Countrywide Census: GTF won’t cooperate with GoSL…calls for ‘regime change’

By Shamindra Ferdinando-April 10, 2013,

 The UK based Global Tamil Forum (GTF) yesterday said that it wouldn’t cooperate with the government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) as long as President Mahinda Rajapaksa remained in power.

The GTF was responding to a query by The Island on whether it would support GoSL efforts to establish the number of dead, missing and those who left the country through legal and illegal means since 1982.

GTF spokesperson Suren Surendiran said that Tamil speaking people living in Sri Lanka as well as the Tamil Diaspora had no faith in investigations undertaken by the GoSL. Surendiran alleged that the GoSL was one of the main perpetrators of atrocities committed on the Vanni front during the final phase of the conflict.

He said that those who represented the interests of Tamil speaking people would cooperate only with an independent international investigation. "We’ll cooperate voluntarily and furnish all available information to independent investigators," Surendiran said, alleging that Defence Secretary   Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and Economic Affairs Minister Basil Rajapaksa had been directly implicated in atrocities, including alleged execution of some LTTE cadres during the last 72 hours of the government offensive.

As long as the Rajapaksas remained in power, there couldn’t be an independent international investigation, Surendiran said, adding that the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC), appointed by President Rajapaksa, too, was not acceptable to the Tamil community. The GTF said that the LLRC consisted of persons who had previously defended the dictatorial government, both in Sri Lanka and abroad, therefore they couldn’t be taken seriously.

Military spokesman Brigadier Ruwan Wanigasuriya told The Island that those wanting to know the whereabouts of people missing during the conflict should cooperate with the GoSL. Various parties well known for hatchet jobs, including one-time UN spokesman in Colombo Gordon Weiss and former BBC correspondent Frances Harrison had given varying figures, the official said. The GTF and its associates would never cooperate with GoSL inquiry as they would be exposed, Brigadier Wanigasuriya said, emphasizing that it would be the responsibility of those interested in the wellbeing of post-war Sri Lanka to help establish the war dead.

Defence and External Affairs ministries told The Island that thousands of persons categorized as dead and missing could be living abroad, with some of them even having new identities. Sources acknowledged that the government had never realized the gravity of the situation until the revelation that Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) leader Kumar Gunaratnam had obtained a new Australian passport under the assumed name of Noel Mudalige. With that Kumar Gunaratnam had ceased to exist, therefore another missing person added to the list, sources said. A combined effort was needed to track down those living abroad while they remained here on a list of missing persons, sources said. Colombo based diplomatic missions were aware of the problem, sources said, adding that among those listed as missing could be illegal migrants who died on the high seas trying to reach Australia.

Tamil genocide framework highlighted in Slovenia Conference

[TamilNet, Thursday, 11 April 2013, 11:14 GMT]
The framework of genocide carried by Colombo on Eelam Tamils is featured in a poster presentation at the Slovenia conference on R2P being held in the Faculty of Law, University of Lkubljana, Thursday by Tamils Against Genocide [TAG], a US-UK based activist organization, the conference details reveal. More than 80 speakers and poster presenters from almost 40 states and international institutions will discuss issues regarding R2P in 2 parallel panels each day, according to the conference program. 

TAG's Tamil Genocide Poster to be presented at the conference

TAG's poster outlines how the failure of United Nations doctrine, Responsibility to Protect failed in Sri Lanka, and points out the Petrie report statement:

“The concept of a ‘Responsibility to Protect’ was raised occasionally during the final stages of the conflict, but to no useful result. Differing perceptions among Member States and the Secretariat of the concept’s meaning and use had become so contentious as to nullify its potential value. Indeed, making references to the Responsibility to Protect was seen as more likely to weaken rather than strengthen UN action. The events in Sri Lanka highlight the urgent need for the UN to update its strategy for engagement with Member States in situations where civilian populations caught up in the midst of armed conflicts are not protected in accordance with international human rights and humanitarian law.”

Asserting that Genocide is "Clear and Uncontestable grounds for R2P," TAG's statement lays out the present state of affairs, as:

Enduring Militarization. Rejection of a political solution. Lack of accountability. Cultural genocide. Demographic reconfiguring.

TAG research (‘Returnees at Risk’ and ‘Activist Intimidation’) has identified that the GoSL defines ‘traitor’ and ‘terrorist’ broadly to include both those who call for accountability for crimes committed before during and after Eelam IV, and those who are considered to bring Sri Lanka into international disrepute, such as asylum seekers and protesters. Commensurate with its assessment of the threat, the GoSL allocates resources to collecting (both through surveillance and interrogations) and then acting upon that threat.

The International Community mirror Sri Lankan rhetoric and reasoning, and vice versa, and are appeased by talk of Counter – Terrorism, Development and Reconciliation.

and says, that the State is the problem,

The fetishisation of the State. The bias towards the State. The presumptions regarding a State.

The near infallibility of an existing State and the reluctance to recognise new States.

The sacred cow of “Sovereignty”, then and now. There were a myriad of reasons for the reluctance to intervene in 2009 and today, including considerations of humanitarian access, the hope for diplomacy but also geo-political, strategic and national interest concerns.

and concludes:

Recognise that this is an on-going situation not an historical case study.

Through adoption of a post colonial critique, dispense with attempts to’solve’ that apply universal prescriptions without consideration of local specificities.

Demand as the first step an International Independent inquiry that embraces the historical context in order to expose the scale of the crimes by the State, both historic crimes and on-going human rights violations.

TAG-UK's Henrietta Briscoe is presenting the information at the poster session, according to TAG.

Courting Satan In Saffron Robes

By Sharmini Serasinghe -April 10, 2013 

Sharmini Serasinghe

“It is not power that corrupts but fear. Fear of losing power corrupts those who wield it, and fear of the scourge of power corrupts those who are subject to it” – Aung San Suu Kyi

The Rajapaksas’ moment of glory has passed. The sheen on the “We won the war” badge has now faded. The golden moment that presented itself post-2009 to ‘right’ the ‘wrongs’ of the past is now lost. The lack of a political vision, direction and leadership of a country emerging from the quagmire of a protracted bloody civil war is tragic, to say the least.

Ineptitude at governance and corruption at all levels has become synonymous with the hyped – up cognomen of the High and Mighty; and their senseless rhetoric has turned out to be just that- senseless. Their vision and direction appears to be focused only on one thing- to augment their power, personal glory and fortune, while steering the country on a downward course. To sum it all up, their bull-in-a-china-shop method of governance would appear comic, if it wasn’t for them taking us and the country back to a tragic era, none of us ever want to revisit.

Thus in such a despairing scenario where all is lost and the hunger for power persists, then what do such ‘legitimate desperados’ do to keep the gullible voting masses awed for a while longer, at least until the next ‘defining’ election? The challenge here for the demagogues appears to be monumental, but is it?

It is indeed disturbing to note that even the young ‘samaneras’ or novice monks are being made to contribute their might to hate speech and vile demonstrations against the ‘other’ | Photo Daily Mirror

There is the voter who thinks through his belly, therefore his plate of rice. So, in the absence of a costly war there is no valid excuse anymore to lay the blame on the war for the ceaseless and regular rises in costs of living, rendering the voter constantly hungry. Therefore it’s imperative to keep him happy, for his loyalty at the ballot-box depends on how full his belly is. Thus the demagogues now need to resort to measures to keep the voter adequately distracted from his hunger pangs and ensure that the all important vote is cast in the ‘right’ direction again.

