Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Sunday, April 14, 2013


MaRa is raving mad or paranoid ? signs agreement to pay Rs. 83 lakhs to US Co. to rescue its moth eaten image and build ties against China

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(Lanka-e-News-14.April.2013, 4.00PM) The Rajapakse regime which had always followed the Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde policies all along when cheating on the people and the world , has signed yet another illicit secret agreement with America purportedly to boost the regime’s image while promising to make a payment of US $ 66000/- per month (Rs. 83,33000/-) . This payment is to be made throughout the year from 16th March 2013 to 16th March 2014. 

This agreement has been signed by the Central Bank controlled by MaRa regime with Thompson advisory group ,an advisory Co. It is with the Geneva conference repercussions in view that this agreement has been signed. Thompson advisory group was a legal advisory Co. which made a large contribution towards Ronald Reagan regime during his tenure of office.. 

In any case , what is specially noteworthy is , it is the public funds of the SL people to the tune of Rs. 83 lakhs per month that is going to be disbursed for this regime’s image boosting exercise. For a whole year the total payment to this Company will be Rs.100 million. 

Meanwhile foreign Minister Dr. G L Peiris made an official statement in Parliament that the UN resolutions of Geneva will not be accepted by SL.
The Ministers of the govt. itself are raising questions whether that can be really done, and while toeing such a bitter policy towards Geneva , thereby making the regime’s already Mongol sour faces look ugly still more before Geneva , is MaRa unhinged to seek to rescue its moth eaten image wasting so many millions of public funds via an American Co.? 

Following the statements made to the American Congress website in favor of this agreement by Jaliya Wickremesooriya , the SL High Commissioner for US who is also a (son) blood relative of MaRa , the Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde policies of the MaRa regime have got exposed. In his letter to the website Jaliya has mentioned , in view of the growing alarming Chinese hegemony in the zone , SL ought to strengthen its economic and security ties with America, and the Barack Obama Pacific concept shall be supported. 

The most intriguing part of the eccentric histrionics of MaRa and his blood relative High Commissioner Jaliya (like Jadiya and Moodiya) is - it is this same Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde regime that had at every turn made loud announcements to the people that the western countries led by America are always hostile to SL , and China is always there with the regime to protect it, and ward off the western threats. 

Dr. Harsha De Silva , UNP M.P. who addressed a media briefing today said, the government has become so hypocritical , so deceptive and so self centered that , in its desperation taken on not only the role of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde but even the acting role of Kamal during midday who turns Sunil during mid night to cling on to its multiple faced sordid policies and sustain its evil, treacherous and traitorous propensities at the expense of the interests of the people and country.

It is well to recall that it was America which took the initiative on the Geneva resolutions against SL. At that time SL govt. bitterly castigated America unrelentingly. However under this latest contract , the Thomson advisory group is undertaking to speak to the US Congress ; and is writing letters to Barack Obama. In the circumstances , it is impossible to understand what this MaRa regime is up to or what madness had possessed them .

We have heard of the double acting talents of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde . This MaRa regime’s play acting goes beyond- it is quadruple dubious acting : Dr’ Jekyll during day , Mr. Hyde during night , Kamal during midday and Sunil during midnight, Dr. Harsha pointed out. It is understandable the beleaguered government which has no choice is seeking desperate remedies for its desperate ills , whose architect is none other than the govt. itself , he further observed.




