into a majoritarian political movement that identified the island with Buddhism and the Sinhala ethnic group, thereby marginalizing the minorities. Thus, while these monks talked about social service, their actions were devoid of a social conscience. With the assassination of Prime MinisterS.W.R.D. Bandaranaike by a Buddhist monk, their vociferous support of the ethnic war while obstructing attempts at a negotiated settlement, and most recently, the attacks on Muslims in Dambulla and Pepiliyana led by them, the image of the “political monk” has been severely tarnished. The ochre robed monk, the messenger of the world’s most peaceful religion and symbol of tranquility and compassion, has become the symbol of violence and intolerance.

But, recent statements by some monks seem to indicate the stirrings of a monastic conscience that had been asleep for centuries. The Venerable Galkande Dhammananda, a lecturer at the Kelaniya University, has spoken out against ethnic violence, and the related problem of stereotyping individuals or groups as a prelude to demonizing them. In two video clips published in the Colombo Telegraph, the Ven. Dhammananda reminds us of some simple truths well known to Buddhists, but hardly ever practised, though given lip service at the drop of a hat. He emphasizes that differences can and should be settled before they escalate into violence; and that could be achieved through the practise of virtues that the Buddha advocated, like compassion, patience, and tolerance.

The Ven. Dhammananda further impresses upon us that every individual is different, and that it is senseless to stereotype a given group as violent or gentle, lazy or industrious, greedy or generous. Each group has its mixture of good and bad individuals, and our challenge is to seek internal action in our own communities so that the bad are reformed. He places the blame for our past ethnic violence squarely on the elites. And elites are also behind the present violence perpetrated by the Bodu Bala Sena and other extremists. He takes the realistic view that differences are bound to arise within nations, like within families, and the wise approach is to settle these with compromise and mutual understanding.  He sums up by saying that we must make a firm determination to bequeath a peaceful society to the next generation. Sentiments similar to these have been expressed recently by some other monks as well, like Madoluvave Sobhita, Baddegama Samita and Dambara Amila.

Renunciation of the world is always problematic, because the renouncer must at least have minimal contact with the world. In the case of Buddhist renunciation, that contact has been elaborate and luxuriant, with the Sangha, the monastic order, developing into a class of ritual specialists, scholars, political activists and holders of property interests, in sum, an influential social elite. Their social organization represents a displacement of goals as reflected in recurring attempts to seek alternatives, like contemplative isolation in caves and forest hermitages. This process itself could get routinized as we see in the division between the village dwelling (gramavasi) and forest dwelling (vanavasi) monks, with the latter eventually developing the very organization it escaped from, and returning to the fold of worldly monasticism.

Some pious laymen have been critical of established monasticism and have called for reforms, and at times, tried to form alternative religious cultures. While understandable, such responses could be excessively harsh and socially negative. From the point of a healthy relation between religion and society, it is more useful to accept divergences from orthodoxy when these are consonant with positive social goals. Thus the laity should accept monks playing such positive roles even if these might seem to them inappropriate when viewed from a purely orthodox perspective. The laity however are entitled to expect from the monks an internalization of ethics and a resulting genuineness of interest in facilitating social well being. This has indeed been forthcoming in the case of some monks, and has been pithily articulated by a leading mid twentieth century scholarly and activist monk, the Ven. Hendiyagala Silaratana, in his maxim “economic development is inner development”. We can oversimplify this to say “business must be ethical”, business meaning not just economic activity but all activity that relates to society, most importantly political activity. Since such ethical standards ensure equality and fairness, they contribute to social wellbeing, and are therefore rational.

If monks are able to make an ethical and rational contribution to social wellbeing they should not just be allowed but actively encouraged to do so. This was the position taken by the Buddhist reformer Anagarika Dharmapala who sought to enlist monks in a war of economic and moral regeneration. Unfortunately, the empowerment of the educated modern monk that ensued led them on a different path, that of building a Sinhala Buddhist utopia in which other ethnic and religious groups were to be second class citizens. This pursuit came to fruition when forces led by the nationalist monks of the Eksat Bhikshu Peramuna (United Monks Front) elected to power the beginning of our problems, the Sinhala nationalist government of 1956. The most disastrous of its ill-conceived legislations was Sinhala Only, which marks the end of the attempt, going back to late colonial rule, to build a multi ethnic and multi religious nation.

In the monks mentioned above, Madoluvave Sobhita, Baddegama Samita, Dambara Amila and now, Galkande Dhammananda, we seem to have a growing nucleus of monks with a social conscience whom we must encourage and persuade to take up the task of resurrecting the nation that was killed in its infancy by a previous generation of their colleagues. All patriotic citizens, especially those who have the power to do so, must urge these monks to participate in organized action to spring up a thousand streams to confluence into a river that would douse our racial and other petty hatreds and turn our charred land into a fertile field. As numerous correspondents have suggested, now is the day, now is the hour, when we must organize, calmly and systematically, putting our heads together, and preparing ourselves to brave all odds. Some ideas have already been mooted, such as a single-issue candidate for the presidency, and the need to prepare for the Provincial Council elections. We need more. We also need more effort to raise public awareness of the need for action. For, it is neither a question of halal, nor women’s apparel, nor indeed any anti-Muslim violence at all that we are facing. It is a question of the spectre that is haunting our land, the all pervasive dysfunction of the social organism rooted in corruption, nepotism, the abuse of power, the dismantling of democratic institutions, and the imprisonment of the rule of law. We must proceed with the conviction that even an apathetic people can be persuaded to rise.