However there is one trick left in the bag, a time tested and a very effective one at that- the age-old political gimmick which thus far has not failed to yield results – Buddhism.

Lanka’s politicians since time immemorial, have used and abused Buddhism for political mileage, making it almost a tradition in the local political spectrum! After all what is Buddhism to these demagogues anyway, since for them, nothing is sacred except power! And true to form, they latch on to the sacred Saffron robe once again.

But this time, with or without knowing it, they are courting Satan and his entourage disguised as Buddhist monks!

In keeping with the need of the hour, and hot on the heels of the infamous ‘Grease Yakkas’ who disappeared as fast as they appeared, out pops a gang of miscreants masquerading as Buddhist monks all wrapped up in Saffron Robes and topped with shaven heads. Could they be the same ‘Grease Yakkas’, in different garb and a different modus operandi?

However this time around, these miscreants have been ingenious in choosing their uniform- the sacred Saffron robe. Once draped in it, the possibilities are endless. For they know, the power this sacred garment of Buddhist monks wields over the average voting majority. They can thus be hoodwinked into anything, as long as it is said and done in the name of Buddhism. This is the ultimate weapon to rally the masses behind them- for better or for worse!

These young children who ought to be in school are instead roaming the streets with their older counterparts watching, learning and emulating their elders, demonstrating all that goes against the Buddhist doctrine | Photo Daily Mirror

For the demagogues, these Saffron-robed ‘mouthpieces’ can be extremely useful at times. For they can be seen and heard, saying and doing things with credibility, that the demagogues cannot be ‘seen to be doing’ as it will not be deemed ‘politically correct’. Thus overtly the demagogues are ‘seen and heard’ sermonizing the merits of ethno-religious harmony and other such platitudes which are ‘politically correct’, while covertly allowing full rein to the terror instincts of a few Saffron-robed rebels. Or else, how does one explain the obvious carte blanche enjoyed by these ‘monks’ to run amok with such impunity.

So what might we have next, every Tom, Dick and Harry donning the Saffron robe and flexing their muscles? Will all murderers, rapists, drug peddlers et al now start masquerading as Buddhist monks in order to evade the law, if they are not already doing so? Will we have yet another JVP-style insurrection, this time by disgruntled youth disguised as Buddhist monks? After all, the law enforcement authorities have proven beyond doubt that the law does not apply to those in Saffron robes. Just imagine the horrors in the offing if this menace is not arrested!

Little does the rural voter realise that these ‘monks’ are not ‘swaminwahanses’ from the village temple. They cannot see beyond the Saffron robe to understand that these ‘monks’ are nothing but a group of extremist rabble-rousers hell bent on wreaking havoc. For these ‘monks’ are precisely that; elements of frustrated youth who have been marking time for the opportune moment to ignite the tinderbox of yet another protracted war- this time with religious undertones.

Now that these ‘monks’ have been unleashed with political blessings, the demagogues will soon find themselves caught between the devil and the deep blue sea. For there will soon come a day when these ‘monks’ will no longer be willing to ‘go along’ with the elected political leaders of the country. Left unchecked, these yellow-robed ‘rebels’ will eventually ‘take over,’ as they are ‘in it’ for the long haul. Therefore it is just a matter of time before this saga blows up in the faces of those who fanned its flames and ultimately end up with anarchy.

Then what will the demagogues do? Turn their guns on the Buddhist clergy and shoot down the entire lot as in the 70s and 80s JVP insurrections? Will they still expect the Sinhala-Buddhist vote to be cast in their favour after that? If this is to be their downfall, at what cost would it be?

It is indeed disturbing to note that even the young ‘samaneras’ or novice monks are being made to contribute their might to hate speech and vile demonstrations against the ‘other’. These young children who ought to be in school are instead roaming the streets with their older counterparts watching, learning and emulating their elders, demonstrating all that goes against the Buddhist doctrine. What and who are they being trained to grow up to be? What are the national Child Protection Authorities doing about it? Or don’t these children who have been offered/gifted/abandoned/donated to the ‘temple’ come under the purview of such Authorities?

It appears the Rajapaksas are trying to add a new chapter to the Sinhala-Buddhist Fable- the Mahavamsa. And in doing so, they will be taking all of us and the country down with them.

*Sharmini Serasinghe was Director Communications of the former Secretariat for Coordinating the Peace Process (SCOPP) under Secretary Generals Jayantha Dhanapala and Dr. John Gooneratne. She counts over thirty years in journalism in both the print and electronic media.

Northern Provincial Council Election and the Future of Lankan Tamil Politics

Northern Provincial Council Election and the Future of Lankan Tamil Politics

Mr Concerned-11 Apr, 2013This year promises to be a decisive one for Lankan Tamils. Events that take place this year will considerably determine the future trajectory of Tamil politics. It is only a beginning where the end of the LTTE’s totalitarianism gives the Tamils opportunity to evaluate their nationalist politics that has brought only tragedy so far. Failure to do this would have tragic consequences.

The concluded UNHRC sessions and the proposed CHOGM make up the list of key international fixtures. Efforts of the TGTE – like the formation of Tamil Eelam Freedom Charter – and other such diaspora groups will provide much entertainment, all to no avail. Apart from these events, the continuing struggle between Tamil Nadu and the Indian Central Government will also be of significance for India’s need to wake up from her long slumber in trying to wish away an explosive situation on her doorstep.

However, local political (and economic) developments are what matter most. The climax, no doubt, will be the promised Northern Provincial Council election to be held in September (or August, according to the Elections Commissioner).

Despite the fact that Provincial Councils, in their present form, are powerless[1] organs and of little consequence in determining the national political discourse, Tamils simply cannot afford to lose come this September. There are three prime reasons for this. First, to lose in a free and fair election would, foremost, delegitimise everything Tamils have fought for in the past thirty years, and effectively spell doom for the Tamil cause[2]. Second, it will legitimise the regime’s post-war dynastic project, consolidate Rajapaksa power, and significantly undermine internal democratic resistance against the incumbent regime. Third, calls for justice and accountability from human rights defenders, too, will – at least partly – be rendered meaningless. Therefore, the election is of immense importance for both Tamils and, indeed, for all Sri Lankans who desire justice and democracy. A Tamil – and thereby, a TNA – victory is an utmost necessity.

Connected to the NPC election are several matters that demand careful analysis.

Militarisation and Sinhalese Colonisation

Sinhalese colonisation schemes that are being carried out in the North (and in the East) will, in the long run, undermine the political power of Tamils. When viewed in relation to the NPC election there are at least two immediate concerns.

First, given that the present regime is a master at the electoral game, a sizeable Sinhalese population – coupled with heavy military presence – in the North will be an important weapon wielded by the government. As Tisaranee Gunasekara noted in her incisive analysis of militarisation in Sri Lanka:

“Militarisation in the North is aimed not only at imposing a non-consensual peace on Tamils but also at implementing a project of demographic re-engineering…military cantonments would break the contiguity of Tamil villages in the North and act as control centres and as symbols of dominance. They would form expanding Sinhala islands in a contracting Tamil sea…And the Sinhala soldiers and families can become an excellent first line of defence against any Tamil struggle for political rights and democratic freedoms.”[3]

The primary concern, then, is the manner in which the military and the Sinhalese population will be used by the state during the election. During the days leading up to the Eastern Provincial Council elections last year, a group calling itself the ‘blue force’, threatened Tamils who came to place a vote for the TNA. Given the significance of the NPC election, a rise in such activities can be expected.

