Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Tuesday, April 9, 2013


UNP complains to human rights commission

UNP MPs Jayalath Jayawardena and Ravi Karunanayake made a complain to the Human Rights Commission today urging the authorities to reveal details of the tests carried out on renal disease in the North-Central Province.Nisal Baduge 


Wild elephants deployed by Colombo's forest department claim lives of Tamils in Batticaloa

[TamilNet, Tuesday, 09 April 2013, 09:12 GMT]
TamilNetSri Lankan Forest Department, in recent weeks, has brought in a number of wild elephants from Sinhala areas into the jungles adjacent to Koa'ra'laip-pattu South Division of the Batticaloa district, where uprooted Tamil people have resettled after the end of war. The Divisional Secretary of Koa'ra'laippattu South, Mr Thanabalasundaram, when contacted by reporters in Batticaloa, admitted that two Tamil civilians have been killed within the last 30 days by the wild elephants that have gone amok on the villagers and their properties. The lives and the livelihood of 3,000 Tamil villagers are threatened by the presence of more than 50 wild elephants of the Sinhala forest department. 

Two innocent men, one in Punanai West, and a young boy in Kudumpimalai have been killed by the elephants and many got injured in addition to loss of properties, according to the Divisional Secretary. 

Tamil civil officials, citing similar episodes in which the SL Forest Department had brought in elephants into Vanni and pockets of jungles situated close to Tamil areas of Ampaa'rai district, blame the forest department of the occupying Sinhala State for letting loose wild elephants on Tamils to uproot them permanently from their interior villages to facilitate Sinhala colonisation committing demographic genocide on Eezham Tamils. 

The wild elephants that entered into the Koarave'li village on 27 March 2013 have destroyed two houses causing extensive damage to the cultivation of the villagers. 

The animals were back on their business the following day and the villagers, together with the Village Officer, had to struggle against the animals to drive them back.

The cultivation by the Tamil villagers includes various plantains, jams and vegetables. The elephants have also caused substantial damage to the coconut trees and mango trees in the villages. 

Similar rampages by elephants are also reported in Aayiththiyamalai village in Vavu'natheevu of Batticaloa district. 

The wild elephants brought in by the SL forest department in Kudumpimalai, Aththi-kaaddu-veddai, Thikili-vadduvaan and Meeraan-ku'lam villages have chains around their necks and a yellow identification tag fixed to their ears, the villagers, who have witnessed SL forest department officials bringing in wild elephants using heavy vehicles with security to provided to them by the occupying SL military.

Despite, their complaints to the Divisional Secretary of Koa'ra'laippattu South and to the SL Forest Department officials in Batticaloa district, the practice of bringing in more wild elephants into the jungles near their villages is continuing, the villagers complain. 

The reports of wild elephants of SL Forest Department going amok on Tamils in Batticaloa comes following the reports of similar attacks reported last month in Ampaa'rai district. 

Last year, people in Mullaiththeevu district of Vanni clashed with the occupying SL military for defending the SL Forest Department officials who were bringing in wild elephants from the South into the jungles of Vanni causing immense destruction to their agriculture in addition to the threat of life.

GoSL refuses to establish a credible and independent mechanism;Inquiries into any allegations will be held through the judiciary and military tribunals only

Tuesday, April 9, 2013

SRI LANKA BRIEF''The Government of Sri Lanka is willing to conduct inquiries into any allegations, if duly presented to authorities in Sri Lanka, through the judiciary and military tribunals, in line with practice followed by all other democratic nations.'' 
Statement by the Ministry of External Affairs, Sri Lanka


Contact and interaction between Sri Lanka and India has continued since time immemorial. Civilisational ties and cultural links between all parts of India and Sri Lanka have been substantial. Since Independence, both nations have followed an unbroken tradition of democracy. The Governments of India and Sri Lanka have worked closely to combat terrorism and extremism, safeguarding the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka and the right of all Sri Lankans to live in peace with dignity and justice.

For nearly 30 years, Sri Lanka suffered as a result of the violent campaign conducted by the LTTE whose objective was to create a mono-ethnic, mono-linguistic separate State in Sri Lanka. Since the comprehensive defeat of the LTTE, Sri Lankans of all communities enjoy peace and tranquillity throughout the Island. Following the conclusion of the conflict, the Government appointed the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) with a view to providing equity and justice for all Sri Lankans, in particular for those living in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Its comprehensive set of recommendations is now being implemented, step by step, in a structured and methodical manner.