Mr. Rajapaksa, if all’s well in your country, why are the Tamils fleeing?

by G Pramod Kumar Apr 16, 2013

Last week Australian authorities were shocked to see that a boat with 66 ragged Sri Lankan Tamils, many of them women and children, sailed into Geraldton port in Western Australia without being noticed by border patrols or intelligence agencies.

While the Australians’ astonishment was limited to the breach of border-security, what went unnoticed was desperation of the refugees in the rickety boat who were willing to risk their lives and travel several weeks at sea to escape their homeland. They ought to have been more desperate than the north African refugees who are often washed ashore in Malta and Italy.

Mahinda Rajapaksa. Reuters

Today, Tamils from Sri Lanka constitute the second largest number of asylum seekers in Australia after Afghanistan. In 2012, about 6,000 Tamils arrived in Australia, a report byTime magazine quoted prominent Sri Lankan commentator P Saravanamuthu on Monday.

The Sri Lankan government, not surprisingly, was quick to rubbish the claims of the asylum seekers. The country’s high commissioner to Australia said that it would soon be found that the boat-people were not refugees and would be sent back. He even listed the efforts taken by his country and the cooperation between Sri Lanka and Australia to stop people from leaving the island. According to him, the government is spending a lot of money to prevent people from leaving.

But the unanswered question is why do the Tamils leave Sri Lanka? That too at such enormous personal risk. Europe, for many north African refugees, is almost with viewing distance, but Australia is light years away from Sri Lanka. Doesn’t the government say that all’s well for Tamils in the country and the north and east are flourishing? And that the government has undertaken historic rehabilitation and reconciliation efforts?

To top up, didn’t its neighbour India, which has reportedly granted Rs 500 crore of its people’s money for the rehabilitation of Tamils, made tall claims through full page newspaper ads? New homes, new skills, new workplaces, new fields to farm… the ad sounded so reassuring.

Still, Tamils leave the country – that too at such enormous personal risk. If all’s well back home, why are they happier in the refugee camps in Australia where the may have to share poor facilities with Afghans and Iranians? According to Saravanamuthu, the arrival in Australia is 30 times higher than in 2011. A BBC report said that in the recent past Australia deported hundreds of them.

If the rights groups termed the killing of thousands of innocent Tamil civilians during the war (at least 40,000 according to an UN expert panel report, close to 70,000 by another UN report by Charles Petri and more than 100,000 by the Catholic Bishop of Mannar) as genocide, what is currently happening is its live extension. Had the situation been as good as the Sri Lankan and Indian governments claim, would the Tamils pay up to US$ 10,000 for a dangerous boat-ride to nowhere?

Unable to sell cover-up stories to the international community and the media, which have been relentless in their scrutiny of the war crimes and human rights violations of the Sri Lankan government, the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime has launched itself into a dangerous offensive that makes Tamils more insecure than ever before.

Instead of taking at least a few modest steps as suggested by the soft resolution against the country at the UNHRC in last March, as a confidence-building gesture at reconciliation, the country’s government chose to rev up its triumphalism and revel in its impunity.

By the time the second UNHRC resolution, mostly arising out of year-long inaction and hubris, was passed, the government couldn’t care less. Instead, it became more defiant and even blatant in its habitual excesses. This time, it also has enrolled nationalist and majoritarian groups such as Bodu Bala Sena and Sinhala Ravaya, which targetted other minorities such as Muslims and Christians.

While the project of majority consolidation unfolded in Colombo and elsewhere, the Rajapaksas continued the Sinhalisation and militarisation of the north and east which for centuries belonged to the Tamils. Today 16 of the 19 divisions of the Sri Lankan army are stationed in the northern province and the military has usurped civil administration and even businesses. In Vavuniya, there are three soldiers for every three citizens. Perhaps on advice from the Pakistan’s Military Inc, they run whale watching trips (Sri Lanka’s tourism USP), hotels, ferry services and, apparently even sell vegetables.

International media reports show that what the government is attempting is to change the socio-cultural demographics of the north and the east. As journalist Ranga Jayasuriya of Lakbima noted as early as 2011, the efforts at Sinhalalisation was evident in even naming places and streets. For e.g. Omanthai in Vanni had been converted into Omantha and a street in the heart of Killinochi was named after Mahinda Rajapaksa. Other streets were named after military personnel.