Theravada Man Revisited


By Sajeeva Samaranayake -April 14, 2013 |
Sajeeva Samaranayake
Colombo TelegraphTheravada Man is an exploration of the way a human being subordinates his life to a religious ideal as understood by him. The ideal however remains distant and unattainable.
Manuka Wijesinghe narrates an interesting story about the lives of a staunch self-proclaimed Theravada Buddhist ‘Iskolemahattaya’ – a school principal and an equally devout ‘Iskolehamine’ – his wife and a school teacher. They are landed gentry and beneficiaries and upholders of the British colonial education system and also natural leaders of their native community.
A central theme of the book is an absorbing conflict between reason and emotions – a conflict that (apparently) cannot be resolved through the pure reason of Theravada Buddhism. This has the main characters resorting to the wise and worldly village astrologer at critical stages to fill in the gaps. But the attempts of the astrologer to introduce a broader spiritual dimension are firmly resisted by both Iskolemahattaya and Iskolehamine when this seems to challenge and undermine the rational edifice of Theravada as understood by them.
This tussle to broaden Theravada has been enacted and re-enacted many times throughout our long history. King Mahasen once destroyed Maha Vihara, the home of Theravada orthodoxy in his attempt to liberalize the Sasana. But no king or man has succeeded where he failed. The resilience of the Maha Vihara (represented by the Asgiri and Malwatte Chapters) continues to this day – at the political, social and personal levels. The pure doctrine taught by our great Master the Buddha and written down in the First Century BC and the ancient practices continue in form. The need for fresh interpretations and actions to give life to the dharma is firmly rejected. This is probably why the author – having pointed out the deficiency in the rigid, dry and impersonal way the doctrine is understood apparently concedes defeat at the end. Iskolehamine refuses to pray to the Hindu God Shiva and re-embraces the doctrine that Iskolemahattaya used as a crutch to desert her and her eight children in a wilful re-enactment of the great renunciation of Prince Siddhartha.
The chief dilemma faced by the Iskolemahattaya is of a sexual and intensely personal nature:He was a Theravada man. Rational and piously thoughtful beyond urge and instinct. Beyond all desire. Excluding the primordial desires of eating sleeping and defecating, he was dharma abiding and venerable. But the rational function of the Theravada man seemed to have now gone haywire… Ah! But this wretched desire…
Within his doctrine was there space for desire? No most certainly not. Ah but … this prickling scintillating vibrating desire for a woman. Did it fit into his Theravada self? No most certainly not. Then what other self did he possess?
This ‘other self’ is systematically shut out – and we do not see the Iskolemahattaya as a full human being who can feel and give spontaneous expression to these feelings. His sexual lust is satisfied through marriage and procreation. But a desire that is studiously reserved for a mechanical act in the night and never discussed in the open with his wife can hardly be known or understood – much less overcome.
What is clearly missing from the Iskolemahattaya’s understanding of the path is its gradual, experiential and emotional nature. Sensual desire is a shared human predicament and it is usual for human beings to experiment with different positions between the extremes of shameful repression and shameless indulgence before finding balance and a middle way. Human learning is a messy and awkward affair where trial and error and a whole host of mistakes and humiliations precede the dawn of true realization. But Theravada Buddhism as understood by the main characters in this book does not seem to recognize the need for such a broad, humane and realistic framework.
Although this couple pledges allegiance to a common religious identity their personalities and the consequent level of engagement with their children and family life is strikingly different. The Iskolemahattaya remains distant and aloof from the children but Iskolehamine though employed is devoted and attached to her children. Her relationship to them is as selfless as much as her husband remains self – centred.
This distinction between people who are self – focused and other – focused goes to the root of a three fold division of the noble eightfold path as described mainly by Tibetan Meditation Masters. This division normally relates to our description of the respective traditions that prevail in South and South East Asia (Theravada), in China, Japan and Korea (Mahayana) and in Tibet (Vajrayana). However the Tibetans point out that while certain countries may exhibit the predominant characteristics of a particular tradition a disciple on the path will actually move through each one in a gradual process of personal development. They note that each tradition defines a personal style and approach to life that Buddha took into account when teaching different people. This evolutionary approach to the three Yana’s seems to fit personal spiritual practice the best.
Theravada is the fundamental vehicle – the foundation of the noble eightfold path and the journey. This is so for practitioners everywhere. Mahayana is simply described as the good heart; and the final stage of the journey – Vajrayana as the freedom of pure perception. In the Theravada vehicle of discipline, restraint and simplicity we help ourselves – and of course this may look somewhat selfish. Then we enter the great vehicle (Mahayana) – the path broadens and we help others. Finally we transcend this whole notion of self and others – there is no difference and no personal projects anymore.
Let us take a simple illustration.
We are at a dinner table and the water comes. The Theravada man simply proceeds to help himself. He is thirsty and has no time to be bothered with others. His need is greater. Normally someone turns to the path when he realizes that he has to fall back on himself – there are no other solutions. This situation is quite dire and there is a sense of urgency like going in for emergency surgery. This is the Theravada mentality.
The Mahayana practitioner is self sufficient and he/she is very helpful serving everyone else before pouring his own water.
The Vajrayana practitioner does not see a separate self and ‘others’; simply the sense of thirst and the presence of water. He relates very precisely and directly to situations without any kind of trappings whatsoever. So there is no knowing what he may do except that he seems to know without effort what must be done. He/she may act either like a Theravada or a Mahayana person where the situation requires it. So here there is maximum freedom and flexibility.