In this context, it is regrettable that sections of Tamil communities living abroad have resorted to sustained protests and calls for unfriendly measures against Sri Lanka, ostensibly to obtain political rights for Tamils in Sri Lanka. These groups and parties have recommended solutions and demands that have no relevance to the ground realities in Sri Lanka but can militate against the efforts taken by the Government of Sri Lanka to provide justice and to arrive at arrangements for reconciliation.

Strident demands to stop calling Sri Lanka a friendly country by some are disturbing and do not relate at all to the continuing friendship and cooperation between India and Sri Lanka that has stood the test of time and finds expression today in a multifaceted relationship encompassing all regions of India and all aspects of modern life including substantive economic interaction.

Descriptions of the military conflict with the LTTE and its concluding phase in an emotive and unrealistic manner and demands for international intervention in Sri Lanka are devoid of merit and smack of prejudice. Allegations levelled against the Sri Lankan State, its leaders and Security Forces are based on hearsay, misinformation, misperceptions and ethno-nationalistic ideologies. They have not taken into account that Sri Lanka is a multi-ethnic, multi-religious country with communities well spread out in all parts of the country, at present living peacefully throughout the Island and that efforts are being made to enable all communities and citizens to exercise political power in their own geographical regions and at the centre as well. There is no room for demands for ethno-nationalism in Sri Lanka and the aim of every citizen is to live in harmony throughout the country. Efforts by interested parties to create communal discord will not succeed, despite their potential to vitiate the atmosphere that is currently required to conclude efforts at reconciliation.

The Government of Sri Lanka is willing to conduct inquiries into any allegations, if duly presented to authorities in Sri Lanka, through the judiciary and military tribunals, in line with practice followed by all other democratic nations. The persistent allegations against the Sri Lanka Navy with regard to alleged killing and harassment of Indian fishermen are erroneous and without any factual basis. The Sri Lanka Navy is under strict orders to treat all Tamil Nadu fishermen, who cross regularly into Sri Lanka waters, in a humane manner. At the same time Sri Lanka has continually and emphatically impressed upon Indian authorities the compelling need to take appropriate action regarding the very large number of fishing boats daily entering Sri Lanka’s territorial waters and exploiting fisheries resources, causing grave damage to the livelihoods of fishing communities in the North of Sri Lanka.

The Government of Sri Lanka is keen to move forward with its efforts at equity and justice, notwithstanding the innumerable crimes and acts of terrorism committed by the LTTE, mostly against Tamil Sri Lankans. Sri Lanka needs time and space to move forward on the course already charted in order to provide justice and dignity for all Sri Lankans.

The Government would like to invite all those who make unfounded and exaggerated allegations as well as unrealistic demands as solutions to Sri Lanka’s future to visit Sri Lanka and ascertain the progress on the ground in terms of rebuilding the country and resettling displaced persons and reintegrating misguided youth as well as the efforts at providing support for the disadvantaged, particularly those who were affected by the conflict.

