Anarchism and hooliganism once again against "Udayan". Unknown gang attack Kilinochchi office

Wednesday , 03 April 2013

In the objective of oppressing the daily distributions of "Udayan" newspaper and in the manner of threatening the employees, the “Udayan” press located at  Kilinochchi was  attacked by an unknown gang today  around 5.00 a.m in the early morning hours.

 

The office got damaged due to the attack and two distributors including the branch office Manager totally four persons have got severely wounded and are admitted to hospital.

 

The vehicle which was involved as usual in distributions was ready to unload the newspaper copies at the “Udayan” regional office located at Kandy highway,  Karadipokku junction, an unknown gang which was  hiding in the neighboring unoccupied buildings and behind shrubs have assaulted the distributors  who came by the vehicle with  batons, intruded inside the office have smashed is the horrifying incident occurred  states reports.

 

Due to this unruly activity, two of the distributors were severely wounded and were admitted to the hospital for treatment, and others were affected with minor injuries. Meanwhile the office was completely damaged and a complaint was lodged at the Kilinochchi police concerning this incident.

  

Many attempts in recent times are occurred to obstruct press copies reaching the public, in a well-planned manner mainly in Vanni region.

  Reports states, attempts are advanced to obstruct the distributions and the newspaper distributors are facing severe threats.

 

  

 

TNA Condemnes Today’s Uthayan Newspaper Attack

By Colombo Telegraph -April 3, 2013

The Tamil National Alliance expresses its grave concern over an attack today, 3rd March 2013, by armed assailants of the Kilinochchi distribution office of the Uthayan newspaper.

Two staff were hospitalized after sustaining injuries, and property – including vehicles – has been damaged. The attack took place when a vehicle carrying copies of the newspaper for distribution arrived at the Kilinochchi office. The incident is the latest in a series of brutal attacks on Uthayan staff in the last few months. In December 2012, the Editor T. Premananth was hospitalized after military officers and plain-clothes policemen beat him repeatedly while he was covering a protest at the University of Jaffna. In January this year, an Uthayan employee who was distributing newspapers in Velvettithurai was attacked by four armed men who also torched his motorbike. The victim was admitted to hospital with a fractured arm. No arrests have been made in relation to any of these attacks.

Only last Saturday, a mob of over 50 persons attacked a public meeting held at the TNA office in Kilinochchi by throwing rocks from a short distance. The attacks resulted in injuries to 13 persons and extensive damage to property. These attacks were caught on video and the persons involved are easily identifiable. However, not one person has been arrested in relation to this violence, despite the presence of police on the scene while the attack took place. In fact, one assailant apprehended by those present at the meeting was identified to be an officer of the Crimes Investigation Department [CID] of the Sri Lankan Police. He was handed over to the Kilinochchi police but was released shortly thereafter.

“These attacks on the democratic expression of Tamils in the North and East are clearly carried out with the active support, sanction and collusion of the Sri Lankan government. They are a vain and counterproductive attempt to suppress and persecute Tamils for their political aspirations. We call on all right-thinking citizens of this country and members of the international community to prevail on the Sri Lankan government to immediately cease the violence directed against the Tamil People. In this regard, we continue to condemn the numerous episodes of mob violence against the Muslim community and Christian places of worship, and demand that action be taken against the purveyors of violent hate. We reiterate that to prevent a non-recurrence of the past, Sri Lanka must embark on a meaningful process of reconciliation based on ensuring truth, justice and reparations for victims of violent crimes committed by all parties.” says the TNA.

International Bar concerned over Justice Shirani Thilakawardene chairing impeachment petition

Tuesday, 02 April 2013 

The Human Rights Institute of International Bar Association (IBAHRI) says it is seriously concerned about justice Shirani Thilakawrdene who was the key witness against Chief Justice Shirani Banadaranayake charing the 10-member bench that hears the petition about the legality of impeachment.

The rapporteur of IBAHRI team that investigated the impeachment process Sadakat Kadri has told BBC Sandeshaya that the international body representing lawyers and judges worldwide is also concerned whether the hearing will be postponed until next year to pave the way for President Mahinda Rajapaksa to appoint 3-4 new judges and then overrule the Appeal Court decision.

The Appeal Court earlier ruled that the impeachment process was illegal according to Sri Lanka’s constitution.