This is also the approach to dealing with desire. In Theravada practice desire is to be avoided by turning inward to experience the thoughts and feelings associated with desire. There is a withdrawal from engagement with members of the opposite sex. But this approach alone may not be sufficient to overcome desire. Once the mind is sufficiently strong and steady the policy of avoidance must be discontinued to test it in real life situations. A practitioner cannot afford to be too attached to his/her detachment. There is a well known story mentioned in the texts where two monks had to carry a beautiful woman on their shoulders across a stream as she was ill. After they deposited her on the other shore the junior monk questioned his senior about the propriety of their action and the senior observed that he no longer carried her in his mind.
In the book the two main personalities – one withdrawn and the other engaged negotiate their lives differently. Their approaches are based on their personalities and social skills rather than their formal allegiance to a particular Buddhist tradition. But this is a fact of life that is not conceded in any of the lengthy ideological discussions in the book.
The realm of reason is symbolized by the rigidly rational version of Theravada Buddhism whilst the realm of emotions is played out through the actual lives that people lead. The tension between the two is never explicitly reconciled. Yet in the unfolding of the characters of the Theravada Man and his wife we find that a broader, compassionate and undeniably religious spirit has mingled in their family life, unobtrusively and without acknowledgement.
This point is highlighted when the fatal eighth child born to Iskolehamine is disabled but she resolves to devote the rest of her life to care for this new being. Her self sacrifice and selflessness stands in sharp contrast to the self absorption of the pious Iskolemahattaya. As we look upon the middle path in the way the Tibetans envision it this woman who stands in the background, serving and supporting, seems to be on a higher spiritual plane. We can refer to her as the Mahayana Woman – not in order to merely proclaim triumphantly that the Theravada Man has been upstaged but also to emphasize how insufficient these labels are to define and imprison human lives within their water-tight compartments.
Theravada Buddhism may be an insufficient spiritual foundation when it is conceived as a ‘collective solution’ for all Sinhala Buddhists who by the mere fact of their birth in this bastion of Theravada Orthodoxy count themselves blessed and special. As Iskolemahattaya discovered – this is merely the beginning of an arduous path, a ‘personal solution’ which must be tried and tested by submitting the self to the fullest experience of life. Faced with strong feelings and emotions we must find the counter veiling emotional strength within our own selves and this is blocked so long as this Theravada self is enthroned in our consciousness to be defended and promoted to achieve a selfish spiritual victory. On the other hand when this cherished self is set aside in compassion for others an important transition is made from reason to emotions – from head to heart, where separation and alienation is joyously surrendered towards a deeper spiritual identity.
Manuka has achieved a synthesis of a range of spiritual voices within this work and one that is indelible in my mind is that of the unlettered carter who takes the astrologer and Iskolemahattaya on their journeys to see the intended bride. In singing to keep awake he touched on a fundamental point that we all need to grasp to awaken from a long national slumber of spiritual complacency.
Bane kohoma kiwwat pavu paladenava
Pine aruma no sitha apa pasu venava…
(However the sermon says it, un- meritorious actions will bear fruit
We waste time without realizing the wonder of meritorious actions)
We still refer to “pavu” and “pin” out of habit. But do we really know what they mean in their broadest sense the Buddha taught? Are we as self – proclaimed Buddhists, more confused about what is right and wrong than we were 50 years ago? This is the ultimate challenge that Theravada Man lays before us in the delightful lines of a simple carter.
[First published in the Sunday Island December 5, 2010]
POSTSCRIPT BY REVIEWER
This is a book review written in December 2010 but we have now reached a turning point in our Buddhist history where some contemplation about who we are as Sinhala Buddhists may not be out of place. Theravada man is your husband, your father and grandfather and all his paternal ancestors and if you are a male Sinhala Buddhist then it is improbable that you have escaped the pervasive influence of this Theravada character and personality. Indeed the Theravada Man lives within me and within you. There we will find the root causes of the present confusion which has now assumed ugly racial and political overtones. Having become emotionally disconnected from ourselves and our families the next step towards racial and religious disharmony was not difficult. The essential challenge for the Theravada Man is how to respond to pain and frustration with humour, gentleness and a deep resolve to address causes without reverting to the beaten track of majority, authority and violence. Occasionally we come across candid and beautiful reflections on the limitations of the Theravada character in songs like Amma Sandaki written by Malani Jayaratne and sung by T.M. Jayaratne. But on the whole we are faced with a blank wall erected by the Theravada Man steeped in scholarship, scriptural orthodoxy, ritual, a fossilized identity and the heavy baggage of an ancient culture and civilization that breathed its last with the Colebrooke Reforms of 1833. A cardinal error of the Theravada Man is that he takes himself far too seriously.
As D.C. Vijayawardhana wrote in Revolt in the Temple (1953): At last man has emerged from the desert into a smiling land where he can truly say: ‘I am the master of my destiny’; but in the long night he has forgotten how to smile. We cannot believe in the brightness of the morning. We think it trivial and deceptive; we cling to old myths that allow us to go on living with fear and hate – above all hate of ourselves, victims of karma, miserable sinners.
As Sinhala Buddhists we have been addicted for too long to singing melancholy songs when we gather in community. We are particularly fond of Ven. Rambukkane Siddhartha’s lines – ‘nivan dakinnata pin madi wennathi; ekai thawamath samsare…’ (despite seeing the Buddha – we had little merit to attain nirvana; which is why we are still in this suffering world).
It is time we put all this negativity and the past behind us to join hands with the rest of the world in meeting the true challenges of mankind – here and now.