Ministry of External Affairs
Colombo
8th April 2013

The Tragedy Of So Many Errors

By Kath Noble -April 9, 2013 
Kath Noble
Colombo TelegraphThe monks of the Bodu Bala Sena have inadvertently done Sri Lanka a favour. Their speeches are so crass and their actions so crude that they have provoked a backlash – the media is full of criticism of their anti-Muslim campaign, much of it coming from Sinhala Buddhists themselves.
People have recognised that these groups are a menace. The question is whether their rise has been properly understood and whether the measures being taken to combat them are likely to be effective.
In my last column, I mentioned and quoted from Dayan Jayatilleka‘s new book in connection with the vote on Sri Lanka in Geneva last month, referring to his diagnosis of the mess that the Government is in, internationally speaking, and his prescription of how to get out of it. This is an argument that he has made on many occasions in newspaper articles, but it clearly needs to be repeated, given the near total disjuncture between the world as many commentators on Sri Lanka’s foreign policy see it and anything even vaguely resembling actual reality – implement the 13th Amendment to build up a solid constituency around India and the Global South in order to counter what is inevitable pressure from the diaspora-driven West.
Instead of following this very simple plan, Colombo’s thinkers are busy discussing how best to prepare for sanctions. And if they succeed in bringing this on the country, they will immediately feel compelled to start planning how to dig all the bunkers that they will need to hide from the air strikes that they will then be convinced are bound to follow.
Why risk so much to avoid the 13th Amendment?
The book sets this debate in context, and at the same time explains the rise of groups like the Bodu Bala Sena.
Its central thesis is that the LTTE had to be defeated, since it was a fascist organisation. One of the most interesting sections traces Prabhakaran‘s rise to dominate the Tamil struggle. In 1976, when Prabhakaran reconstituted his forces as the LTTE after his split with Uma Maheswaran, he seemed to be at a disadvantage – a relative nobody in his community with no ideology and thus limited access to sources of foreign training. For a long time, the LTTE was also numerically smaller than its competitors. Yet by the time of the Indo Lanka Accord, it had become the preeminent organisation.
Dayan highlights the importance of Black July, which saw the primary contradiction confirmed as being not between the Tamil community and the State but between Tamils and Sinhalese. People supported the group that they considered to be the most effective, and their understanding of effectiveness can be summed up in the massacre at Anuradhapura in 1985. This support enabled Prabhakaran to eliminate his rivals, as he did in the massacres of TELO, EPRLF and PLOTE cadres in 1986 and 1987– a strategy that he continued until his own demise more than two decades later, in the meantime killing everybody from his deputy and top negotiator Mahattaya to TULF leader Amirthalingam to activists and intellectuals Rajini Thiranagama andNeelan Thiruchelvam to Deputy Secretary General of the Peace Secretariat Kethesh Loganathan and Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar.
Not only was Prabhakaran absolutely ruthless, he was unwaveringly committed to Eelam. As he dared to tell Nirupama Subramanium of The Hindu even after signing the CFA, his famous statement that he should be executed by his followers if he deviated from this goal was still valid.
That is why he went to war against the IPKF, against Premadasa and against Chandrika Kumaratunga, and it is also why he conspired to keep Ranil Wickremasinghe out of power.
He was a fundamentalist.
No state formed by a guerilla movement and no group still engaged in an armed struggle came forward in solidarity with the LTTE, even in its final hour.
The book suggests that the overreach of the LTTE was inevitable.
However, more important in the current context is its analysis of the politics that gave rise to the LTTE and resulted in Tamils ending up with nothing to show for a generation long war. Dayan puts it as follows: ‘The history of Tamil politics in the last quarter century has been blighted by two major errors. The first of these has been the non-use or abuse of united front tactics. The second error has been the substitution of extremism, fantasy and emotionalism, of sheer unaffordable posturing, for serious politics and stone-cold realism.’