As noted Sri Lankan social anthropologist Darini Rajasingham Senanayake notes in her paper “Post-war Development, Militarization and the Logistics of Humiliation in Sri Lanka”:

“Defence ministry has taken under its wing offices responsible for urban development; land reclamation, development and construction; waterways; and the registration of NGOs. While civilian administrators and expertise from the business community are increasingly marginalised, former or serving military officers are being appointed to key central, local government and foreign-service positions, to the detriment of knowledge-based, people-centered economic development policy making. The government has also been investing heavily in expensive technologies of surveillance such as closed circuit television security cameras and in biometric identity cards.”

It’s not just the project of disenfranchising them on their land that is making Tamils insecure. Since the war, the government has continued with its human rights abuses such as torture, abductions and disappearances. According to a Guardian report, tens of thousands of Tamils have been held captive and they are systematically abused flouting laws and post-conflict promises of reconciliation. A recent Human Rights Watch report documented several cases of sexual violence and torture by the Sri Lankan establishment.

Sri Lanka’s brazenness and impunity is a threat to humanity. As Yasmin Sooka, who headed the successful Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa and a member of the expert panel of the UN in Sri Lanka, said “Colombo’s contempt for the international community seems to be increasing.”

She expressed shock at the recent findings of a military court of enquiry that rejected the charges of war crimes by the international community. Sooka, who is a renowned expert on transitional justice, also said that the government and the military cannot be trusted to investigate the crimes during the final phase of the war.

It’s this atmosphere of terror and Sinhala subjugation that the Tamils are fleeing. If this is a new world order that countries such India are willing to live with, it’s an outrageously dangerous world. Most probably, that’s what pushes desperate Tamils to take to the high seas.

Anti-Muslim Racism: Germany Violated International Anti-Racism Convention – UN

April 19, 2013

When former Berlin politician Thilo Sarrazin made critical remarks about Muslim immigrants four years ago, many found them offensive, though prosecutors rejected complaints, citing free speech laws. A UN committee disagrees, however, and has accused Germany of violating an anti-racism convention.

Thilo Sarrazin is a controversial figure in Germany because of his opinions about Muslims.

A United Nations committee has reprimanded Germany in strong language, saying that the country had violated an international anti-racism convention.

At issue are controversial statements made in 2009 by Thilo Sarrazin, a former finance senator for the city-state of Berlin, about Turks and Arabs, who he said sponged off the state and were incapable of integrating, among other things. But a complaint submitted to public prosecutors in Berlin was rejected on grounds that the comments were permissible under Germany’s freedom of expression law. An appeal to the decision was rejected as well.

According to the UN’s Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD), however, this constituted a violation of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, because it failed to conduct an “effective investigation” into the matter.

“This is a historic decision,” said the TBB Turkish Union, the cultural organization that submitted the case to the committee, in a statment on Thursday. “CERD has determined that Mr. Sarrazin’s comments touch on a feeling of racist superiority or racial hatred and contain elements of incitement to racial discrimination.”

Ultimatum

CERD also issued an ultimatum to Germany, giving the country 90 days to inform the committee of the measures it will take to address the committee’s opinion. It also recommended that the country “review its policies and procedures in cases of alleged racial discrimination” and widely distribute this information to prosecutors and judicial bodies.

“The opinion paper from the committee is at the Justice Ministry and will be reviewed,” the government told the Der Tagesspiegel newspaper, which broke the story on Thursday.

The offending statements were made in an interview with the culture and political magazine Lettre International in September 2009, in which Sarrazin, also a former board member at Germany’s central bank, disparaged Muslim immigrants, alleging that they “constantly produce little girls in headscarves” and were part of an “underclass that does not take part in the normal economic cycle.” He also said that “a large number of Arabs and Turks in (Berlin) … have no productive function other than in the fruit and vegetable trade.”

The UN committee concluded that such statements “contain ideas of racial superiority, denying respect as human beings and depicting generalized negative characteristics of the Turkish population, as well as incitement to racial discrimination.”

In 2010, Sarrazin repeated his sentiments in his controversial, best-selling book “Germany Does Itself In,” which sparked a major debate about Muslims in the country.

The TBB filed its complaint with CERD in July 2010, and the committee reached its decision on Feb. 26, publishing it on April 4.

Courtesy Spiegel International

Sinhala Mob Attacks Tamils at “Thondamanpura” Housing Scheme in Ratnapura District

Sinhala Mob Attacks Tamils at “Thondamanpura” Housing Scheme in Ratnapura District

D.B.S.Jeyaraj-Friday, April 19, 2013
A mob consisting of around 30 Sinhala youths launched an attack on a Tamil housing colony of Plantation workers at Alupola estate of Ratnapura district in Sri Lanka’s Sabaragamuwa Province. At least six persons were reportedly injured in the incident when threatened Tamils resisted the aggressors by engaging in counter violence.
Consequent to the attack which occurred at about 2 am in the night on April 17th 2013, much tension prevails in the area with the beleaguered Tamil minority living in the estates fearing retaliation from the Sinhala majority living in surrounding villages. Police are now patrolling the neighbourhood to maintain law and order.