Tears of Muslims in divided Sri Lanka

Tears of Muslims in divided Sri Lanka

Gulf NewsBy looking the other way, Rajapaksa’s government is giving radical Buddhist elements a free hand to terrorise minorities and increase racial tension
By Tariq A.Al Maeena, Special to Gulf News-April 13, 2013
  • Image Credit: EPA
  • Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa
The undercurrent of racial tensions sweeping through Sri Lanka is gaining momentum. Unchecked and unrestrained by a government appearing to give in to their divisive demands, the terrorist Buddhist group, the Bodu Bala Sena (Buddhist Power Force), is threatening to turn the island into a bloody battlefield.
The Muslims targeted by this fanatical element are not the only minority being subjected to acts of violence. Christians on the island are also under attack. The authorities are turning a blind eye and the mainstream media chooses to ignore this rising peril. Recently, two churches were attacked by the radical elements of the BBS, and two others forced to shut down due to pressure from these fanatics.
On March 9 in Batticaloa, BBS rogues burned down a church in the middle of the night. On March 17, a mob led by Buddhist monks barged into the Brethren Church in Agalawatte and threatened them into stopping the services.
On the same day, in another part of the country, four monks along with a cameraman went to the Margaya Fellowship Church at Sevanapitiya in Polonnaruwa. They accused the pastor of converting Buddhists and ordered him to shut down the ministry. The police arrived not long after and ‘advised’ the pastor to pay heed to their demands
At Suriyaweva in Ambilipitiya, monks entered a house church and demanded that the meetings be stopped as they were not registered with the local authorities. On the same day in Weeraketiya, a house church was ransacked.
On March 10, the Assembly of God Church at Kottawa was visited by monks and the police who ordered the pastor to stop the meetings as they had not obtained permission from the local authority. A few days later, the Pentecostal Assemblies Church at Kottawa was visited by a mob led by monks who told them to stop the meetings as they had not obtained permission from the local authority. Another Pentecostal church in Galle was subjected to similar demands and threats.
Subjugation
Last week, a BBS mob led by monks went to the Gethsemane Church in Hikkaduwa and threatened them to stop the meetings. A pastor working in Agnukolapallssa was also threatened with physical assault. The police simply asked him to stop the services. These are all facts gleaned from those who have been subjected to this racial tension in Sri Lanka. Buoyed by their success in the halal food certification issue, the radical Buddhist group seems intent on subjugating the island’s minorities into oblivion.
The Muslims, Tamils and Christians along with sensible Sinhalese Buddhists all have reasons to be alarmed. The government is playing politics by not reacting while the situation threatens to get out of hand. It will certainly not be a good thing for the country. So far, the minorities have been very restrained in reacting to these acts of personal transgression against their beliefs. The Muslims, in particular, are very disturbed by the attacks of these unruly Buddhists, who have been targeting their practices and beliefs.
Factual events of Buddhists chasing Muslim women and tearing off their clothes have been recorded and reported to the police. Their religion has been slurred and subjected to ridicule through crude drawings and posters. Their mosques have been attacked and burned. Their shops and business have been raided, and the BBS is warning off all customers from patronising their establishments.
Shocking rhetoric
As one Sri Lankan charged: “Disgraceful and distasteful anti-Muslim rhetoric is being ‘dished out’ by more than 25 anti-Muslim websites. The Sri Lanka government is fully aware of all these sites and the provocative and insulting posts ranging from insulting our Creator, our Prophet (PBUH), our Holy Book, etc but [it] just ‘looks the other way.”
Another Sri Lankan from whom I borrowed the title for my column had this to say: “I am an 83-year-old Muslim, and my physical condition is such as to make me unable to move or travel to Makkah. While all this is happening against the Muslims of my country, the Arabs are supplying oil, and also giving aid. If we do not get the support of the Arabs and Muslims, what are we going to say when we stand before Allah. My tears have not ceased since these attacks started in our country. I am old now, but what are we going to leave for the next generation of our fellow Sri Lankans? Your brother Ismaeel.”
The government of President Mahinda Rajapaksa is playing a dangerous game by not forcefully putting an end to this tide of racial tensions. Sri Lanka is becoming an unsafe place to visit for business or pleasure as any moment now, the island could become engulfed in another chapter of bloody racial violence.
Arab and Muslim countries must take decisive measures for the protection of all of the island’s minorities from these radical elements. It is increasingly apparent that the Sri Lankan government is unwilling to do so.
Tariq A. Al Maeena is a Saudi socio-political commentator. He lives in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. You can follow him atwww.twitter.com/@talmaeena

What Intolerant Buddhist Monks Are Doing to Sri Lank

The Daily BeastSri Lanka insists that all its inhabitants are equal citizens of the state. The government does not discriminate.

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Mahinda Rajapaksa, the president of Sri Lanka, is easily incensed by campaigns for political autonomy on the basis of ethnic self-determination. Rejecting “different administrations based on ethnicity,” he recently asserted: “The solution is to live together in this country with equal rights for all communities.”
It’s an admirable sentiment, contradicted only by the fact that, since his election in 2005, Sri Lanka has transformed into a rancid ethnocracy: a country where Tamils, after being pulverised in a ferociously asymmetrical civil war, are offered humiliation instead of consolation; where the enforcers of the law have become volitional abettors of vicious ethnic chauvinists; and where saffron-robed Buddhist monks, having designated themselves the defenders of the Sinhala majority, sniff the air each morning for the scent of fresh offence—and follow it to one minority community or another.
In April last year, Buddhist bhikshus stormed a mosque in central Sri Lanka, and, claiming that it had been built on territory sacred to Buddhists, demanded its immediate closure. Police officers who showed up at the scene, rather than hauling the aspiring hagiocrats into prison cells, deferentially cleared the path for them to walk about freely. When news of this assault reached the government in Colombo, the prime minister reacted by ordering the Muslims to move their mosque. Such a swift decision by the government to side with Buddhist chauvinists who had so openly terrorised Muslims rather took the blush off the claim that it’s the guardian of all Sri Lankans.