The 10-member bench chaired by Justice Thilakawardene, who testified against Shirani Bandaranayake at the Parliamentary Select Committee ( PSC), has postponed the hearing until 11th June but IBAHRI says the hearing may again be postponed until the end of this year or early next year until the President appoints new judges to the Supreme Court.

In his interview with BBC Sandeshaya, Barrister Sadakat Kadri has described Mohan Peiris as Sri Lanka’s “ad-hoc Chief Justice.”

Ruling that the whole impeachment process was “flawed from the beginning” the IBAHRI team that has investigated the impeachment in a report says that Sri Lanka is facing a constitutional crisis as a result of the “illegal” removal of country’s Chief Justice.

Recommending the reinstatement of the Chief Justice and the repeal of 18 th amendment to the constitution, IBAHRI also urges the Commonwealth to study their report before holding the CHOGM in Sri Lanka later this year.

April 1971 JVP Uprising: Not To Make The Same Mistakes

By Laksiri Fernando -April 2, 2013

Dr Laksiri Fernando

It was still Ceylon. The JVP cadres were supposed to attack all possible police stations simultaneously on 5 April night in a bid to trigger a ‘revolution’ but the impatient members in Wellawaya made the attack a day before unintentionally alerting the police and the government. Perhaps they received the wrong instructions about the date. Those days unlike today, the armed forces were so small and the police was the main bastion of the State. Capturing power in that fashion by capturing police stations however was impossible by any imagination. More pertinent question was what they would have done in case they had managed to capture power.

I was an Assistant Lecturer in Economics at the Vidyodaya University at that time, a prominent stronghold of the JVP. April 5th was a Monday and when I went for my lectures in the morning not even half of the students were attending. All the prominent JVP activists were absent. The whole Campus appeared deserted. As I belonged to a breakaway group from theLSSP at that time and quite aware of the JVP activities, it was not a secret for us that the JVP might attack the government at any time but exact date was not known. It was on Radio Ceylon for the midday news that the Wellawaya attack was announced. There was a stern warning from the police not to get involved in any subversive activities.

Context

It was less than a year ago in May 1970 that the JVP supported the United Front (UF) government led bySirimavo Bandaranaike’s SLFP and assisted by the two main left parties, the LSSP and the CP, to come into power. Whether it was merely a tactic to first support and then attack or whether they actually got disillusioned within a year is a question of speculation. It could be both. While unemployment, including graduate unemployment, was exceedingly high without a proper plan or solution after the election, the state repression also was high even curtailing any leftwing or youth activity in the country. The left parties were jubilant of their service to the government, otherwise called a ‘bourgeoisie regime.’

Just a year later, therefore, the JVP attempted to capture state power through extra-parliamentary means but miserably failed without popular support to the purported revolution. Compared to the previous radical or violent political events in the country, the uprising and its suppression were extraordinarily ferocious on both sides and created a chain of violent political cycles of which Sri Lanka has not yet been in a position to recover. Although the major insurrectionary events lasted only for three weeks in April, it took nearly three more months to completely eradicate the rebellion outposts in the jungles and remote villages. The official death toll was 1,200 but unofficial figures reliably estimated it to be around 4-5,000.

The insurrection by its very nature was to capture state power in fairly a democratic country at least at that time. It was not a spontaneous rebellion by the youth facing unemployment or any such hardships. It was a planned insurrection by the JVP, working as an underground insurrectionary party, of course affected by and utilizing various socio-economic issues. If not for those socio-economic grievances large numbers of youth would not have joined the movement. In addition, the JVP considered the unemployed rural youth and university students as its political support base or vanguard. This theory resonated some of the New Left ideas of Herbert Marcuse or Jean Paul Sartre who sought new vanguards for contemporary social revolutions. No serious attempts however were made to appeal to the other sections of the society. There was no serious trade union wing under the JVP unlike today. Trade union struggles were considered kanda koppa satan to mean ‘struggles for the porridge bowl.’ In that sense it was a leftwing adventure.
Insurrection

During the insurrection, altogether over 70 police stations were attacked and 40 of them were either captured or forced to abandon for security reasons. After assessing the security situation, when the army moved in, the revolution however failed. The 1971 insurrection did not produce anything tangibly positive. It left only a legacy. It however created a culture of political violence that has been the bane of the country since then. It is arguable whether it was the outcome of a major malice underneath or the/a cause for the subsequent events.