The second concern is related to the electoral numbers game. There is a distinct possibility that the government will resort to ballot stuffing and other forms of election rigging techniques. While moving enough Sinhalese to the North before the election to independently effect a substantial electoral gain is unlikely, the Sinhalese vote could nevertheless be decisive when combined with the Muslim vote in these areas. The rapid pace at which new Sinhalese settlements are being created only validates such fears. The result would spell disaster for the colonisers and the colonised alike, possibly leading to anarchy and bitterness: resources are scarce, and the Government’s plans neither go beyond grand promises to the Sinhalese populating the North, nor evince any long term plans or means for their welfare.

Implications of TNA’s Internal Conflicts

The internal politics of the Tamil National Alliance also adds an interesting dimension to the NPC election. An article that appeared in Thinakkural sums up the matter in detail:

“TNA’s internal conflicts are not ideological clashes: they are strictly related to power. It is evident that Suresh Premachandran wants to become the leader of the TNA, after Sampanthan. However, Sampanthan, and thus the ITAK, is pushing Sumanthiran as the next leader. For Suresh, it is securing public opinion in his favour [that] is crucial. Therefore, becoming the Chief Minister of the Northern Province is an essential component of Suresh’s game plan. However, in the existing administrative framework of the TNA, it is the ITAK that nominates candidates; unless the alliance is registered as a separate political party before the NPC elections Suresh stands no chance of being nominated. The real intentions behind the constituent parties’ demands to register the TNA will come to light when the Northern PC elections arrive: if the nominee is someone else, Suresh will break away from the TNA to test his luck.”[4]

The reality is such that the ITAK and the constituent parties can achieve very little as individual political entities. Here, the role of the Indian Central Government is also worthy of attention. When the TNA visited India last October, the Central Government reportedly emphasised internal unity.[5]  As for the Indian Central Government, the primary factors that underscore the need for a coherent strategy as regards the Lankan Tamil question are Tamil Nadu and China. If protests in south India rage unquenched, it will cause many headaches for the Central Government. The last thing the Congress needs is a fully hostile Tamil Nadu before the General Election next year. China has already become the principal foreign investor in Sri Lanka, and the influence of the Asian giant is tangible. China’s growing power over Sri Lanka clearly undermines India’s role as the regional super power. Additionally, for India, the 13^th Amendment carries an emotional dimension to it as well.  A split in the TNA will land India in a rather precarious situation: that is, it will be pushed to take sides.  In light of India’s recent track record with regard to Sri Lanka, it can be assumed that it will back the ITAK. The damage a split will cause, domestically and internationally, will be horrendous. Domestically, the Tamil vote will split up and cause severe harm to (what is left of) Tamil political power; internationally, it will give the impression that Tamils are divided and their aspirations distorted. It is, therefore, only logical that the constituent parties, including the ITAK, somehow stay together.

The smaller constituents of the TNA have gained much ground over the past few weeks. Leaders of the four smaller constituents, in late February, unanimously agreed to register the TNA by the end of March, with or without the consent of the ITAK. In effect, this was an ultimatum. The decision, naturally, forced the ITAK to reconsider its stance on the matter and prompted several compromises from its hierarchy.

But, if the appraisal of Thinakkural is correct, registering the TNA now might not be an optimal step as far as the future of Tamil politics is concerned. Suresh Premachandran is a very ambitious individual, and his political history suggests that he is capable of taking extreme measures to meet his personal ends. The manner in which Suresh pushed the issue of registration last year provoked a senior citizen from the Tamil diaspora to describe him by the idiom ‘bull in a China shop’. The post-Sampanthan era will, no doubt, pose major challenges. Tamils can only hope that Sumanthiran and Premachandran work together and complement each other. The Northern PC election will set the precedent for the future.

The Role of the Governor and the Future of Douglas Devananda

The Northern Governor has, in the absence of a Provincial Council, established himself as a powerful individual. It is reported that he has his eyes firmly set on acquiring the powers of land distribution before the elections. If the TNA wins it will have to come up with a strategy to curb the Governor’s powers.

Douglas Devananda, who is seen by most Tamils as a partner-in-crime of the Governor, has proclaimed his desire to become the Chief Minister. Yet, there are rumours that the government may consider KP as the candidate for the CM portfolio. If that happens, Douglas’ standing as a leader will diminish. He is already a spent force. The very fact that Douglas is considering competing in the PC election goes to show that his Ministerial portfolio is meaningless. However, if Douglas secures the UPFA’s nomination, the NPC election will make for a violence-filled denouement.

Re-emergence of the TNPF as a Major Political Force

Re-emergence of the TNPF, headed by Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam, as an influential political force is a factor that must not be underestimated. The TNPF demonstrated its opportunistic instincts when it, unwarrantedly, condemned Sampanthan for comments the TNA leader had made with regard to the LTTE’s conduct. Furthermore, Ponnambalam’s political agenda is not Tamil nationalism, but rather Tamil-Hindu nationalism. Ponnambalam has defined the Tamil nation as a people of the same religion in his interviews with TamilNet.

The TNPF also wields significant power over Tamil university students. This coupled with strong diaspora backing can cause substantial damage to the TNA (It is worthy to note that the TNA has done little as regards creating opportunities for young Tamils to engage in politics). The manner in which the TNPF approaches the NPC election will set the tone for future TNA-TNPF confrontations.

Conclusions

Sinhalese settlements and the military must be handled with foresight. The Tamil side must demand intense international attention and monitoring mechanisms for a long period, starting well before the actual day of the election. Token presence of monitors on Election Day will only serve to legitimize the election carried out under conditions of threat and intimidation. It must also be noted that there are reasons why the government may still conduct a relatively clean election: first, in all probability, the victory margin of the TNA will be too overwhelming to erase by fraud; second, given the stakes of the election there will be considerable international, especially Indian, attention.

The political reality of Tamils is such that it is of immense importance that the TNA decidedlywins the NPC election. However, the leaders of the TNA must recognise the weight of their responsibility and act accordingly. Suresh Premachandran, in this regard, has a lot to learn. Informed sources claim that the Chief Minister candidate, in all probability, will be Mavai Senathirajah. Premachandran, we can assume, knows better than to defect from the TNA, lest the fate of Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam befall him. He will be very reluctant to show himself as someone hindering Tamil unity, especially since he is keen on leading Tamils in the future. However, there is a very dangerous possibility that Suresh may stay within the alliance and continue to cause internal headaches.

If Premachandran is serious about leading the Tamil people, he must first reduce his appetite for petty quarrels, and prove that he is committed to principles of fairness, justice and equality. Tamils cannot afford to have another leader in the mould of Prabhakaran. He must set his focus on matters that concern the Tamil cause, as opposed to trivial issues. Sumanthiran, on the other hand, must develop his politicking skills and improve his public relations. He cannot be seen as an introverted and arrogant lawyer, if he is keen on engaging in competitive politics and, more importantly, playing a key role, as many would like, in leading the Tamil cause into the future.