Emboldened by the example of this effortless early triumph, some Buddhist monks started selecting other targets for “civil policing.” Earlier this year, a group calling itself the “Buddhist Strength Force” staged rallies in Colombo against the halal system of meat certification. As the BBC reported, thousands of men and women gathered in the capital to hear the nationalist rhetoric of the BSF monks. “Our country is a Sinhalese one and we are its unofficial police,” one monk announced. A few weeks later the monks laid siege to a Muslim-owned abattoir in Colombo to halt the slaughter of cattle. To their great disappointment, they did not find any cows on the premises: there has been a legal prohibition against the slaughter of cows within Colombo since at least May 2012. The abattoir was being used as a distribution plant for the meat of cattle slaughtered outside the city. Facing the possibility of a quiet retreat, the monks reframed their charges and started making noises about hygiene. The police who arrived at the scene helped the monks inspect the facility.
Even if the monks were driven, as some of them claim, by a genuine concern for the condition of animals, their programme of intimidation wholly violated the central precept handed down by the Buddha: nonviolence. In the Indian subcontinent, and in its eastern neighbours, the extension of human compassion to animals was accomplished through patient debate and discussion, not through bullying and ultimatums. It was the sermons of the monk Zhiwen that prompted many Chinese citizens to free their animals and burn their fishing nets. And it was Emperor Ahoka’s own personal conduct that made kind treatment of animals an entrenched part of our ethical debates. When Sri Lankan Buddhists proclaim that Muslims are uniquely cruel towards animals, they expose their ignorance: the most eloquent champion of animals in India since Ashoka was the Mughal emperor Mohammed Akbar.

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In any event, many of the Muslim-owned businesses that export meat employ thousands of Buddhists. Despite this, and too keen to placate the monks, the Muslim body responsible for the classification of foods decided to withdraw the halal label “in the interest of peace and harmony.” In return, Muslims have been subjected to even more chilling acts of terror. In the last month, Buddhist monks have attacked Muslim teachers at a law college, accusing them of favouring their own kind, and called for the abolition of the abaya, the niqab and the hijab. “We will fight until this attire is banned from this country, so that there is no chance to unofficially enforce the Islamic Sharia Law in Sri Lanka,” one monk, as if ventriloquising the principal obsession of overzealous European liberals, declared.
And ever since overhauling the raiment of Muslim women replaced the protection of animals as the BSF’s most pressing priority, one Muslim woman was spat at by a passerby on the streets of Colombo and at least four niqab-clad women were attacked at a railway station by a pack of feral men.

For nearly a century now, Buddhist demagogues have tried to suffuse the minds of ordinary Sinhalese with sinister myths about a virtuous Sinhala majority defiled and victimised by alien minorities. “This bright, beautiful island was made into a Paradise by the… Sinhalese before its destruction was brought about by the barbaric vandals,” wrote Anagarika Dharmapala at the turn of the 20th century. “Christianity and [Hindu] polytheism are responsible for the vulgar practices of killing animals, stealing, prostitution, lying and drunkenness.”
In reality: Christians never truly presented much of a threat to Sinhalese Buddhist dominance in post-independence Sri Lanka, and the (largely Hindu) Tamils who attempted to disrupt Sinhalese rule were ruthlessly routed in 2009. But an insecure majority constantly seeks confirmation of its own superiority by searching for inferiorities in others.
What is now happening is a kind of political consolidation by the Rajapaksas, who have distributed the most powerful jobs in the government to members within their family. Sinhala nationalists form their power base, and they must be fed. Muslims, who have been at the receiving end of communal rioting in the past, are now playing the role vacated by the Tamils. This explains why, even as the president talks about “tolerance and compassion,” his younger brother, defence minister Gotabhaya, courts the reactionary Buddhist monks of the BSF. Appearing recently at a BSF ceremony, he praised its members as defenders of “our country, religion and race.” “No one,” he continued, “should doubt these clergy. We’re here to give you encouragement.”
There are many Sinhalese Buddhists who are mortified by the turn their country has taken under the Rajapaksas. But they, like the Tamils and the Muslims, have no voice in today’s Sri Lanka.

LSE anger at BBC Panorama over North Korea trip

BBC14 April 2013 
The London School of Economics (LSE) and its students' union have demanded the BBC withdraw Monday's Panorama programme about North Korea.
Alex Peters-Day, LSE Students Union: "Students were lied to, they weren't able to give their consent"