 Alupola estate is situated in a picturesque valley between the Adam’s peak wilderness sanctuary and Bambarabutuwe forest reserve.Alupola estate comprises 306 hectares in area and grows high quality low grown tea.Its annual output 1.2 million kilos of fresh green tea leaf.

Alupola is 28 km away from Ratnapura the capital city of Sabaragamuwa province. Ratnapura meaning “City of gems”is 101 km south east of Colombo city.

Most Tamil workers at Alupola estate live in a housing scheme called “Thondamanpura”. It was so named after former Ceylon Workers Congress leader Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman who served as a cabinet minister in the Governments of former Presidents JR Jayewardena,Ranasinghe Premadasa and Chandrika Kumaratunga.The veteran trade unionist was regarded as the “plantation patriarch”and was the grandfather of present minister and CWC leader Arumugan Thondaman.

The Alupola attack apparently had its origins in a musical show. There had been a musical show as part of the Sinhala and Tamil new year celebrations at neighbouring Galbode estate.Many from Thondamanpura had gone for it.

When Tamils were returning home after the musical show some Sinhala youths had cast lewd remarks at some of the girls. When Tamil youths protested racist remarks were made.Tamil youths had also responded with similar racist remarks.This led to a large crowd assembling and assaulting the Aluboda Tamil youths. Heavily outnumbered the Aluboda Tamils had fled the scene.

Two Tamils were badly injured in the incident and had to take medical treatment at the Balangoda hospital. A 23 year old youth named Thamilselvan was admitted to hospital for serious injuries while the other youth Vijayakumar received treatment as an out patient.

The matter however did not end there. A mob of about 30 Sinhala youths from Wewalwatte had invaded Alupola estate at about 2 am in the night and attacked the “Thondamanpura” housing sceme. Most of the youths were in an inebriated state.The mob had chanted racist obscene slogans and entered a few dwellings demanding that Tamils leave “Ape Rata” (Our Country) or face death.The mob also started assaulting some people.

Residents of Thondamanpura particularly Tamil youths had then offered resistance and engaged in counter violence. The mob had then retreated tactically and commenced a fresh attack from a distance.

A barrage of stones were thrown on the dwellings in Thondamanpura. The Tamils also retaliated by throwng stones back at the mob. After a while the violent exchange of stones ended and the Sinhala youths went away vowing to return with more persons and burn Thondamanpura.

The Alupola estate Tamils then contacted a number of up Country Tamil politicians,trade union representatives and religious leaders. They in turn contacted the Police at high levels. As a result a Police party went from Wewalwatte Police station to the troubled area and exerted pressure on the hostile Sinhala residents to keep calm thus preventing further escalation of violence.

In a further development four Sinhala youths also obtained medical treatment at the Balangoda hospital for injuries sustained during the fracas at Alupola estate when Tamil residents of Thondamanpura fought back against the aggressors.

Although further violence has been prevented due to the Police presence and an uneasy peace prevails the area remains tense with most Tamils remaining in their homes without venturing out.

What is worrisome in the situation is the fact that the attack on Alupola estate is not an isolated instance in recent times. There has been a pattern in Ratnapura district of several attacks on Tamils living in the estates by Sinhala groups from surrounding Villages.

According to a media statement by Mano Ganesan former Parliamentarian and leader of Democratic Peoples Front(DPF) there had been an incident at Alupola estate a few months ago when a Sinhala mob had attacked a Hindu temple in the area. There was an on going case in this connection and it is felt that the attack on Alupola estate Tamils when returning from the Musical show at Galbode estate was related to the previous enmity.

Apart from the Alupola and Galbode estate incidents Mano Ganesan also said that there had been a violent incident at Dolaswela estate in the Nivithigala division a few days ago. There had also been two more incidents at Lellopitiya and Gonakumbura estates in the Pelmadulla division a week ago. In all such incidents mobs from surrounding Sinhala villages had attacked Tamils living in estates.

DPF leader Mano Ganesan also called upon CWC leader and minister of Livestock and Rural Community Development Arumugan Thondaman to take urgent action and ensure protection for the Tamils living in Kegalle and Ratnapura districts of the Sabaragamuwa province.

He said that special security measures were necessary as the Tamils in estates were a minority entity living amidst an overwhelming Sinhala majority in surrounding villages.

Ganesan also drew attention to the fact that the CWC,DPF and Up Country Peoples Front had fielded a common list under the CWC cockerel symbol at the last Sabaragamuwa Provincial elections. A sizable number of Tamils had voted for the list despite intimidation and got two Tamils elected to the Provincial Council.

Sinhalese, Tamils And Sri Lanka: Yet Needed Paradigm Shifts

By Rajasingham Narendran -April 20, 2013 |

Dr. Rajasingham Narendran

The war between the LTTE and the government of Sri Lanka was over on 19^thMay’2009, leaving unimaginable devastation and a terrible human tragedy in its wake. The pursuit of an independent Tamil Eelam- an illusion- initially floated by the democratic political leadership of the Tamils, thereafter passionately pursued by various militant-terrorist groups, including the LTTE and finally carried forward in a highly organized, but fatally flawed manner by the LTTE, had proved to be just what it was- just a terrible illusion!