None of the Tamil organisations accepted the Chidambaram proposals of 1986, which foresaw the permanent merger of the North and East, minus Ampara, and as a result they were given a merger subject to a referendum in the Indo Lanka Accord, and space was created for the Sarath Silva-headed Supreme Court to effect a de-merger. Similarly, the TULF rejected the 13th Amendment and the EPRLF took office in the North East Provincial Council promising to reopen negotiations, and their adventurism led to Premadasa deciding that the LTTE was less of a threat than the continuing presence of the IPKF – Tamil groups were busy talking of a ‘Cyprus solution’ – and there was no devolved administration in either the North or the East for more than two decades.
Meanwhile, tens of thousands of lives were lost.
Where are the self-criticisms by Tamil leaders? They should start by reviewing Dayan’s book – although he is now best known as a spokesperson for the Mahinda Rajapaksa administration, he is as much of a critic of Sinhala chauvinism as he is of Tamil extremism.
Speaking of which, what of the failings of Sinhala leaders?
The list of mistakes made is absolutely sickening and far too long to even summarise in this column. I hope that Sinhala leaders will read the book and reflect on it before they make too many more.
Of most relevance to the current context is the claim that these errors led not only to the outbreak of the armed struggle and its dragging on for an entire generation, but also to the rise of an equally ugly phenomenon – Sinhala ultra-nationalism.
Dayan has plenty to say about the early days of Sinhala chauvinism, but he sees a significant difference in attitudes later on. He argues: ‘Sinhala ultra-nationalism was the default option of the Sinhala people in the face of the existential threat posed by LTTE aggression and the vacuum created by the failure or partial and inadequate success of more pluralist, progressive, cosmopolitan or liberal-leaning leaderships.’
In perhaps the most devastating paragraph of the book, he says, ‘Had it not been for the excess and lopsidedness of Chandrika’s ‘package’ and P-TOMS, and Ranil’s CFA, Sinhala fundamentalism would not have enjoyed the surge it did. Sinhala ultra-nationalism, which had been marginalised under ‘Premadasa-ism’ to the point that its key ideologue was sacked by the then VC of Colombo without a social ripple, had reached such a peak a decade later that it was conceded 40 seats by Chandrika’s negotiator Mangala Samaraweera, over the protest of Mahinda Rajapaksa, then PM.’
Ranil Wickremasinghe was of course the leader for whom the least excuses can be made. Although he came to office just after 9/11 when the international mood had turned against the LTTE and when the Sri Lankan Special Forces had finally begun to demonstrate their ability to strike at Prabhakaran’s senior cadres, having killed eight field commanders in as many months, the UNP chose to see how Prabhakaran would respond to appeasement. It exposed its own Military Intelligence in the infamous Athurugiriya raid and agreed via the CFA to disarm the paramilitaries of its Tamil allies, with no concern for the arms of the LTTE and what it would do with them. Without securing access to areas controlled by the LTTE, it allowed the LTTE to move into its own areas and take over as many institutions and functions as Prabhakaran considered useful.
In short, the UNP did everything possible to build Prabhakaran’s confidence, despite the fact that he was the one with the track record of starting wars. Prabhakaran was even allowed to sign the CFA by himself, in his ‘capital’ Kilinochchi, sitting in front of a map of what he very reasonably expected would soon be his Eelam.
For me, nothing sums up the post-war crisis in Sri Lanka as neatly as the choice its voters face even four years after the defeat of the LTTE – Ranil Wickremasinghe, Sarath Fonseka or Mahinda Rajapaksa.
None of these leaders has the capacity to get the better of Sinhala fundamentalism, even if they were motivated to try.
An alternative simply must emerge.
Long War, Cold Peace‘ shows just how much space there is at the centre of Sri Lankan politics, and provides some much needed hope that it will eventually be filled.
The outpouring of angst about the Bodu Bala Sena is certainly encouraging, as was the sight of those responsible for the attack on Fashion Bug hiding their faces with their robes as they were being taken into custody by the Police, since this implies that they believe that Sri Lankans regard such actions as shameful. They are right. However, it is not just about stopping a few crazy monks and their followers going around throwing stones, although that is essential. There is also an ideology to be tackled.
Sinhala Buddhists are standing up against violence, but they must also stand up against the ideological foundations of the anti-Muslim campaign.
*Kath Noble’s column may be accessed via http://kathnoble.wordpress.com/. She may be contacted at kathnoble99@gmail.com.