The LSE said Panorama reporter John Sweeney posed as one of its professors on a university society trip in order to film undercover in the country.
The union's Alex Peters-Day said the BBC used students "as a human shield".
Sweeney said the students were told a journalist was with them but that the LSE was not as it was not an LSE trip.
'Nazi state'
Panorama reporter John Sweeney: "All of them were told twice that a journalist was coming"
Speaking to BBC Radio 4's Broadcasting House programme, Sweeney said: "For the LSE to put words into the mouths of those LSE students... is extraordinary. For them to say kill this programme that feels entirely wrong.
"What the LSE is saying we dispute. I can't talk for those students - they are grown up, they are brave and good people.
"All of those students could have dobbed me in, they didn't, the majority of these students support this programme."
Sweeney spent eight days undercover inside North Korea for the programme. He travelled with his wife and a cameraman.
Sweeney described North Korea as a "Nazi state" that practised the "most extreme form of censorship".
He added: "It's more like Hitler's Germany than any other state in this world right now. It's extraordinarily scary, dark and evil."
But the LSE students' union general secretary, Ms Peters-Day - who was not on the trip - told the BBC News channel: "One of the students made it absolutely clear that she was not made aware of what happened.
"For us, this is a matter of student welfare - students were lied to, they weren't able to give their consent."
She said all LSE's future research was "now at risk".
"I think the trip was organised by the BBC as potentially a ruse for them to get into North Korea and that's disgraceful.
"They've used students essentially as a human shield in this situation."
In an email sent to LSE students and staff, the university said: "It is LSE's view that the students were not given enough information to enable informed consent, yet were given enough to put them in serious danger if the subterfuge had been uncovered prior to their departure from North Korea.
"While this particular trip was run in the name of a student society, the nature of LSE's teaching and research means that aspects of North Korea are legitimate objects of study in several of our academic disciplines.
"The BBC's actions may do serious damage to LSE's reputation for academic integrity and may have seriously compromised the future ability of LSE students and staff to undertake legitimate study of North Korea, and very possibly of other countries where suspicion of independent academic work runs high."
'Full apology'
It said the LSE was "fully supportive of the principle of investigative journalism in the public interest" but could not condone the use of its name, or the use of its students, "as cover for such activities".
It also said two other people working for the BBC also went on the trip. "At no point prior to the trip was it made clear to the students that a BBC team of three had planned to use the trip as cover for a major documentary to be shown on Panorama," it added.
The LSE said BBC director general Lord Hall refused its request to withdraw the programme and "issue a full apology to LSE for the actions of BBC staff in using the school and its good reputation as a means of deception".
A student who went on the trip, wishing to remain anonymous, told the Beaver that "we were not made aware of the presence of several BBC journalists at the time of the flight to Pyongyang. We were led to believe that John Sweeney was a history professor, although it was later implied that he was not a professor at the LSE."
Also on Twitter, Craig Calhoun, the director of the LSE, said the "BBC story put LSE students at danger but seems to have found no new information and only shown what North Korea wants tourists to see".
A BBC spokesman said: "We recognised that because it could increase the risks of the trip, the students should be told in advance that a journalist intended to travel with them, in order to enable the students to make their decision about whether they wanted to proceed.
"They were given this information, and were reminded of it again, in time to have been able to change their plans if they wanted to. The students were all explicitly warned about the potential risks of travelling to North Korea with the journalist as part of their group.
"This included a warning about the risk of arrest and detention and that they might not be allowed to return to North Korea in the future."
Panorama: North Korea Undercover can be seen on BBC One at 20:30 BST on Monday.
Are you a student at LSE, did you go on the trip? Send us your thoughts and experiences using the form below

Russia retaliates against U.S., bans American officials

MOSCOW — As promised, Russia responded in kind Saturday to the announcement of American sanctions against 18 Russian officials by banning an equal number of Americans.
The United States imposed visa and banking sanctions Friday against Russian officials suspected of human rights abuses, primarily in connection with the case of the late Sergei Magnitsky. Russia responded by naming a dozen-and-a-half Americans it accuses of human rights violations at the prison camp in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, or of having had a role in the detention of Russian citizens in third countries.
That second category primarily concerns convicted Russian arms dealer Viktor Bout, who was arrested in Thailand in 2008 and then turned over to U.S. authorities.
The Russian government aimed its list at a much higher level than the American Magnitsky list, which includes midlevel tax, police, jail and court officials. On the Russian list are David Addington, who was Vice President Dick Cheney’s chief of staff;John Yoo, assistant attorney general in the Office of Legal Counsel of the Justice Department from 2001 to 2003 and the author of memos backing torture of suspects; Jed Rakoff, U.S. district judge for the Southern District of New York; andPreet Bharara, the U.S. attorney for the Southern District of New York, as well as lower officials and two former Guantanamo commanders.
“We should note particularly that, unlike the American list compiled arbitrarily, our list features primarily those who took part in legalizing torture and the indefinite detention of prisoners in the Guantanamo special prison camp, and those involved in the abduction and removal to other countries of Russian citizens and in threats to their lives and health,” Alexander Lukashevich, the Foreign Ministry spokesman, said in a statement on the ministry’s Web site.
“This war of lists was not our decision, but we do not have the right to ignore such open blackmail,” he said. “It is time for the politicians in Washington to finally realize that it is fruitless to base a relationship with a country such as Russia in the spirit of mentorship and overt dictation.”
The Magnitsky list was compiled by the Obama administration in compliance with the Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act, signed by Obama in December. Sixteen of the former officials on it have been implicated in a $230 million tax fraud that Magnitsky uncovered, in his subsequent arrest or in his death in pretrial detention in 2009. Two others on the list are Chechens suspected of murder.
The Russian government has been vehement in its denunciations of the U.S. law and wary that European governments might adopt similar legislation. Most of the money that was stolen in the tax fraud has been traced to accounts abroad, in transactions that require the cooperation of international banks.
“The Magnitsky Act will be a permanent serious negative factor in our relations, which should not be underestimated,” Alexei Pushkov, head of the foreign affairs committee of the lower house of parliament, told the Interfax news agency.
Earlier this year, after the Magnitsky Act was signed into law, Russia responded by banning American adoptions of Russian children. But the Foreign Ministry had warned that publication of the list, as required by the law, would lead to a corresponding ban on U.S. officials. It is unlikely that those Americans named in the Russian list will suffer any consequences, other than having to forgo trips to Russia.
The Obama administration has reportedly also compiled a second, secret list of additional Russian officials who face the same sanctions.
Bout was convicted in New York in 2011 of conspiracy to kill U.S. citizens and officials and to provide aid to a terrorist organization — in the form of antiaircraft missiles that were to be supplied to the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, a rebel group in Colombia. He was sentenced to 25 years in prison. Russia has criticized the handling of his case and has sought his release.