It is argued that the LTTE not only was influenced but took the excuse or the example from the JVP insurrection. This is one argument of the study by Gamini Samaranayake, titled “Political Violence in Sri Lanka, 1971-1987.” The promulgation of the 1972 Constitution was completely unrelated to the event. The standardization of university admissions in 1972 could be considered a distorted outcome of the insurrection, which on the other hand created grievances on the part of the Tamil youth. The 1971 insurrection was solely by the Sinhala rural youth.

One impact of the insurrection was the de-legitimacy of the incumbent ‘center left UF’ government that slowly created conditions for the more ‘conservative UNP’ to take over the country in 1977. Or are we mixing up all the leftwing terminology to interpret the political history of the country upside down? Judging by the facts that the JVP itself supported the UF to come to power at the 1970 elections, and launched the insurrection within a year, it is not unreasonable to conclude that the objective result of the insurrection was the strengthening of the opposition in the country whether it was rightwing or not.

The JVP, the party that launched the insurrection did not draw its lessons for posterity. They made bigger mistake in 1987-89. Only genuine admissions of ‘error’ came from some leaders who left the movement for various reasons. Although the number of the ‘deserters’ was significant, the impact remained inconsequential. Even there can be doubts whether they have drawn the correct lessons judging by the type of politics or activities that some of them have been involved in later.

There was some temporary admiration of the bravery of those who were involved in the insurrection by local and international commentators. Some of the local admirers came from unexpected quarters like Ian Goonetileke or Yohan Devananda. Undoubtedly, the insurrectionists were brave to mean that they risked their lives or future for a ‘cause that they believed in.’ That was mostly at an individual level and some of the leaders involved apparently proved to be some of the best brains in the country. They could have done a better service to the society or for social change if they were not lured to violence in that instance.

Interpretations 

There were a plethora of literature or theories that attempted to understand and explain the event and its causes. HAI Goonetileke’s Bibliography on the subject documents almost all the initial studies conducted on the insurrection. The most popular theories were in the sphere of sociology or political sociology that in fact argued for valid socio-economic and other reasons which supposedly led the leaders to lead the insurrection or the supporters to join the rebellion. There were around 16,000 who were supposed to have followed the movement directly and indirectly.

The population explosion, dysfunctional education, stagnation in the economy, rural poverty and more precisely the unemployment and graduate unemployment were highlighted as the salient socio-economic factors behind the uprising. All these undoubtedly were objectively verifiable factors that remained more or less on the same level or ferocity throughout the years of 1960s or 1970s. Why then the insurrection took place in April 1971 was the question. There were several political scientists who went slightly deeper into investigate the political circumstances of the insurrection and the ideology of the JVP, but soon conveniently fell back into the socio-economic explanations and more or less concluded that there had been something wrong in the society that led to the insurrection.

There had always been something wrong with the existing society no doubt. The left parities in the country were in fact were formed even prior to independence to fight against these injustices or inequalities. But to wage war against a government that was elected with their own support on those grievances or injustices was completely a different matter. It could have come, under the prevailing circumstances, either from ‘leftwing idealism’ or from ‘quest for power’ for some reason. While in the case of the 1971 insurrection, the first possibility was undoubtedly prevalent to a great extent, the second strand of motivation also cannot be ruled out. It was this ‘subjective aspect’ of the insurrection and the movement that many of the initial theories and interpretations of the 1971 insurrection neglected or failed to grasp. This subjectivity of the JVP ideology has been abundantly clear thereafter in their second failed attempt of insurrection in 1987-89.

The frustration-aggression theory and the theories based on the same premises have failed to understand that frustration or underlying socio-economic grievances themselves would not automatically lead to aggression or rebellion without intermediary factors such as leadership, ideology and organization. This is common to both leftwing and rightwing movements. Take the example of Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) today. It is the leaderships, organization and ideology that instigate violence. This is what I mean by subjective factors in this article. Violence is not inherent; it is basically constructed, cultivated and taught, either by the society or by political movements.