Govt. won’t comply with UNHRC resolution: GL

TUESDAY, 09 APRIL 2013 

The Government yesterday reaffirmed in Parliament that it did not concur with the US-sponsored resolution adopted at the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) sessions on March 22.

Responding to a statement by Opposition United National Party (UNP) leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, External Affairs Minister G.L. Peiris said therefore the Government would not hold talks with anyone on the matters contained in the resolution.

“Sri Lanka cannot acquiesce with the resolution adopted. First and foremost among the reasons for such a decision is that the resolution calls for an oral update on Sri Lanka at the 24th session in September this year, and a comprehensive report at the 25th session in 2014. It means Sri Lanka will figure on the UN agenda every six months. When we survey the global situation, Sri Lanka is not a country with a troubling situation in the world. The proportionality of this resolution cannot be accepted as a result,” he said.

The minister said the resolution seeks to incorporate both the report of the panel of experts, dubbed by Sri Lanka as the Dharusman report and the report by United Nations Human Rights High Commissioner Navi Pillay.

“Soon after the war ended in 2009, the High Commissioner called for an international investigation. In her report, she reaffirmed her position. We reject it,” he said and described the resolution as a catalyst for dissension and violence which has now spilled over to spheres such as cricket and cinema.(Kelum Bandara and Yohan Perera)




Ministry of External Affairs fights back

08 April 2013

Sri Lanka invited those "who make unfounded and exaggerated allegations as well as unrealistic demands as solutions" to visit Sri Lanka for themselves and see the progress themselves, in a statement issued today by the External Affairs Ministry. Deeming the call by the Tamil Nadu state assembly as "disturbing", the ministry asserted that the reports of Tamil Nadu fishermen being attacked by the Sri Lankan Navy were "erroneous and without any factual basis". Slamming international calls for accountability, the ministry claimed that allegations against Sri Lanka's security forces were "based on hearsay, misinformation, misperceptions and ethno-nationalistic ideologies".
See here. Extracts reproduced below:
"In this context, it is regrettable that sections of Tamil communities living abroad have resorted to sustained protests and calls for unfriendly measuresagainst Sri Lanka, ostensibly to obtain political rights for Tamils in Sri Lanka. These groups and parties have recommended solutions and demands that have no relevance to the ground realities in Sri Lanka but can militate against the efforts taken by the Government of Sri Lanka to provide justice and to arrive at arrangements for reconciliation."
"Strident demands to stop calling Sri Lanka a friendly country by some aredisturbing and do not relate at all to the continuing friendship and cooperation between India and Sri Lanka that has stood the test of time and finds expression today in a multifaceted relationship encompassing all regions of India and all aspects of modern life including substantive economic interaction."
"Descriptions of the military conflict with the LTTE and its concluding phase in anemotive and unrealistic manner and demands for international intervention in Sri Lanka are devoid of merit and smack of prejudiceAllegations levelled against the Sri Lankan State, its leaders and Security Forces are based on hearsay, misinformation, misperceptions and ethno-nationalistic ideologies."
"The Government of Sri Lanka is willing to conduct inquiries into any allegations, if duly presented to authorities in Sri Lanka, through the judiciary and military tribunals, in line with practice followed by all other democratic nations. The persistent allegations against the Sri Lanka Navy with regard to alleged killing and harassment of Indian fishermen are erroneous and without any factual basis."




Major General Kamal Gunaratne to be made a sacrificial lamb

Monday, 08 April 2013 
There are doubts of a conspiracy to frame Major General Kamal Gunaratne, who commanded the 53rd Brigade and the 8th Task Force during the Wanni operation, for the release of some pictures that could be used to prove allegations of war crimes committed during the final stages of the war, sources from the Army said. Most of the pictures that have reached the international media are reportedly of killings carried out by the units commanded by Major General Gunaratne and according to army sources the latest conspiracy could be aimed at preventing him from becoming the Army Commander in future.
The photographs taken during the war that have been publicized by Channel 4, JDS organization and the Global Tamil Forum (GTF) are of incidents that had taken place under the 53rd Brigade and the 8th Task Force. Among these materials are the video of the assassination LTTE cadres who had surrendered in Puthukuduirippu on 2009.04.06, the video of the assassination of LTTE cadres captured in the Nandikadal area on 2009.05.17 and Balachandran’s murder on 2009.05.19.
Apart from this video graphic material, the other mater that has been released is of a video and pictures of Eastern Tiger leader Ramesh held captive by the military on 2009.05.17. According to the video and photographic evidence, army commander personnel are surrounding Ramesh and it was Colonel Ralph Nugera who commanded the Army Commando unit at the time.
“Assassinating Colonel Ramesh was not the only war crime committed by the Commando soldiers during the Wanni operation. However, it was first then Brigadier Chagi Gallage and later Brigadier Shavendra Silva who commanded these units.
It was the 58th Brigade commanded by Shavedra Silva that also committed was crimes at the time. Nevertheless, evidence on these incidents has not yet surfaced. Therefore, it is clear that these videos and photographs have been released to put Major General Kamal Gunaratne in difficulty,” a senior army officer said.
“Not only media personnel, but even some army personnel were not permitted to enter certain areas during the Wanni operation. However, senior officers had the freedom to travel to any area during the operation. One commanding officer took with him in his vehicle a television journalist from the Rupavahini to every area in the battle field. This journalist had several cameras. The suspicion is why the journalist used cameras other than the one with the Rupavahini logo to film scenes on the battlefield.”
The senior army officer who spoke to us made this revelation. Major General Kamal Gunaratne is well known as a silent military officer who had the complete trust of the Defence Secretary. He does not have a close rapport with the media as well. Therefore, Major General Gunaratne is believed to be the Defence Secretary’s first choice to hold the post of Army Commander in future.

You got to thank God for how ever you were created. If Big Man can do this then never blame God for who you are. Believe in your self that with determination all things are possible.