Saturday, April 13, 2013


Make Inclusiveness And Reconciliation Our Themes For The National New Year

Colombo Telegraph
By Shanie -April 12, 2013
Although the sky is heavy with dark clouds
Yet the due season never brings the rain
Even the cactus-thorns sobbed on the plant
Your work, and this state wakes my mother.

When the lips of field bunds are parched with heat
Then cometh the month where there is naught to eat
As the grain matures rain winds brawl anew
O God, of power, Aiyyanar, where are you?
-       Mahakavi (T Rudramoorthy) –   translated by Mendis Rohanadheera
Shining brightly ln the sky
Like a plate of gold –
The moon.
The moon that I know so well,
The moon that sparkles on the fields at home,
The moon that sparkles on the temple sand.
Mahagama Sekera – translated by Wimal Dissanayake
Last week we referred to Izzeldin Abuelaish, the Palestinian physician from the Gaza strip, who lost his wife from acute leukaemia despite the best possible treatment she received in an Israeli Hospital. Barely three weeks later, a shell fired indiscriminately by the Israeli defence forces killed three of his daughters as they slept in their home in Gaza. Despite these tragedies, Abuelaish never lost his vision of peace and justice for all people. He refused to allow hatred or revenge to overtake his life and he dedicated himself to work for reconciliation between Palestinians and Israelis. He wrote in his book ‘I Shall Not Hate’, “I have hopes for the future. I believe that Einstein was right when he said life was like riding a bicycle; to keep balanced, we must keep moving. I will keep moving”.  He has met moderate people as well as extremists on both sides of the conflict. He has learnt many lessons in dealing with people on either side of the divide and says he wishes to share the lessons thus learnt from his experience in a spirit of mutual learning. These lessons are universal for all people who are caught up in conflicts that lead to senseless violence. If only the moderates could assert themselves, call the bluff of the extremists and ensure inclusiveness in multi-cultural societies, the world would be spared unnecessary tragedy and violence. The eighteen lessons that Abuelaish has listed are:
1. Peace is humanity; peace is respect; peace is open dialogue. Peace is not the absence of anything because that just puts it in a negative light. Let’s be positive about what peace is – rather than what it is not.
2. The absence of war does not mean there is peace. Is a person who is ill at peace? Is a person filled with confusion and doubt (and fear) at peace? Do all countries that do not engage in outright war live in peace?
3. Hate is blindness and leads to irrational thinking and behaviour. It is a chronic, severe and destructive sickness.
4. Hatred may be reversible if we allow it.
5. Anger is not the same as hate.
6. Anger can be productive. Feel the anger, acknowledge it, but let it be accompanied by change. Let it propel you toward necessary action for the betterment of yourself and others.
7. We do not merely accept what is happening around us. We all have the potential to be agents of change.
8. I have every faith in women and their potential. Women, by their very nature, bring people together. It is time for women to take the lead. We need to give them every opportunity to be educated and have the chance to act on what they know is best for all humanity.
9. When your core values align with your heart, they become non-negotiable. If this is your guide, you can make decisions with the utmost integrity.
10. If you always base your judgements on truth, you will earn respect and trust.
11. To be seen by others as trustworthy, is one of the greatest gifts you can receive’
12. Judging people based on another’s assessment of them does not leave you open enough to consider other possibilities.
13.  By exploiting other’s weakness, you are missing the opportunity to see the great contributions they are capable of making.
14. Our children’s dreams can continue to be manifested through the success of others when we put the opportunities in place for them.
15. Trust children’s opinions. They are the most likely to speak the truth and far less likely to have a personal agenda.
16. Good ideas become great ones when shared with others.
17. It is not enough to sow the seeds of wisdom; we are called to action if we are to reap a bountiful harvest.
18. Whatever you do, if it is done with a sincere heart and for the betterment of others, things are more likely to fall into place (and) happen as you envision it.
Our National New Year
The vast majority of our people of all communities will celebrate   New Year on Sunday of this week. It is for this reason that Ferial Ashraff, our genial High Commissioner in Singapore, wanted to call it the National New Year. And the lessons that Abuelaish has listed have a special meaning for us. We obtained independence from colonial rule sixty five years ago but we have still not learnt to live together in peace as one people. There are extremists amongst us who have kept our people apart by a lack of vision, by a lack of belief in inclusiveness which alone can unite us and ensure peace, justice and reconciliation. These extremists have kept us captive to their obscurantist ideologies. If Sri Lanka is to emerge as a country that can hold its head high among the nations of the world, the moderates amongst us have to take up the challenge thrown by the extremists. The moderates in our religious cultures and in civil society have to be courageous enough to withstand the insults and abuse that are hurled at them by the extremists. They have to be courageous enough to speak up for truth and justice, for the weak and the marginalised in society and for democratic values that will promote peace and reconciliation.