What it has cost the Sri Lanka in terms of financial, development, human resource, political and institutional degradation, quality of governance and abandonment of ethical norms, has not become a subject of in-depth studies as I had expected. The financial and social cost to the Tamils for pursuing or being compelled to pursue the illusion of Eelam, will never be known in its true dimensions, unless there are such scientific studies.  Politically motivated speculations, accusations and demands have to yield to objective and scientific studies. The government and the academics in this country stand indicted on this score.

The destruction wrought on Tamil society in the north and east of the Island, in social terms by the LTTE, independent of the ravages of war, are so deep and wide that it will be almost impossible to describe accurately or quantify in a reliable manner. The state role in the war has no doubt made a bad situation worse. However, this could be considered largely unavoidable in the circumstances. It was a brutal and ferocious war. The bad chicken laid an egg, which hatched into an equally bad chicken! The badness of the chickens multiplied with time, making it very difficult to identify which was worse.

Within the approximately four years since the end of the war, the physical scars in terms of damaged and destroyed infra-structure have almost disappeared, although pockets of damage are yet visible. The physical damages in terms of the human body remain yet problems, and have not received the attention they should have.  While the physical injuries may heal faster and be overcome, Tamils in particular have to find ways to deal with thousands of handicapped and disabled over several decades. The orphans, widows, large number of women-headed households and the ex-female LTTE cadres rejected by the Tamil society are yet a social problem of immense proportions. The psychological scars left on the people will take generations to heal. However, the resilience of the human spirit in the face of adversity, cannot be seen anywhere better than in the Vanni.

This destruction also involved not only the history of individuals and families, but the efforts of generations of Tamil intellectuals. Further, the intellectual, spiritual, mystical and cultural traditions in the north and east that had evolved over thousands of years of Tamil history, were trashed, trampled and destroyed. The deliberate cultivation and enabling of the dregs of Tamil society by the LTTE has also left the unique value system of the Tamils, in tatters. These losses can never be fully regained.  The people can be seen dealing with their problems in their own way. The strong faith they yet have in their religions is contributing much to this healing process. The belief system centering on the principles of  Karma, is no doubt a big blessing.

The total destruction of the caste system has been cited as a benefit accruing from the decades that were dominated by the Tamil militants and the LTTE. However, while the caste consciousness is subdued, it has not disappeared. The caste structure is slowly, but steadily being replaced by a class structure based on affluence. The emigration and displacement of the standard bearers of the Tamil culture and identity – the middle and upper classes- has compounded the damage to social norms and structures. The Tamils in the north and east may have become largely a less caste conscious society, but in the process they have also become a society lacking in ‘Class’ (high quality). The failure of those who had drifted towards the south in the war years and at least the older sections of the Tamil Diaspora, to return to the north and east, have hindered the process of societal healing and restoring the status quo ante. This may be also a blessing in disguise, as new social norms and structures, more attuned to the times will evolve, though rather slowly.

Although I expected the Tamils of the north and east may need several decades to recover and become a normal people, the process has been much faster than expected. I had expected the brain-washing that was part of creating the illusion of Tamil Eelam will be the most difficult to overcome. But it has been otherwise.  While a significant number of Tamils were disgusted with the LTTE and the other militants, now masquerading as democratic political groups, the illusion of Tamil Eelam had become part of the mental makeup of most Tamils born since the 1960s. Migrations and bitter experiences have undermined this mindset considerably in the north and east. It is a mindset yet haunting the Diaspora more than the local Tamils.

Many Tamils yet continue to harbour doubts as to whether the Sinhala polity can be trusted to play fair by them and accept their linguistic and cultural differences as part of the Sri Lankan mosaic. The hardest task for Sri Lanka will be to win the trust and confidence of the Tamils. Tragically, this was not recognized as an important pillar of the government’s policy after the war. Although the state has done much to restore infra-structure and rehabilitate the IDPs and the LTTE cadres, since the war ended, and these are much appreciated by the Tamils it has failed to recognize the changes in the local Tamil psyche over the past four years and has not done what was needed to win their trust and confidence. A paranoid security consciousness is undoubtedly a barrier to taking simple measures to win over hearts and minds of the Tamils, in the short haul.

On the other hand, the Sinhala polity has its own fears of Tamil intentions for the future. This has not dissipated. The Sri Lankan armed forced fought a hard and costly battle to overcome the LTTE- a formidable enemy- much to the delight of most Sinhalese. While a majority of Sinhalese harbours no malice against the Tamils and accepts them as fellow citizens of equal standing, every single Sinhalese to the last man and women, is against the concept of a separate state for the Tamils. For years most Tamils will be considered ‘Closet Tigers’ and separatists by the Sinhala polity. This is natural as the Sinhalese were also the victims ofSinhala extremist propaganda and the LTTE propaganda and terror tactics. The Tamil Diaspora and the Tamil political formations have not done enough to allay these fears in the post-war years and have deliberately kept the embers live, with their words and actions.