Lakshman Kadirgamar – The Father I Remember

By Ajita Kadirgamar -April 9, 2013
Ajita Kadirgamar
Colombo TelegraphTypically on a parent’s birth or death anniversary family members make a trip to the graveyard, place flowers, say a silent prayer or shed a tear. April 12, 2013 marks the 81st birth anniversary of my father Lakshman Kadirgamar, and for the first time since his assassination eight years ago I am here for his birth anniversary, on Sri Lankan soil where the dastardly deed took place.
However I have nowhere to go to remember him, pay respects or even reminisce. My father’s parents, four brothers and sister, all long departed, never received the remains of their beloved youngest son and sibling into the family grave. My father has no symbolic earth-bound resting place, no urn containing ashes, no headstone, nowhere to lay flowers.  Upon his death eight years ago, his ashes were unceremoniously stolen from us, his children and rightful family, despite pleas for at least a fair share. Knowing my father as we his family did,  he would have wanted at least some part of his remains to be returned to their rightful place within the family plot, for he was fiercely proud of his ancestry and of the family name.
For me the past ten years living in the US, during which time he was assassinated, meant there were no daily reminders of my father’s greatness or his standing in Sri Lankan society. But now that I am back in the motherland there is no escape. His name comes up in every socio-political conversation whether public or private, his statue stands tall in the heart of the city, total strangers from all walks of life, upon learning of my connection to him, praise his life and mourn his premature loss. His memory will live on no doubt as a great son of Sri Lanka, forever etched in history.
Kadirgamar with Ajita
What do I remember of my father? I called him dada and he called me ‘sweetheart’ or Ajj all his life.  Growing up, on the very, very rare instances he admonished me, he would call me by my full name. And then I knew it was serious business.
He traveled extensively his whole life. When I was a young girl he would bring me Barbie dolls, lacy stockings and socks, baked beans, chocolate, pencils, erasers and other luxuries that were not available in Sri Lanka in the austere 60′s and 70’s of my youth. I was the envy of all my classmates when I brought my stationery treasures to school or wore my stockings and socks to birthday parties.
I do remember when I was very young, sometimes on a Sunday morning as he lazed in bed with the newspapers, I would breeze in, jump on the bed and coerce him to lie flat on his stomach so that I could  walk up and down on his spine like a tightrope walker or pretend I was a cowgirl riding a horse. Ever patient, he would humour me.
My father was of course the consummate lawyer, always holed up in his chambers located at the front of the house, or appearing in various courts around the country, or travelling around the world. So we did not see much of him. But I would frequently skip in and out of his chambers, past the clerk, other lawyers and clients. He would always acknowledge my presence even if he was in the midst of something important. I was a familiar sight to all of the client and lawyer colleague ‘uncles’ too, usually riding my bike up and down the driveway or the lane, sitting in a tree or on a wall or engaged in some other tomboyish activity.
For the first decade of my life, he had to be summoned, even coerced from his law chambers to pose with my brother and I for annual birthday photos during our parties. This was something he hated apparently, since he can be seen frowning in most photos, his mind no doubt on the case he was analysing or the notes he was taking at the time.  When he was not dictating letters, he always wrote his copious notes by hand. In fact I don’t recall him ever using a typewriter and certainly not a computer. I doubt that even in the last years of his life he ever transitioned to computer and cell phone technology. Yes, he was old school in many ways.
He is of course best remembered for his fine speeches, some prepared, some off the cuff, for he was a master of the English language. When I was in my teens and in the throes of writing essays and sitting exams, he presented me with his Oxford English Dictionary which he had used at Law College and at Balliol College. Dedicating it to me he wrote, “When in doubt, look it up”. I too inherited his love, respect and awe of the written word and even though I am more likely to look up a dictionary or Thesaurus online these days, his dictionary will be passed on to my son who also demonstrates remarkable writing skills.
Kadirgamar with grandson Keira
Growing up in Ceylon, I was always aware of how sociable and well loved my father was. He had a grand assortment of very close and dear friends. They were Hindu, Buddhist, Muslim, Burgher – such an eclectic mix, such wonderful personalities with names like Ananda, Sandy, Vichu, Fritz, Gordon, Ralph, Singha, Terry, Malli, Douglas. He loved their company, and craved stimulating conversation. He relished spending one-on-one time with them on the verandah or in the garden at Anderson Road and later at Thunmulla Junction, talking about the law, politics, world affairs, and the good old days, all the time sipping their drinks and smoking their cigarettes. During the many years he spent in Switzerland at the UN, I think he felt socially isolated and he missed the camaraderie and old boy’s network that makes Sri Lanka so special. On his trips to Colombo therefore, he would meet up with as many friends and colleagues as possible, getting his full dose of social life  and intellectual revitalisation before returning to the routine and mundane lifestyle of the western world.
He did love the water. Childhood family holidays in Trinco, Passekudah, Kalkudah and Bentota would find him leisurely swimming laps in the hotel swimming pool or bobbing around carefree in the ocean even after the sun had set. How ruthless that he was killed as he stepped out of his own private swimming pool, after doing what he loved, the only activity that allowed him a modicum of freedom and relaxation.