India, on the other hand, must force the Sri Lankan government to implement its own promises, and recommence negotiations with the TNA. Delhi must deal with Colombo on strictly bilateral terms; passing resolutions in the UNHRC is of little value.

Tamils will vote for the TNA – for tactical purposes, if not out of conviction. But, TNA leaders will do well to remember that they have, historically, failed the Tamil people multiple times, by failing to build up bridges and by blindly endorsing the LTTE. It is, then, right for the Tamils to expect a thrust from within the TNA for principled politics and internal democracy. The best thing that can happen to Tamil politics is cooperation between the five constituent parties. Compromising the Tamil cause for personal ends will go down in history as an ‘unforgivable’ sin.

The TNA must develop a coherent strategy to curb the detrimental role of the NP Governor: calling for the full implementation of the 13^th Amendment may be the first step in this regard.[6]The NPC election will be a ‘make-or-break’ battle as far as Douglas is concerned. A loss – either in securing the UPFA nomination or in the election – may well be the final nail in the coffin for Douglas’s political career. If that happens, Douglas Devananda will join the growing list of those who have been used and later dumped by the Rajapaksa regime. He will be in most distinguished company.

Finally, it is essential that the TNA gives careful consideration to an electoral strategy to counter the TNPF. Even though the TNPF is not yet a potent threat when it comes to elections, it could still push the TNA into adopting neo-nationalist politics. The TNPF’s emergence as a major political force, at least in decibel terms, will alienate Tamils of other faiths and will seal-off all possibilities of Tamil-Muslim cooperation in the future. However, Tamils have in the past distanced themselves from religious partisanship – ironically G.G. Ponnampalam Senior failed to impress the Tamils with his call for a Hindu University in Jaffna. It would also silence the few remaining moderate Sinhalese voices. That would mean revisiting the days of the LTTE, and getting trapped in a hole from which there may never be redemption.

---

[1] Unless there is will in the executive, no state institution can be effective in Sri Lanka. The government of Sri Lanka looks at the PCs as a hindrance to their political project. Therefore, the PCs are powerless.

[2] Broadly refers to the Tamil struggle for political equality.

[3] Tisaranee Gunasekara, Militarisation, Lankan Style, Economic and Political Weekly

[4] Maravarman, Dirty Secrets behind the TNA’s Internal Conflicts, Thinakkural (New Tradition) (November 10 – P2)

[5] A matter the TNA failed to mention in its official statement after the visit.

[6] Tamils have lost much in their quest for the ‘ideal solution’. It is important that they treat the struggle as one made up of different phases.

Thirukkural And Sri Lanka’s Governance

By S. Sivathasan -April 11, 2013 

S. Sivathasan

“There hardly exists in the literature of the world, a collection of maxims in which we find so much lofty wisdom”. – Dr. Albert Schweitzer, Nobel Prize Winner.

Thirukkural written by the poet and sage Thiruvalluvar around the 2nd century AD is a literary work greatly treasured by the Tamils. With the largest number of translations including in English, French, German, Russian, Chinese, Japanese, Hindi, Spanish, Latin, Italian, Sinhalese, Arabic, Dutch, Burmese and next in number to Marxist literature and the Bible, it has become a valued possession of humanity. Mahatma Gandhi said “I wanted to learn Tamil, only to enable me to study Valluvar’s Thirukkural through his mother tongue itself”.

The work consists of 1330 couplets all of which are suffused with sublime thoughts. They convey lofty ethical and moral principles enabling society to anchor its life to. The subjects dwelt on are 133 and each chapter has 10 couplets. Of great contemporary relevance to Sri Lanka are the poet’s thoughts on governance. Machiavalli advises the Prince on the art of successful rule. Kautilya’s dominant thoughts are on glamorous ends whatever the means. The work of Valluvar has dharma for its core value.

King

Two millennia ago the Tamils had a well ordered state and the king was at the centre of governance.
The institution of kingship prevailing at that time applies today to those in vantage positions such as President, Prime Minister, Ministers, Diplomats and officials placed in authority. The poet spells out the attributes needed in the king as well as in those managing the state apparatus. In the lines that follow the current parallels in Sri Lanka may be gleaned.

A ruler is great if he is unfailing in virtue, remains wedded to valour, guards his honour zealously and eschews what is not righteous. His responsibility extends over developing the country’s resources, consolidating the riches so created into the state treasury and ensuring proper distribution of the nation’s wealth. A ruler who protects his subjects according to cannons of propriety and impartiality will be deified by them. He will be extolled by them if he is easy of access and is never given to harsh words.

When the reign is benign and seeks to meet the people’s aspirations, the people will rally round the king and be effusive in their praise.

A king should be circumspect in embarking on a venture or war. Essentially needed are proper reconnaissance and reflection. Meticulous deliberation is needed before a decision is taken. He should not scoff at his adversary as if the latter is inconsequential. The poet makes the point that all the blessings that a country is endowed with come to nought when it does not have the benefit of a stable and benevolent ruler.

Country

Having said that, he outlines the salient attributes that a country needs to have. What are the the beneficent endowments? A country is great where there are men of learning, where wealth has been earned the righteous way and where harvests are bountiful. A nation enjoys peace and stability when it is free of feuding groups, ruinous enemy within and over mighty warlords. The unleashing of para militaries to prey on the people was never heard of. Another great poet who lived a millennium later and who was also a Prime Minister to the king said that “a king should ensure that no harm befalls the subjects either from him or his retinue”. In a nation what are the five embellishments that add zest to life? Absence of disease, wealth, resources to promote wellbeing, life of mirth and sense of security deriving from the king’s protective reign are the ornaments.

Cabinet

Members of the cabinet should be very discerning in the choice of their options, executing them with a sense of pragmatism and expressing their views clearly and forcefully. A minister is well qualified to counsel the king if he is of respectable lineage, is fearless, has the capacity for study and sustained effort and has a propensity to protect the people. A minister may have laudable ideas but when he is irresolute in execution, he fails in his mission and accomplishes nothing. Even though books and treatises may enhance their natural intellectual resources, with the benefit of worldly experience they have to master the art of the possible. A king lacking in wisdom may reject ministerial advice, but it is their duty to press forth relentlessly what is fair and proper.

Nurtured in the Tamilian tradition where the fount of governance was laid by Valluvar, the emperor of poets Kamban author of Ramayana, wrote 900 years later, about the cabinet of king Dasaratha – Rama’s Father – thus: “When it came to matters of state the Ministers did not care even a little bit about their personal security. When the king flew into a rage, they faced it with equanimity and persisted in asserting what was just. They had the fortitude of mind not to deviate from the path of righteousness. Decisions were made with due attention to the past, present and the future. After deliberations, the conclusion was conveyed in one voice”. In this description of Ministers’ conduct and collective responsibility may be seen the epitome of sober governance. The contrast too can be observed now.