In the case of the JVP, its mastermind Rohana Wijeweera was instrumental in bringing a particular kind of violent political ideology to this country. It was during his studies at the Lumumba University in Moscow that he acquired, in my view, a distorted version of Marxism and revolution, like what Pol Pot of Cambodia acquired in France. Wijeweera did not acquire his theories from the Russian revolutionary literature but from some contemporary pseudo-revolutionary theories popular among his contemporaries like Kassim Hanga of Zanzibar and Che Ali of Indonesia. Kassim Hanga and the group led a ‘one day revolution’ in Zanzibar in January 1964 which was successful and that was the model initially Wijeweera wanted to follow in Sri Lanka.

The broad spectrum of the theory argued that revolutions are possible in different ways. The workers and peasants are not necessary. What is needed is the cultivation of a committed cadre organization. Armed struggle and simultaneous uprising was the strategy. Undoubtedly, the prevailing economic and social grievances helped the JVP to convince 2,000 to 3,000 cadres to participate in the insurrection and over 10,000 youth and others to help them. The ideology of the JVP at that time was a combination of a type of socialism and an extreme form of nationalism. The ‘Indian expansionism’ was one of their five lessons. The main thrust of the ideology was the justification of violence under different pretexts and reasons.

There were of course excesses on the part of the counter-insurgency operations but they were limited or mild compared to many other situations in the contemporary world or later events in Sri Lanka. There were nomass graves uncovered like in Matale today related to the 1971 insurrection. The suppression of the communist insurrection in Indonesia in 1965 was also a contrast. But it cannot be denied that both the insurrectionary and counter-insurrectionary measures since early 1971 finally led to the April insurrection.

Some of the measures, however, such as the declaration of emergency and arrest of suspects for security reasons left no option but Wijeweera to call for the insurrection somewhat carelessly on the 5th night of April. He was in jail and kept in Jaffna by that time. One objective of the insurrection was to rescue him from Jaffna jail by paralyzing the country. The rape and murder of Kataragama beauty queen, Premawathee Manamperi, was a high point of army excesses. I myself lost two of my friends who were active in the teachers union but did not have any connections with the JVP. It was later revealed that they were killed to avenge a personal grudge by a police officer.

Conclusion

Violence it appears contagious. It is like a horrible epidemic. The insurrection changed the mindset of many people, alas negatively, both in the authority and those who almost naturally opposed it, on both sides of the ethnic divide. The reasons for the distinction are not easy to figure. The insurrection opened the flood gates. Sri Lanka never could become the same.

Recurrent cycles of violence were to follow after small interlude after 1971 in almost all spheres of political life from elections to ethnic relations and political party competition. This has been the unfortunate saga of Sri Lanka for which collective solutions needs to be sought by all political parties, religious organizations and civil society movements. The JVP hopefully could play a major role in this process through their experience. The JVP has played many positive feats lately for example in bringing the 17th Amendment. In the midst of a need for a regime change today, whatever the temptation or provocation, it should stick to nonviolent and peaceful methods as they have exhibited capable in the last decade or so. The power of the mind and ideas might prove to be more successful than the power of the muscle or the arms. It only requires more discipline and more determination. It is the same path that the remaining rebels in the North should follow in Sri Lankan politics.

In curtailing violence, on the other hand, the strong arm operations or the notion of ‘security state’ advocated by the present security establishment is not going to be a solution to the situation. Much worse would be the use of strong arm tactics against one sector of the society i.e. the North while being lenient on the other i.e. the BBS.

CaFFE and CHR condemn the attack on Uthayan office


Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE) and Center for Human Rights and Research (CHR) strongly condemn the attack on Uthayan office in Kilinochchi today (April 3) morning. We see this as a continuation of media suppression in the North and the attempt to create a fear psychosis in the province.

The attack, which resulted in property damage and the hospitalization of three employees, is the 29th attack on Uthayan in its 28 year old existence (estd in 1985.) Earlier in February a newspaper distributor for Thinakural newspaper was assaulted while another Uthayan journalist was assaulted in January. These continuous assaults on the media industry have caused great harm to the country’s international image.

The suppression of media and restricting the activities of civil society groups in the North has acted as a main barrier for normalization. In a recent visit to Jaffna CaFFE experienced the restrictions imposed by the government on civil society organizations.

This alarming trend and the creation of an environment poisoned by fear in an area where provincial council elections are to be held soon needs to be immediately addressed by the government at a time when we are closely scrutinized by the international community.

Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon

Executive Director

Center for Human Rights and Research (CHR)

Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE)

April 3rd, 2013

Arts Festival Becomes A Government Mouthpiece

By Frances Harrison -April 3, 2013

Frances Harrison

Perhaps most shocking was that they came in military uniform to an arts festival. It could have been a bold move to include a session on war reporting in the latest literary event in the Sri Lankan capital – Colomboscope. Sponsored by Standard Chartered Bank and organised by the British Council and Goethe Institute, the boundaries of freedom of expression should at least have been nudged forward a little.

But three of the four-member panel were government spokesmen. The only dissenting voice a very articulate German war correspondent, who didn’t seem to have actually reported on the end of the war in 2009 (another journalist was invited, but later pulled out). She looked increasingly frustrated and uncomfortable as the session proceeded and she came under attack as part of an undefined western conspiracy against Sri Lanka. Her words about coming to terms with the past were applauded by the audience but made little impact on the panelists bent on rewriting history to their advantage.

You only have to read the comments on Twitter to chart the mounting frustration of Sri Lankan journalists in the audience and see how badly managed the event was. There was very little time for audience participation, that might have challenged the views of the panel, where the moderator clearly did not.

The session was entitled ‘Counting the Bodies’, which is suspiciously similar to my book ‘Still Counting the Dead’. There was a willful misquoting of my book too. As part of the argument that wild casualty figures were part of a foreign conspiracy, the number of 147,000 dead was wrongly attributed to me. This is a number cited by a compatriot, the Bishop of Mannar, in his submission to an official commission. It isn’t a figure for the dead, but for the missing and that too derived from government statistics. My book cited the Bishop’s figure, as it did the government’s figures, which vary from zero to seven thousand dead. It’s hard to imagine the two military spokesmen were not properly briefed – this was deliberate obfuscation. Interestingly the military spokesmen received warm applause from members of the audience, clearly comforted and soothed by their assurances that tens of thousands of people were not slaughtered after all.

The debate was supposed to focus on the problems of war reporting but ironically half the panel were those who’d caused the problems – and on purpose. No independent witnesses were allowed by the Sri Lankan army into the no-fire zones – aid workers or journalists and access to the refugees who fled was strictly controlled.

At least I watched ‘Counting the Bodies’ on YouTube (below) and didn’t have to buy a ticket for the event. I hope next year Colomboscope has a session on the end of the war in 2009 where there are three international war crimes lawyers and human rights activists and only one government representative who had nothing to do with the war. That would balance this year’s session.

The British Council in Colombo declined to comment on the session, but emphasised that the festival was “independently curated” by someone outside the council. What’s shocking as a UK tax payer is to find my money is being used to whitewash war crimes and crimes against humanity in Sri Lanka. This is insidious and highly political for an arts festival and not something the British Council should be involved in again.

httpv://www.youtube.com/watch?fv=q5PU6quAOi4

*This article is first appeared in Asian Correspondent

Action to release the land belonging to Uthiravengai Vairavar temple. Sritharan request Government Agent to give a proper response.

Wednesday , 03 April 2013

A request was made by Tamil National Alliance member C.Sritharan, to handover the land belonging to Thondamannagar Uthiravengai Vairavar Temple closer to Kilinochchi town, coming under the Kanagambikaikulam grama sevaka division, to the temple trustees.

 

 

Concerning this, a letter was forwarded to Government Agent indicating that three acres of lands belonging to Uthiravengai Vairavar temple used for religious activities during festival season has been illegally confiscated by a private organization located in Anuradhapura which does not have any links with Kilinochchi soil and now the relevant sources have displayed a “no entry board”.

 

The respective persons have also threatened the temple trustee board. I am aware that this land belongs to the temple more than 35 years as my birth place is Kilinochchi and I am a resident of this soil.

 

Due to war occurred in the past period, many lands in Kilinochchi are not handed over to the people in the proper manner, which is aware.

 

Lands belonging to people and public movements are illegally confiscated by those coming from southern part of Sri Lanka and towards this mission; some Tamil officials are aiding and abating which is much depressing.

 

Concerning this land issue, I forwarded a letter to Karaichi divisional secretary and a copy I forwarded to you last month 18th, but so far I have not received response from the divisional secretary or from you.