As a lifelong sports enthusiast and prize winning Trinity College and Colombo University athlete (cricket, rugby, athletics) I know it pained him not to be able to go and watch the various matches and tournaments like a common citizen. He sacrificed every personal and social activity that we all take for granted to live as a virtual prisoner, whisked in and out of cars and buildings, surrounded by security at all times. In the early days of his political career and when the security risks were at their height, he apologised for not being able to go shopping personally to buy birthday or Christmas gifts for me or my son. I still have a hand written note he wrote with an apology and a cash check attached instead.
When packing to return to Sri Lanka at the beginning of this year I was faced with the mammoth task of sorting through all my belongings which have traveled around the world with me over the past 40 years. There were birthday cards, letters, telegrams and postcards he sent me during his travels in the 60′s and 70′s to England, Vietnam, India, Switzerland, France and other places. I could not bring myself to burn or shred them like I did a lot of other less sentimental material. And so these yellowing, fading mementos, in the absence of any of his other personal possessions which should rightfully have come to us his children, have once again traveled across the ocean and lie packed in a box, to be stored away for posterity.
My memories of him during our years in Oxford in the early 70’s seem to revolve around him smoking his pipe or cigar, both of which I hated for their pungent odor. I would scold him and tell him to stop the ‘disgusting habit’, which was for him a well deserved respite from the stresses of his life, and he would just keep puffing away, much to my annoyance. I will always remember him in his study – every house we ever lived in had to have a study – hundreds of law volumes stacked ceiling high, wearing his brown corduroy jacket, seated behind his desk with a cigar or pipe in hand, the desk lamp casting a halo of smoky light around him. This was the man in his element, the brilliant mind at work.
I used to love his white barrister’s wig and black robe which he had to wear when appearing at the Bar in London.  Once,  for a school play at Wychwood School in Oxford, I acted the part of a lawyer and he allowed me to borrow the wig and robe as my costume. I looked very dignified and authentic in my role and the other English girls were quite in awe of me.
Dada enjoyed gardening for a brief time while living in rural France. He planted some trees in the large, rather bare garden and enjoyed pruning and caring for the roses in summer. He also loved wine and he and my mother would go on wine buying excursions around France. How he would have loved one day to own a house with a proper wine cellar where he could store his treasures.
During my teenage years in Switzerland, one of the things we often did together was drive into Geneva  from the suburbs where we lived to buy the Sunday English newspapers for him and my favourite chocolate for me. Sometimes I hitched a one way ride with him to meet up with friends in the city. When we lived in a small village in France he and my mother would take turns to drive to the Swiss/French border to pick me up around midnight when I took the last bus home from the city on weekend nights. Once I turned eighteen and got my driver’s license he was very generous about lending me his old beat up car in the evenings and on weekends, for we lived out of the city and my social life was restricted by the train schedule.
In 1982 with just one suitcase in hand I came to Colombo on summer vacation from Switzerland where I was studying languages at the University of Geneva. That summer vacation turned into a 20 year stay due to a timely meeting my father arranged for me with the then Chairman of the Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation, M.J. Perera. SLRC had just launched and was looking for people with any kind of background in TV. I had coincidentally just completed a brief apprenticeship at TV Suisse Romande and when M. J. Perera heard this he readily offered me a job. We all agreed that the newly created Western Music section would be the best fit for me. So even a little experience was better than none at all and I became one of the pioneer producer/directors at the station. I soon got my first break as an interviewer, transferred to the Newsroom, and went on to enjoy a career that spanned 20 years in the public eye.
Thus my father was instrumental in the launch of my TV career. Once I had become a familiar face and name, whenever my father came to Colombo on UN business, the immigration and customs officers at the airport would ask if he was related to me, the Kadirgamar on TV. I think he got quite a kick out saying I was his daughter and of course he was proud of my achievements. The tables turned naturally once he entered politics and then everyone would ask me if I was related to him! I would say yes, that’s my father, and jokingly add “but I was famous long before he was!”
Much has been written about Lakshman Kadirgamar the lawyer, the intellectual, the statesman and the orator and though his whole life may have been a rehearsal for the leading role he was to play on the Sri Lankan political stage, I believe he remained a simple man at heart, with few needs but many dreams and plans for this island of ours.
Sadly, he never got to totally fulfill his role as a grandfather to my son, a role I believe he would have excelled at. His parting gift to his only grandchild, during a rare high-security orchestrated visit just before we left Sri Lanka for the US was a tie pin, something the child, now turned adult, cherishes.
We were never to see him alive again. The final time my brother, son and I saw him he was lying in a coffin, wearing his Trinity tie and tie pin, two items I suspect he may have wanted his son or grandson to have.