Diplomats

Essential attributes of a diplomat comprise birth of high report, a loving disposition and refined conduct agreeable by the king. Capacity for deep study, verbal ability to convey ideas with precision and loyalty to the king are indispensable qualities. An ambassador setting out on a mission should possess erudition, sagacity and a commanding presence. To bring success to the kind he should make his presentation with coherence while eschewing trivia and spice his conversation with humor. To command respect he should be noted for his learning, composure, power of persuasion in speech and should have a sense for appropriateness to befit the occasion. The fittest ambassador will have an eye for time and place, well inducted in his duty and very selective in the words he uses. A diplomat will be considered consummately skilled if he is pure in heart, has fortitude of mind and is engaging in his ways. Such an ambassador will be unremitting in his pursuit and will never swerve from his mission even when his existence is under threat.

Army

There are four armours which are necessary for an army: valour, sense of honour, chivalrous conduct and fortitude even in the midst of disarray and confusion. Before venturing out, it is necessary for the army as well as the adversary to assess carefully the strength and weakness of the enterprise, one’s own power, the enemy’s power and strength of the respective allies. When the importance of the last factor is noted, the wisdom of the kural may be discerned from the outcome in the last phase of World War II and also in the war closer home. Those who do not make a proper estimate of their strength, but who are overtaken by enthusiasm, crash midway. Such instances are many is the poet’s view. It is also emphatically asserted that even if an army may have strength in numbers, decisive leadership is crucial to victory. More importantly the poet says, it is not armaments that bring victory but the scepter and that too when it is upright.

In the Midst of the Worthy

Securing the devotion of men of worth is among the rarest of fortunes that a king or anybody in high position can seek. The world considers the learned and the wise as its eyes. Therefore a king should be very selective in the choice of his advisors. When he is surrounded by men of worth the morale of his foes will weaken. It is well known that without capital no profit can accrue. Likewise strength and repose in a state are not for those who do not have the support of the wise. It is therefore infinitely more harmful to lose the friendship of the good than to enlist the enmity of the many. Water acquires the characteristic of the earth from where it is drawn. In like manner one’s mind is conditioned by the quality of the company one keeps. The poet’s advice about those in vantage positions and even to the people at large is that they should seek after men of virtue wedded to norms of morality, are constant in righteousness and win their friendship. In Valluvar’s reckoning scholars are mighty. He advises the king, even if you incur the wrath of the army, do not enlist the displeasure of the learned.

Moving with Kings

Cannons of propriety are called for from those privileged to move with the mighty. The poet draws a very instructive analogy by taking a leaf from how one keeps oneself comfortable before a hearth. Not too close and not too far is a prudent course. As all would know, too much closeness would be scorching and a far distance will leave one in the cold. What is literally true of the hearth applies figuratively for dealings with the powers that be. A strong word of caution is struck and we are inducted to the realities of the way power works, when the poet says “do not covet what the king desires to have. This is the path to win his favour and to consolidate one’s position”. To put it plainly, if the ruler desires the kudos for a military victory, a military leader is advised not to covet the same. This particular Kural couplet was better understood after 2009.

Uprightness

Birth is alike to all. What distinguishes one from the other is the reputation that one builds up through a life of honour. In Valluvar’s view, rectitude and revulsion to shame come naturally to those of a respectable background. Men of such high station will not do anything disreputable even if tens of millions are thrown across their way. Even as a scale balances the weights evenly, so should a man of rectitude act with total impartiality, never leaning to one side. One who leads a life of impeccable probity will reside in the hearts of the multitude. The poet pronounces a home truth–the words that come off a person’s lips bespeak his breeding and character. Men of character anchored in a sea of rectitude will remain unmoved even in a cataclysm.

Financial probity is an ultimate value with Valluvar. With keen observation he said that ill-gotten wealth flows in at a speed to match the gathering of spectators for a recital and its disappearance is swifter than the dispersal of the crowd after the event. Even when one stands to profit, one should eschew it if uprightness has to be sacrificed in the process, is the poet’s injunction.

Retributive Justice

Even as the shadow that follows unstoppably, so also evil deeds will cause one’s inevitable destruction. Another ethical work of the Sangam period says that when a calf is unleashed among several cows, it unerringly reaches for its mother. In like manner retribution makes no mistake in meting out its judgment. An epic of the same period says “ Dharma is the terminator of evil rule. …..Retribution will unfailingly take its course”. Valluvar in his wisdom says that it is abysmal ignorance to treat the impermanent as enduring. Tears of wrath brought out by irrepressible agony is the force that will destroy the evil doer’s wealth. Sri Lanka is witness to the agony. It awaits justice.

Sri Lanka: Comments on India and resolution in UNHRC – Update No. 230                                   

By Col. R. Hariharan-Dated 9-Mar-2013

[This summary contains comments made by Col Hariharan to different print and TV media from 5 to 7 March 2013 on specific issues raised by them on India’s response to the U.S. draft resolution on Sri Lanka’s accountability now under consideration at the UN Human Rights Council session in Geneva.]

Information update

The Congress-led coalition came under intense pressure in parliament to back the U.S. sponsored resolution at the UNHRC, when almost all parties condemned the alleged atrocities against Sri Lanka Tamils and wanted the government to act. Though the External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid did not make a commitment, he informed that the government would keep the concerns of the MPs in mind while taking a call on voting on the resolution when it comes up on March 21, 2013.

He also said that India had demanded an independent inquiry into the abuse of human rights allegations besides investigation into the death of LTTE leader Prabhakaran and members of his family. The DMK, an important member of the ruling coalition, called for the trial of Sri Lanka’s top leadership for alleged war crimes. The BJP, vociferous in supporting the Tamils, demanded the withdrawal of the army from Tamil areas, while the AIADMK reiterated its demand for imposing economic sanctions on Sri Lanka.

Congress representatives in a show of solidarity participated in the Tamil Eelam Supporters Organisation (TESO) conference organized by the DMK at New Delhi to highlight the Sri Lanka Tamil issues. The participation of Ghulam Nabi Azad, General Secretary of the AICC, in the conference showed the importance the party now attaches to the Sri Lanka issue. His statement that Sri Lanka had “a moral duty to find the truth about the inhuman acts of oppression, sexual assaults and torture of helpless persons, including the family LTTE leader Prabhakaran” was perhaps the strongest-ever statement made by a high ranking Congress leader in recent times. His hard hitting statement quoted by the Hindu stated, “We are firmly of the view that the issues of reconciliation and political devolution in Sri Lanka need to be addressed with a sense of urgency and not merely used to buy time” should be heart-warming to the participants at the conference.

He has also said the government’s decision on the UNHRC resolution would be guided by India’s vote against Sri Lanka in March 2012 UNHRC meeting, gives an indication of the Congress party’s line of thinking. This slightly varies with the stand taken by the Minister of External Affairs. However, it remains to be seen how much of the words are translated into action by India at Geneva. Regardless of India’s vote on the resolution, the Congress’ articulation of the concerns of the people on Sri Lanka issue, publicly and in clear terms should send a strong signal to Sri Lanka. One can only hope it would prod some positive action from President Rajapaksa.  

However, Congress participation came after the TESO made it clear it was not fighting for Tamil Eelam but for justice to Sri Lankan Tamils who have suffered human rights violations and continue to be denied their fundamental freedoms. This signifies no change in the Congress stand against the creation of Tamil Eelam, despite its partner DMK’s support for independent Eelam.

The successful holding of the TESO conference at New Delhi with Congress participation may be considered a feather in the cap of MK Stalin, DMK leader Karunanidhi’s son and heir apparent, who had spearheaded the DMK strategy. This move could also lead to strengthening of the DMK-Congress alliance in the next Lok Sabha poll. 