While there were divisions among the Tamils on the question of Eelam, there was unanimity among the Sinhalese against the very thought of the Island being split asunder. The civil war fought over three decades and won on the battle front on behalf of largely the Sinhalese by the Sri Lankan armed forces (the potential gains for the Tamils are incidental), will make it very difficult for the Sinhala polity to view any exercise at devolution of political power without suspicion that it is an alternate path to a separate state for the Tamils. This paranoia has to be recognized by the Tamils, as an unavoidable reality. There will also be many in the Sinhala political and the Buddhist religious establishment who will nurture and validate these fears, either through ignorance, short sightedness, malice or political expediency. We are seeing more of such reactions in the present point in time. The shortsighted or likely deliberate unwillingness to offer acceptable political solutions to the Tamil problem will haunt this country for a long time. A window of opportunity was no doubt missed. This is unpardonable. Statesmanship was expected from Mahinda Rajapakse and he preferred being a cheap politician..

Tamil politicians of the past and present, and the Tamil militant movements- I should now say of the past- including the LTTE, failed to understand the deep seated Sinhala attachment to the concept of ‘ Sinhala Dwipa’ ( The ‘Sinhala Theevu’ of Bharathiar). The ‘Sinhala Dwipa’ is a concept that is at the core of the Sinhala psyche. It involves the attachment of a people, speaking a language spoken nowhere else, to the land they consider special because of its association with Lord Buddha. We can debate ad-infinitum whether the association with Lord Buddha is fact or fiction and whether the Sinhala language is as unique as believed, but it will make no difference to what the people believe.

The concept of ‘Eelam’ is no different, although it was hijacked by the Tamil politicians and militants, to define an unrealizable illusion. I remember the elders of Jaffna at one time believed in a similar concept of special identity and uniqueness, when confronted with Indian (mainly South Indian) influences. ‘Vaitru Valiyai Nambinalum, Vadakathayanai Nambathey’ (‘Even if you trust a stomach ache, do not trust the northerner’) was their constant refrain. Although there were significant linguistic, religious and cultural affinities, there was deep felt aversion to being overwhelmed by South India (north of Jaffna) by most Jaffna Tamils. Erudite Tamils in Tamil Nadu also recognized the antiquity and quality of Tamil spoken in the north and east of Sri Lanka, and the uniqueness of Sri Lankan Tamils. I also recall an elderly school principal describing the Tamils of recent Indian origin who had come to Jaffna as refugees after the 1977 riots as the ‘Fifth Column’.  This unique identity concept believed in by most Tamils here, although sharing a language, religion and some aspects of culture with the Tamils of Tamil Nadu, has been substantially blurred by the repeated attempts to draw in Tamil Nadu to play a role in our political problems.  I think this has given a new lease of life to the Sinhala minority complex in terms of Tamil Nadu.

The association of Lanka with the Ramayana and Ravana with Saivaism was another dimension in the Tamil sense of belonging to the Island. The location of four of the five (Pancha Easwarams) ancient and revered Saivite temples in Sri Lanka and the presence of the ancient Murugan temple in jungles of Kataragama supported Tamil beliefs. The fifth Easwaram in Dondra in the South does not any longer exist. The Tamils who believe Sri Lanka is their land and has been their home for thousands of years, consider they are also unique and have a special affinity now for the parts of the Island they inhabit. This is the ‘Eelam’ that is mentioned in the Sangam poetry, is part of Tamil lore and is at the core of their passions.

The concepts of ‘Sinhala Dwipa’ and ‘Eelam’ are similar and define a passion for an Island by two groups of people who are closely related and speaking two different languages that are also closely related in many ways. Subramaniya Bharathy – a Tamil poet of great stature from South India– had no qualms about calling the Island ‘Sinhala Theevu’ and dream of not only constructing a bridge over Palk strait but also reconstructing the Adam’s bridge to form a highway ( “Sinhala Theevinukore Paalam Amaipoem , Sethuvai Meduruthi Veethi Samaipoem”) to Sri Lanka. Both the Sinhalese and Tamils of Sri Lanka, having lived on a small island close to giant India, had obviously developed a sense of uniqueness and a degree of anti-Indianism, to protect their culture and way of life.  The overwhelming Sinhala identity of the island was never in dispute.  Once again the Sinhala polity has been quite irrational in not recognizing this. The Sri Lankan government has miserably failed to recognize this entrenched and historically valid belief, in the aftermath of the bitter war.  This is unfortunate and sad.