Recalling What President Mahinda Rajapakse Said

http://www.salem-news.com/graphics/snheader.jpgBased upon past statements, Sri Lanka's President outlined why a war on Tamils was a bad idea.
Sri Lanka President Majinda Rajapakse
Sri Lanka President Majinda Rajapakse
(COLOMBO Sri Lanka) - MAHINDA RAJAPAKSA TO THE LOS ANGELES WORLD AFFAIRS COUNCIL – 28 SEPTEMBER 2007
“Ladies and Gentlemen, our goal remains a negotiated and honourable end to this unfortunate conflict in Sri Lanka. Our goal is to restore democracy and the rule of law to all the people of our country. 54% of SriLanka’s Tamil population now lives in areas other than the north and the east of the country, among the Sinhalese and other communities. There is no ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka – as some media mistakenly highlight. Sri Lanka’s security forces are fighting a terrorist group, not a particular community.”
“I see no military solution to the conflict. The current military operations are only intended to exert pressure on the LTTE to convince them that terrorism cannot bring them victory.” (Excerpt) http://www.president.gov.lk/speech_latest_28_09_2007.asp
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“….WE ARE EQUALLY COMMITTED TO SEEKING A NEGOTIATED AND SUSTAINABLE SOLUTION TO THE CONFLICT IN SRI LANKA” MAHINDA RAJAPAKSA TO THE HINDUSTAN TIMES LEADERSHIP SUMMIT AT NEW DELHI ON 13 OCTOBER 2007
“It is necessary for me to repeat here that while my Government remains determined to fight terrorism, we are equally committed to seeking a negotiated and sustainable solution to the conflict in Sri Lanka. If those who carry arms against the State are willing to enter a process of genuine negotiation towards a peaceful and democratic solution, the government and the people will reciprocate.
In this, it would not be out of place to look forward to understanding and assistance from our regional neighbours and friends, especially those with whom we share the strongest bonds throughout history. We will see in such understanding and assistance the true signs of emerging greatness”. (Excerpt)
http://www.president.gov.lk/speech_latest_13_10_2007.asp
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“WE ARE STILL READY TO TALK,..” MAHINDA RAJAPAKSA’S SPEECH AT OXFORD UNION – 14 MAY 2008
“As our forces seek to defeat and disarm the LTTE, we are firm in our resolve to have a negotiated solution to the crisis in Sri Lanka. I do not believe in a military solution. We have attempted talks with the LTTE on several occasions – thrice since my election as the President – but they have not reciprocated. They have always left the talks with lame excuses. We are still ready to talk, once we are certain of their genuine intent for a political solution… and their readiness to give up arms”. (Excerpt)
http://www.president.gov.lk/speech_New.asp?Id=51

We're with the government – Ranil

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TUESDAY, 09 APRIL 2013 
The international community cannot pressurize Sri Lanka if the recommendations of Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) are implemented and if the international community continues to pressurize our country even after the LLRC recommendations are implemented we would work with the government against such a move says the Leader of the Opposition Ranil Wickremesinghe.
The Leader of the Opposition made these observations addressing a meeting held at Pansalwatta grounds at Thotalanga on Sunday. The Chief Organizer of the UNP for Colombo North Ravi Karunanayake and several other UNP representatives were present.