On Tamil Nadu parties near unanimity on Sri Lanka issue

This is a healthy development as it makes easier for New Delhi to charter its course keeping in mind the concerns of the people of Tamil Nadu. However, even in the current situation, the Tamil Nadu parties failed to charter a common course of action and prioritize the issues to be considered for action. Instead, they still seemed to be keen on one-upmanship which diluted the focus on the core issues of implementing 13th amendment to the Sri Lanka constitution and impartial investigation of allegations of human rights excesses and war crimes.

What should be the priority in the Sri Lanka Tamil issue?

The large scale public and political focus on mounting allegations of human rights abuses and war crimes has clouded the real issue of reviving Tamil reconciliation process. This is a core issue which needs to be addressed by all stakeholders so that the Tamil struggle for equity is brought to a logical conclusion with a win-win solution. And full implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution which devolves limited autonomy to Tamils is the first step in the reconciliation process.

Unfortunately, so far New Delhi seems to have accepted President Rajapaksa’s explanations for the lack of progress in the reconciliation process. This was evident in Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh’s statement in parliament on March 6, 2013. He said that he had written to the Sri Lankan President in September 2012 calling for immediate implementation of the 13A. The President had gone back on his earlier promises on this issue in his Independence Day speech on February 4. What action the government had taken to reinforce its demand, subsequent to Rajapaksa’s statement is not clear.  Does the government not attach much importance to the President’s promises? Or has it not decided on the course of action after the President reneged on his promise? 

The handling of the issue shows the core weaknesses of our foreign policy in action - lack of assertive stand when required, and failure to demonstrate its agility in pursuing its goals. So we run the risk of being taken for granted by other countries, as we fail to project a confident image commensurate with our size, economic and military power and influence.

Why does not India make a public commitment to support the U.S. resolution?

Unlike political parties, the government has a responsibility to take a stand after deliberating on the content and context of the resolution and whether it meets our objectives. As the government is accountable to the parliament and the people for its action, it should be allowed sufficient space and time to consider and handle the issue politically and diplomatically before taking a final decision. It is for this reason the UNHRC has given sufficient time till March 21 when the resolution will be take up. So in normal course, there would be nothing wrong in the government taking a stand not articulate its decision in advance. But the government has generally suffered from a credibility gap not on foreign policy issues but other issues as well. 

Unfortunately, actions taken by the government on issues of public concern have lacked transparency. Its explanations made under public pressure had at best been evasive. This has affected public faith in the words of the government. Unfortunately, this has been compounded by government’s opaque transactions and inability to communicate with the public in time. It has failed to understand the reach and take advantage of the electronic media which feeds information to the public in real time. Unless the government learns to communicate with the public and the media on a regular basis on issues of actual and potential public concern, it would continue to suffer from lack of credibility.  Handling of Sri Lanka issue is a shining example of such an aberration.

Some say by allowing the U.S. to take proactive action on this issue, India has conceded strategic space in its neighbourhood. What are your comments?

India had conceded strategic space in 2002 by not participating in the peace process initiated by Norway supported by the U.S., Japan and European Union. After its rather miscued intervention from 1987 to 1990, the Tamil issue ceased to be a dominant issue in India’s Sri Lanka policy formulation. Its policy considerations had a host of other objectives including furthering trade, strategic security links, and constructive cooperation.

Perhaps because of its strong support to Sri Lanka during the Eelam War, India was reluctant to vocalize its views when allegations of Sri Lanka’s human rights violations and war crimes surfaced. This caused much disappointment to Tamils who felt India as a strategic stakeholder in Sri Lanka should use its strength on Sri Lanka to produce positive results.  The U.S. and its western allies have a strong domestic constituency on human rights; so it was natural they took up the issue and ultimately when Sri Lanka did not respond to their concerns human rights aberrations they brought to the UN forum. The importance the U.S. attaches to this issue is evident from the fact the U.S. itself had sponsored the resolution instead of using some other state to propose it with its support. Though this is natural development from their point of view, it has exposed weakness in India’s ability to maintain its strategic influence in Sri Lanka.

 Strategic influence of nations does not remain static; they need to be nurtured and protected. India has always been shy of asserting its strategic strength, explaining it away with a lot of verbiage on middle path and non-alignment. So today it is the U.S. which has a solid foothold in Sri Lanka and tomorrow it could be China, already making inroads in Sri Lanka. It is inevitable unless India decides to change its style.    

(Col R Hariharan, a retired Military Intelligence specialist on South Asia, served with the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka as Head of Intelligence. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies and the South Asia Analysis Group. E-Mail:colhari@yahoo.com   Blog: www.colhariharan.org)  

Midweek Politics: The Battle For Sacred Ground

By Dharisha Bastians -April 10, 2013 

Dharisha Bastians

As Muslims and moderates rally against the Bodu Bala Sena, a Defence Ministry initiative to resolve a dispute over an ancient Islamic shrine in Balangoda is commendable. But will Sinhala hardline groups accept the compromise?

The misty mountain village of Kuragala, just off Balangoda came alive on Monday when a Sri Lanka Air Force helicopter landed in the area carrying Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and a full retinue of military, police and intelligence officers onboard. Accompanied by dozens of Buddhist monks including Jathika Hela Urumaya Leader Ellawela Medhananda Thero, Moulavis Chief of National Intelligence Major General (Retd) Kapila Hendawitharana and officials from the Department of Archeology, the Defence Secretary undertook a site visit of the rock face on top of which sits an Islamic hermitage shrine.

Kuragala is home to an ancient Sufi shrine, sacred to Muslims because Arabic rock inscriptions, tombstones and other historical evidence point to a greatly revered Islamic saint having meditated in the rock caves for 12 years on a pilgrimage to Adam’s Peak. Once a year, pilgrims flock to the site to commemorate the death anniversary of Saint Sheikh Muhiyadeen Abdul Qadir. At all other times, it is a haven for meditation and solitary reflection that Sufism preaches. The shrine’s tranquility has been marred in the recent past by disputed claims over its historic origins. Buddhist monks and hardline groups that are gaining momentum in the political firmament have renewed a decades old claim that the rock cave was in fact an ancient Buddhist monastic site. The groups want the site cleared of all Islamic buildings and monuments, including the mosque. Given the significance the shrine holds for Muslims all over the island, any potential threat to the Jailani mosque and attempt to alter the history of the site could seriously escalate tensions between the Buddhist and Muslim communities in the country.

Custody of Jailani

When a similar claim for Jailani was made by Buddhists in the 1970s the Department of Archeology took custody of the site, although the custodianship of the Jailani shrine, the rock cave mosque and pilgrim rests in the area was held in trust by the Aboosally family. UNP Parliamentarian M.L.M. Aboosally was the first trustee of the Jailani shrine, and his daughter Roshan holds the trusteeship today.

On Monday, when the shrine’s trustees and Moulavis sat down for initial discussions with the Defence Secretary soon after a quick tour of the sacred site, the tone adopted was that the land belonged to the Department of Archeology and all the buildings on the rock face had to go. Discouraged by the tone of the discussion, the Muslim representatives believed the battle was already lost. But subsequently, the Defence Secretary asked Director General of the Department of Archeology, Dr. Senarath Dissanayake to explain to the members of the Muslim community and the Sinhalese villagers who had also gathered there, the actual situation with regard to the site’s archeological significance.