The Sinhala politicians and influential elements in the Sinhala polity had failed to understand the passion the majority of Sri Lankan Tamils had for their Island and thoughtlessly and sometimes maliciously hurt and insulted these Tamils to their very core, by asking them to go back to India, where they were accused of having come. What should have been a struggle or even war for the rights and place of Tamils within Sri Lanka was unfortunately and thoughtlessly permitted to become struggle/ war for a separate state by the Tamil leadership of the day. The short sightedness of the Tamil politicians of yore in seeding the concept of an independent Tamil state within the Island and firing the imagination of disgruntled and immature youth in its pursuit was one of the tragedies of Sri Lankan history. This has not been yet recognized as a failure and grievous mistake by Tamil politicians even today.  The continued allusion to an Eelam even as part of political rhetoric or ploy should be eschewed by Tamil political formations, if reasonable alternate solutions are to be pursued.

The failures of the Sri Lankan Sinhala leadership to sense the direction in which the Tamil struggle was evolving and take wise political decisions to remove the root causes, was a further tragedy. The wise stepsJawaharlal Nehru’s government in India took to politically diffuse the separatist movement in the Madras state (now Tamil Nadu), is an example the Sri Lankan governments should have followed. Pride, prejudice and sheer stupidity came together among both the Sinhalese and Tamils to foment an unnecessary, costly and beastly war that has almost destroyed the Tamils as a people and left the Sinhalese severely diminished in terms of their humanity and political maturity. I do not think we have learned our lessons yet.

It should at least be recognized now the time has come for a paradigm shift in the thoughts, social arrangements and political process among the peoples of Sri Lanka. The war that ended four years back has only proved how stupid we have been. Our failure to take many remedial actions, shows that we yet choose to be stupid people.  In a narrow sense an unnecessary war has been both lost and won by the citizens of the same country! Whether wars should have been fought over the issues under dispute, will be viewed with much distaste by future generations? Our intelligence and wisdom are in question.  In a broader sense the war itself was a loss for all peoples in Sri Lanka. If the last war and the attendant misery that it has entailed have not jolted us into rational thinking and pragmatic reactions, we are doomed as a nation.

Recognition and enforcement of the right of Tamils to be Tamils and Sri Lankan citizens of equal status should be the foundation on which the future Sri Lanka is built. This concept should apply to every other community in Sri Lanka. The voice of the majority of citizens, and not only the voice of the majority among the Sinhalese, should be heard in the corridors of power. What is good for all Sri Lankans should be the concern of the government and not exclusively what is good for the Sinhalese, because they are a numerical majority with greater influence on electing politicians to office. The structures of state should be insulated from the short term thinking, partisan attitudes and paranoia of governments in power.  In Sri Lanka this distinction is becoming increasingly blurred.

Power should be devolved on the existing or modified provincial basis, for the people in different areas of the country to manage their internal affairs. There should also be mechanisms to share powers at the centre. Within the frame work of a united and if necessary unitary Sri Lanka, every citizen should be equal and should be equally protected, wherever he or she may choose to live. The right of every individual or community to be what they are and live according to what they believe must be respected within the boundaries of just law. Any activity that impinges on the rights of any one citizen or a community of citizens should be a criminal offence punishable to the utmost extent possible. Every citizen should have the right to live wherever he/she wishes in the Island, in peace and security. The rule of law should guarantee the rights of every citizen in the Island and protect them from the ravages of political expediency, communal or religious extremism, security force excesses and bad governance.

The Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and others in Sri Lanka and the Diaspora should come together in our millions, to lend our hearts and souls to reconciliation on a national scale. The government should not be held solely responsible for this task. It has let us down badly in the past four years and it is time we take the lead. This would heal our wounds faster than anything else would. The yet lukewarm reconciliation process is a tragedy that should activate us to come together to become Sri Lankans in the true sense of the word. Those who have backed the war from both sides of the national divide- whether Sinhalese or Tamil- are aware of the misery they have caused. They cannot continue to pretend otherwise.  The war-affected Tamils and the Sinhalese, albeit mostly soldiers, have become familiar with each other over the past four years. They are learning each other’s languages and understanding the differences and similarities in their cultures. They are not estranged anymore. This new relationship should be recognized, fostered and capitalized.

The government should be forthright with the people and declare its intentions on political solutions and its contours. The opportune time to carry out the necessary political reforms in Sri Lanka was in the immediate aftermath of the war. The government dithering has already cost this country much. The minorities should be politically empowered and given a role to play in national affairs. The Tamils in particular have to be won to the cause of a united Sri Lanka. The Tamils may be down, but their aspirations yet remain valid. This would be the best insurance the nation could have against future insurgencies. The Tamils have to be trusted for them to become trusting. Tamils have not yet been given the time, space and the choices to evolve a new political leadership committed to work for their current and future needs, within a united Sri Lanka.  Old politics have returned, encouraged by the foolishness of the government and this has ominous implications.