The people of our country would have been heartened by some religious leaders who have in recent weeks spoken up for peace and reconciliation and against the hatred that some other religious leaders seem to whipping up against sections of our people. In particular, we need to mention the sane voices of leaders like Professor Bellanwila Wimalaratne, Ven Maduluwawe Sobitha, Archbishop Malcolm Ranjith,  Bishop Duleep de Chickera, Ven Baddegama Samitha and the Ven Dambara Amila. There have also been groups such as Sri Lanka Unites who have done some splendid work in promoting peace and reconciliation among young people throughout the country. These are the voices of reason and sanity that do not condone extremism, violence and terror as ways of expressing opinions in a democratic society. But these leaders need to be supported by strong public opinion. The independence and impartiality of some of the institutions that should be enforcing the law or dispensing justice unfortunately appear to have been compromised in recent times. We need to raise our voices to ensure that these institutions return to uphold the values of the rule if law. All classes or groups of our citizens should have the confidence that they will receive justice without any political or sectarian interference.
It is equally important that all citizens of the country, irrespective of their religious or ethnic or political beliefs or economic status, will be recognized as having the right to live with dignity. There should be institutionalised mechanisms, including a free and independent media, in place to hear and to inquire impartially into their grievances, real or imagined. Our leaders must set an example must set the example by providing the necessary space for the marginalised groups to be heard with dignity. Strong action should be taken against those groups that seek to arouse hatred and dishonour of the ‘other’.
Our Duties and Obligations
Recently, Bishop Duleep de Chickera wrote what he called a reflection on the current situation in our country. He pointed out that in the prevailing climate, the moderates among our citizenry, as opposed to the extremists, had several obligations to fulfil in a multi-religious country like ours if, as we all hope, peace and reconciliation are to be established  and Sri Lankans are to become an integrated community. Bishop de Chickera was writing in the context of the current religious tensions targeting the Muslim community. But his valuable insights are equally valid in respect of all politically, economically and socially marginalised communities. He listed the duties and obligations of moderates amongst us as follows:
1.     Moderates of all religions should sustain mutual relationships of friendship and trust in times of tension as well as in harmony.
2.     Moderates should together discern how best the adherents of any one religion are to be free to live by their core teachings and practices, integrate with other religions whose freedom to live by their own teachings and practices is to be recognised and upheld and find a dignified way forward when these interests run into conflict.
3.     Moderates should welcome the distinct presence of the other, gather the liberating resources that their respective religions offer and strive together to eliminate humankinds’ common life threatening enemies such as poverty, greed, violence, abuse, discrimination and so on. (We have done this with ease in the areas of food, dress and music. But it has to spread to include moral values and spiritual insights that impact on the socio-political quality of life as well).
4.     Moderates should sustain a restraining dialogue with those within their own camps whose categorical views and behaviour are likely to hurt the religious sensitivities of others.
5.     Moderates should engage in self-scrutiny; keep an ear to the ground and an ever vigilant eye on any provocative or offensive message that the practice and behaviour of their respective communities may convey to others, no matter how sincere the intention may be.
Bishop de Chickera rightly went on to add that it was ‘precisely a disinterest and bankruptcy in the potential of these obligations that had polarised, paralysed and prevented the religions from anticipating the emergence of the current anti-Muslim campaign and arresting its escalation…….
The point is clear. None remains neutral when sectarian violence becomes a trend. All inevitably get sucked in as victims or violators whether active or passive. So all, including those who think they are neutral are to repent. They are to stop, take note of happenings, look within, examine their inner motives in relation to the highest values of their religion or ideology and re-emerge with a reconciliatory stance…..
At a recent inter-religious conversation, a participant turned to the others and invited a critique of his own religious community in order that it may engage in self-correction. This type of question usually says more than is asked and has a lesson for all. Each is privileged to learn from the other about one’s own religious behaviour. But this can only happen when sufficient goodwill and trust has been built and the religious ‘other’ is invited with respect from the periphery into the middle of the discourse. in a multi-religious country like ours…..
Living with integrity with other religions is never a betrayal of one’s own; rather it exposes the superfluous and sometimes harmful beliefs and practices that have accumulated within our respective religions over the years. From here the courage to discard these excesses ironically draws us back to the core of our own legitimate beliefs and practices and motivates us to welcome, live with and work with the ‘other’.
This week, we have quoted extensively from Izzeldin Abuelaish and from Bishop de Chickera’s reflections. It is unfortunate that the latter has not received the media publicity it deserved. But together, Izzeldin Abuelaish’s and Bishop de Chickera’s reflections point to the theme that all of us, irrespective of our individual identities, should adopt for the National New Year. On this national day, let us be clear that the country cannot move forward unless we acknowledge the right of all to live in dignity and integrity.