Proposed compromise

Dr. Dissanayake explained that no harm would come to the rock cave mosque, but that the Archeological Department had to investigate the inscriptions on the rock and inspect the rock caves. The Director General promised that the Government would allocate 26 acres of land for the pilgrim rests and mosque feasts to be held nearby. In return, the mosque would be left standing, but the other buildings on the rock face would have to come down while excavations and archeological inquiry took place. Several members of the Muslim community who listened to Dr. Dissanayake’s explanation were dissatisfied by the compromise. They believed that a surrender of the Jailani monuments and premises would effectively open the door for further ‘reclamation’ of sacred Islamic sites in the country based on claims of original settlement. However, moderates cautioned against being unyielding on the issue, especially after authorities assured the mosque would not be torn down. It was agreed that if further attempts were made to annexe sites sacred to the Muslims, the community would adopt a tougher position then, appealing if necessary to the international community and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), a major Islamic bloc of 57 countries that has been staunchly supportive of Sri Lanka over the years.

No demolition

After Dr. Dissanayake had explained matters and reassured Muslim representatives that the mosque would not be harmed and Muslim pilgrims and visitors to the site would not be impeded, Defence Secretary Rajapaksa who had been walking around, returned to the discussion. He assured the Muslim community that their religious rights would not be hindered and that the Government would ensure that no Buddhist monuments would be constructed on the site. Instead, Rajapaksa said, the site would be a free area, open to both Buddhist and Muslim pilgrims. Given the tensions between the communities, both in the Balangoda area and around the country, it is unclear if this attempt at a compromise would help or hinder the peace. Large crowds of Buddhists with a territorial claim, encountering large crowds of Muslim pilgrims with a historic claim of their own, could spell trouble if unruly elements were to infiltrate the crowds to disturb the peace, analysts warn. The Defence Secretary instructed Dr. Dissanayake to appoint a committee, comprising the shrine’s trustees, Medhananda Thero and other monks and the Archeology Department to meet as soon as possible and find a suitable compromise that would defuse tensions regarding the Kuragala shrine. Interestingly, the Muslim representatives were assured that neither the Bodu Bala Sena nor the Sinhala Ravaya would have a say in the matter or sit on the committee. Ellawela Medhananda Thero also assured members of the Muslim community that Buddhists would not impede Muslim pilgrims to the site. The JHU Leader takes a hardline on most ethnic issues and the JHU as a political party has never espoused ideologies of peace, but the entrance of the Bodu Bala Sena with their blatant anti-minority agendas has made monks like Medhananda seem moderate.

Storming the rock cave

About 18 months ago, a JHU led brigade of monks and laymen attempted to storm the Kuragala shrine, determined to “reclaim” the site and restore its rightful Buddhist heritage. Upon discussions with the shrine’s trustee Roshan Aboosally and other Muslim representatives, about the site’s historic significance to Muslims and evidence to support legends of the meditating Islamic saint, the monks agreed to allow the matter to rest. But for hardline groups gaining ground the Jailani shrine was an easy cause to take up and it has become a key focal point in their anti-Muslim campaigns. In January 2013, the Sinhala Ravaya and Bodu Bala Sena groups organised about 150 monks who attempted to storm the Jailani mosque. Accompanied by several policemen, they clambered up the rock face, carrying Buddha statues in their hands, sources say, only to find their attempt foiled by a massive thunder-shower that caused the group to retrace their steps. . Jailani’s strange tranquility and otherworldly placement, gives rise to a strong perception for believers that it is sacred ground, and therefore protected by the divine. The Muslim community tasked with protecting the shrine and increasingly concerned about the blatant attack on Islamic places of worship by hardliners who appear to command the support of law enforcement in most cases, believe the sudden shower on a sunny day in Balangoda to be an act of God.

A tense meeting

The attempted raid of Jailani in January and the potential flashpoint the dispute was creating, spurred authorities into action the following month. On 6 February, a meeting was held in the office of the Director General of the Department of Archeology, Dr. Senarath Dissanayake in Colombo. The meeting included the Trustee of the Kuragala shrine, other representatives and scholars from the Muslim community, Archeology Department officials, officials of the Ministry of Defence and the police and walking in at the last minute, representatives of the Bodu Bala Sena and Sinhala Ravaya groups. Adopting a harsh tone from the outset, the hardline monks refused to allow Roshan Aboosally to speak in English, when she apologetically requested to be allowed to do so since her Sinhala was not fluent. The Bodu Bala Sena representatives flatly refused to allow her to do so, insisting that Sri Lanka was a Sinhala country and she should address the meeting in Sinhalese. The Bodu Bala Sena representatives dominated the meeting, responding to the Director General’s claims that things had to be done according to the law, with threats. “Neither laws nor acts nor history matters – if the Kuragala is not cleared by 14 February, we will bring a force of 25,000 people and take it back ourselves,” the monks raged.

According to representatives at the meeting, the threat of a raid on 14 February raised major fears of a clash on the sacred site, since the date coincided with the Jailani mosque feast that would bring hundreds of Muslims to the area. Following further extensive discussions, the “deadline” was extended to 30 April with a resolution to be sought before then.

Meeting at Defence Ministry

It was as a follow up to that disastrous 6 February meeting that the Kuragala Shrine trustees and members of the Muslim community sought a meeting with Defence Secretary Rajapaksa last week. When the delegation arrived at the Defence Ministry, Bodu Bala Sena representatives were also in the premises. The Muslim representatives flatly refused to discuss the issue with the hardline group, prompting the Defence Secretary to summon a different group of Buddhist monks to the Ministry. The second delegation included learned and moderate monks, such as Prof. Bellanvila Wimalarathana Thero who was also instrumental in defusing the Halal controversy after a compromise was “brokered” on the issue. The monks and defence ministry officials however were insisting that a settlement be reached at the meeting and the matter laid to rest. However, the Trustee and members of the Muslim delegation insisted that the Defence Secretary visit the hotly contested site, before any settlement was reached.

Roshan Aboosally believes that the involvement of the Defence Secretary was an attempt to defuse tensions arising about the sacred shrine, especially after attempted raids by hardline groups and threats that mobs would arrive at the site to tear down monuments on Vesak Poya Day. She believes that once the committee is convened by the Director General of Archeology, a compromise could be reached, that will allow the Jailani mosque to stand, even if the other premises on the rock will have to be given up by the Trust. “My priority as the Trustee, would be to ensure that the mosque remains, and that Muslim religious activities could still take place at the site. From here on, that would be my primary responsibility, to preserve the mosque and ensure Muslims can still come there to worship,” she said.

Creating controversy

The Kuragala issue is just one key flashpoint in a sea of tension created by hardline groups that are being permitted to run amok. The creation of non-issues, like the Halal controversy or the conflict over the Abhaya, aimed at heightening paranoia in the Sinhala Buddhist community and inciting at the very least the boycott of Muslim businesses and consumer products, and at the worst, brutal violence against those enterprises and Islamic places of worship, is their modus operandi. The anti-Muslim campaign is gaining such traction that it is increasingly becoming a concern as to how much longer the Muslim community and its elders can keep calm in their ranks and prevent any retaliation that could set communal fires ablaze. Not only does the campaign against another minority community push the country to the edge of renewed ethno-religious strife, but all signs are that Islamic countries of the world are sitting up and beginning to take notice.