Tamils on the other hand have to concentrate their efforts primarily towards recovery as a people, recovery of their economy and re-building their social fabric. This cannot be done without the support of the Sinhalese and the Sri Lankan government. Tamils cannot behave like the proverbial street dog that had been badly abused in the past, and as a result whines and begins to run with its tail tucked between its legs every time someone raises his hands innocently (akin to Pavlov’s reflex)! Tamils should stop seeing a ghost behind every shadow and being on the defensive. Tamils should also not continue to harp on past grievances and complain about what they perceive as problems unique to themselves. Tamils have to learn to look around and see whether other Sri Lankans- Sinhalese, Muslims and others- share the same problems. Tamils have to regain their confidence and commit ourselves to a united Sri Lanka, without any reservations.

Tamils have to regain their place as an important component of the Sri Lankan mosaic. Tamil while learning their Tamil better, have to also learn Sinhalese and English. Tamils have to regain their culture, while learning about the cultures around them. Tamils have to become an outgoing people, instead of being insular and struck within their shells. Tamils have to stop being eternal complainers and find solutions to their problems from within. Tamils have to assert ourselves as a force for progress and democracy within Sri Lanka. Tamils need not become a supine people as a result. They should stand up fearlessly for their rights when justified. Tamils in the Diaspora should return and participate in the reconciliation process, without continuing to encourage the re-emergence of a past that has been devastating to their compatriots and relatives living in Sri Lanka. Tamils have the golden opportunity now to become a better people with a new vision.

Tamils have to also recognize they are not a homogenous people. The days of domination by the Jaffna Tamils over other Tamils are gone forever. The needs of the Jaffna Tamils are not the same as those of Tamils living in other parts of Sri Lanka. There are Jaffna Tamils, Vanni Tamils, Mannar Tamils, Batticaloa Tamils, Trincomalee Tamils, Amparai Tamils, Colombo Tamils, West coast Tamils (now being classified as Mukkuwar by some in the Sri Lankan government) and Hill Country Tamils. There are also different kinds of Tamils within Jaffna. Each with different needs and different priorities, but linked by a common language. The needs of the Muslims, who speak Tamil and live amongst the Tamils, are also different. Tamils have to accept the diversity amongst them and the fact that they have different aspirations in terms of their geographical dispersion. This is also true of other communities.  Tamils have to find a unity in their diversity, while Sri Lanka as a nation should also strive to find the unity amongst its diversity. This has not yet happened in post-war Sri Lanka and the government and the Tamil political parties have to share responsibility for this failure.

The concept of the north-east merger was never viable and has been rendered obsolete. The north and east will remain separate and it will be futile and foolish to demand a merger. The Tamils in the east do not need it and do not want it. The Tamils have to come forward to participate in national politics and seek membership in the national parties of their choice. Tamils have to strive to become national leaders acceptable to the Sinhalese and other peoples in Sri Lanka. Tamils and Muslims in Sri Lanka should be able to produce their own Narasimha Raos and Manmohan Singhs, as the minorities in India have. We have a long way to walk to achieve this. It is not going to be easy, but it has to happen.

The Sinhalese on the other hand should learn to treat the minorities, as a people who have been entrusted to their care. The Sinhalese should not view the minorities as enemies, competitors and usurpers. The minorities do not need special favours and dispensations. What they need is to be treated equally and be provided the opportunity to play in a fair game. How well the minorities do in Sri Lanka, will be a reflection on the greatness of the Sinhala people and the religion they practice –Buddhism. Sinhala politicians should begin to reflect the true nature of their people. Buddhist monks should reflect the essence of the teachings of Lord Buddha, in their words and deeds. They should be a force for unity rather than be foster fathers of divisiveness.

All Sinhalese should learn Tamil and begin to interact with the Tamils and Muslims living amongst them. The Sinhalese should visit the north and east in greater numbers to understand the Tamils, and their way of life, and identify their concerns. Sinhalese should begin to learn they share much in common with the Tamils. The Sinhalese should stretch a hand of friendship towards the Tamils. Every positive gesture and word from the Sinhalese, however small, will go a long way in healing our national wounds. What Sri Lanka has to become is largely in the hands of the Sinhalese and it is up to them to shoulder their responsibility towards our common mother land and the other people, who are also her children. The right of being a majority in a multi-lingual, multi-cultural and multi-religious country like ours also involves the need to be inclusive, tolerant, considerate and magnanimous towards the minorities.

“ ONDRU PATTAAL UNDU VALLVEY,
OTTRUMAI NEENGIL ANAIVARUKUM THAALVEY”- (Tamil)

“ United we will prosper, divided we will all suffer” (translation)

*Dr. Rajasingham Narendran is a Veterinarian who holds a Ph.D from the University of Guelph , Ontario, Canada in Applied Physiology and Endocrinology.  Has served as an Assistant Lecturer and  Lecturer at the University of Peradeniya, Research Associate at the University of Guelph and Associate Professor at the King Faisal University in Saudi Arabia. Subsequently, he has served for many years  as a Senior Executive in the food industry in Saudi Arabia. He is currently retired, lives in Sri Lanka and takes on occasional consultancy assignments in Saudi Arabia. He is also freelance writer on Sri Lankan issues.