Apart from its public statement raising the alarm about rising tensions against the Muslim community in Sri Lanka by the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) last month, the organisation has also dispatched a confidential letter to President Mahinda Rajapaksa appealing to him to restore calm and contain the threats posed to Sri Lankan Muslims by hardline movements galvanizing support against them. The country, having largely lost the support of the West, by its obdurate positions on devolution, reconciliation and investigating alleged war-time excesses and lately, even India, has come to rely more and more on the support of the Islamic bloc and the African bloc in its international battles. It will be recalled, and not without some irony, that it was Pakistan, on behalf of the OIC that slammed the US backed resolution on Sri Lanka in Geneva last month and even called for a vote to contest the move. Ties between Pakistan and Sri Lanka remain enduring and robust, especially after Islamabad was one of the few countries to continue supplying ammunition to Sri Lanka during the final phase of its battle with the LTTE. But with the anti-Muslim rhetoric growing louder in the island and its impacts spilling over as violence against Muslims, their enterprises and places of worship, especially following the attack on Fashion Bug in Pepiliyana, Pakistan faces a dilemma with regard to its continued and unwavering support of Sri Lanka.

Pakistan gets a briefing

Last Friday while the Pakistan Foreign Secretary, Jalil Abbas Jilani was in Colombo for bilateral consultations, the Pakistani mission in Colombo arranged a special meeting for the official with key Muslim politicians and the community’s representatives to discuss the recent developments. Interestingly, the meeting was scheduled prior to Secretary Jilani’s meeting with Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. For several hours at the residence of Western Province Governor Alawi Moulana, Muslim representatives, including Justice Minister Rauff Hakeem and A.H.M. Azwer and other non-politicians briefed the Pakistani Foreign Secretary about the ground situation relating to Muslims in Sri Lanka. Minister Hakeem, who spoke first chose to be measured in his statements, but nonetheless highlighted the threats that Muslims were facing in the country due to the meteoric rise of Sinhala Buddhist hardline groups. Soon afterwards, Azwer who rose to speak rubbished the claims that Muslims were facing harassment. He said all communities were living peacefully in the country and said the incidents being reported were merely rumours. President of the Sri Lanka-Pakistan Friendship Association Ifthikhar Aziz who commented on the situation at the meeting warned that Muslims were facing a grave situation in the country but had shown tremendous patience and conducted itself as a mature minority in the face of threats from hardline groups. Aziz warned however that it took only one fool to react to the situation and make it spiral out of control. He explained that while the LTTE only represented the views of a small percentage of Tamils in their separatist claim, in the case of the Muslims, because it involved damaging insults to their religion, the entire community would get involved if matters reached boiling point and this situation had to be avoided at all costs. The visiting Pakistani official was briefed on the various incidents of Muslim harassment being reported, including the damage to the Korans in several mosques, the man-handling and verbal abuse directed at Muslim women wearing Hijab and campaigns calling on the Sinhalese to refrain from renting office or house space to Muslims. While appreciating the role Pakistan played in getting Sri Lanka the support of several Islamic nations at the UNHRC in Geneva last month, the Muslim representatives urged the visiting official that Islamabad also had a responsibility to remind the Government of Sri Lanka that the rights of the Muslim community in Sri Lanka must be protected.

Betrayed

By Saturday morning, President Rajapaksa had gotten wind of the meeting. He was aware of all those who had spoken at the meeting with the Pakistani Foreign Secretary and all the information that had been relayed. A fuming President questioned Governor Moulana as to why police entries had not been made regarding these incidents against Muslims. He said the National Intelligence Bureau was keen to investigate the issue. Although it was not certain how the information had been relayed to the President so swiftly, many members present believe that MP Azwer, who had stoically maintained there was no anti-Muslim campaign in the country, may have played Judas and repeated the proceedings of the meeting verbatim.

Vigil against BBS

Meanwhile resistance continues to build against the invective being propagated by the Bodu Bala Sena, both within the Buddhist community and outside it. Tomorrow, a Facebook group that has been making waves lately, calling itself the Buddhists Questioning Bodu Bala Sena, is organising a candlelit vigil outside the massive multi-storyed building on Havelock Road that houses the Bodu Bala Sena offices. The vigil will take place at 7 p.m. and is garnering significant support both off and online. Key leaders of the Bodu Bala Sena, including its vociferous General Secretary Galagodaththe Gnanasara are currently on a US tour, aimed at taking the group’s agendas international and will not witness the vigil. But organisers hope it will be the starting point of a peaceful battle of wills between the Bodu Bala Sena’s ideologies of hate and the teachings of Gautama Buddha that resonate with other religious and ethnic communities and could unite moderates in a worthy cause.

Speaking at a forum organized by the Young Journalists’ Movement on Monday, former Bishop of Colombo Rev. Duleep De Chickera stressed the need for religious communities and moderates from all communities to speak out when another community comes to harm. “Buddhists must speak out on behalf of the Muslims. Christians must speak out on behalf of the Hindus,” he said. All moderates must transcend ethnic and religious boundaries to speak in one voice against attempts to harm the people of a community. It is the only way to make an impact, he explained.

Sam’s plea

TNA Leader R. Sampanthan may have taken the first step in this regard during a speech in Parliament on Tuesday, even offering his regret that the course of Tamil-Muslim relations had not always run smooth. “Today the Muslim people are fearful; anxious and hurt by the invective surrounding them. As fellow minorities, the Tamil people feel the pain, the insecurity, the fear and the anxiety of our Muslim brothers and sisters. The relationship between the Tamils and Muslims has always been close – sometimes strained and to our perpetual shame, though very rarely, even violent and cruel – but always close. Our people are too closely intertwined for one to think that it can survive the fate of the other. We are connected to each other just as we are connected to the Sinhalese, the Malays and the Burghers; but the bonds of a common language and home cannot be broken easily. And so, when our Muslim brothers and sisters are harmed on the street; or attacked by mobs; or have their Mosques vandalized; we cannot unconcerned spectators,” the senior Tamil politician said in a brief but stirring statement to the House.

Sampanthan demanded that the violence against the Muslim people and the hate speech cease now. “We are conscious that the vast majority of the Sinhalese Buddhist people do not condone such actions and that they would very much wish to live in peace and harmony paying due respect to the rights of other Peoples,” he said.

The TNA response has garnered an ugly response even from sections of the Government. Sampanthan is being accused of being an LTTE proxy and failing to speak out when the LTTE was massacring Muslims in the East and cleansing them from the North. But his words have already made an impact. It has reinforced the fact that any response to the Bodu Bala Sena and Sinhala Ravaya campaigns of hate against the Muslims must be multi-religious and multi-ethnic in composition, in order to prevent one religious extremist faction being met with another.

Sri Lankans rarely make the freedoms and rights of others their own problems. Slain Sunday Leader editor Lasantha Wickrematunge bemoaned this very fact, in his last editorial, ‘And then they came for me.’

Perhaps the time has come. The hour has grown so late and so much is finally at stake that speaking out is now imperative.

Courtesy Daily FT