 

Documents pertaining to the said land are in the possession of the temple administration and concerning this relevant officials had been notified.

 

 Hence you being in the position of District Government Agent should take measures to curtail the land confiscation owned by the Uthiravengai Vairavar temple and hand over the premises to the temple trustee board was mentioned in the letter forwarded to Government Agent.

Wednesday , 03 April 2013

MaRa directly pressurizes Fashion Bug to cave in to a settlement – Laws regardless

(Lanka-e-News-
03.April.2013, 12.30PM) Under the criminal procedure code of SL , no settlements can be made by consent between the parties pertaining to unlawful assembly and mob attacks on civilians causing damage and loss to property . If the loss exceeds Rs. one lakh from such attacks , there is no law in SL under which a settlement between the parties can be arrived at. 

Yet , the Gangodawila Magistrate performed a miracle in relation to the mob attack comprising the Bodhu Bala Sena (BBS) and their goons who were taken into custody following the organized attack on the Pepiliyana Fashion Bug establishment on the 25th Thursday , causing grievous hurt to its Manager (still hospitalized) , a media personnel, the police and in addition causing damage to the establishment entailing losses to the tune of many lakhs , when he released the suspects- three Sangha hoodlums and 14 civilians on the ground that both parties to the dispute have come to a settlement .

Mind you this historic , illegal and most reprehensible decision had been taken based on the pressures directly exerted by the President of the country , Mahinda Rajapakse ,of all people! Towards this decision taking , war crime suspect Gotabaya Rajapakse , Chief ( cheat) thief justice Mohan Peiris the AG, PC Faizer Mustafa and DIG Senanayake notorious for bringing the police to disgraceful levels have contributed via conspiratorial machinations.

The story reported to Lanka e news thus far …..

PC Faizer Mustafa who went and met the Fashion Bug owner the day following the attack , had in the midst of the discussion told , he wished to phone the President , the highest in the hierarchy of the marauding regime. He had used his mobile phone and spoken in a manner so that those around could hear. MaRa the despot who was at the other end had then spoken to the Fashion Bug owner on the mobile phone. After speaking softly first , he has threatened the owner, ‘ there are shops of yours around the whole country , aren’t there? You want to continue with your business ? then don’t allow this issue to snowball , resolve it calmly.’ MaRa has then also threatened them not to produce the CCTV camera footage of the incident. As this mobile phone sound was kept at the maximum , those around also could hear the discussions and unlawful threats posed by a lawfully elected President of the country.

From the very inception , when the BBS was trying to falsely claim that this hooliganism was not committed by them , and that they have evidence to substantiate it , the despotic MaRa and the war crime suspect Gota took initiatives to suppress this incident. With this in view , despite there being ample evidence to incriminate the culprits , by bringing in the notorious DIG Anura Senanayake from outside , and with a team of police officers the investigations were rigged to suit their own dastardly ends. The 17 so called suspects were not those apprehended by the police , rather they were those produced by the BBS according to their whims on instructions from Gota in order to camouflage the entire criminal scenario. 

Though the majority of the victims of the assault who sustained serious injuries were Sinhalese , and they flocked to the courts to express their disapproval against an amicable settlement ,but because of the threats and intimidations posed by the CID groups and the White van government criminals who congregated at the court premises warning the victims against opening their mouths in court , they remained silent . In some instances even their homes had been visited and they had been warned that if they do not consent to a settlement , they would have to face serious problems in the future, according to reports.

The Rajapakses deprived the victims of solace from courts as well as the Muslim leaders by force and coercion . Are the owners of Fashion Bug going to yield to the pressures of the Rajapakses and consent to the settlement , or is the Fashion Bug that suffered from this wanton attack going to wait until all its other business centers are also devastated ? The owners of the establishment finally agreed for a settlement.

When this case was taken up for trial this morning , the Gangodawila chief Magistrate Ajith M Masanga said , this is a not a case where a settlement between the parties can be allowed legally, and put it off until afternoon. But , due to pressures brought to bear on him later by the SL Chief thief justice Mohan Peiris , the magistrate court was overturned into a Kangaroo court of MaRa . The chief Magistrate acting under the illegal pressures, without waiting until afternoon called up the case again within an hour , and released the 17 suspects on illegal grounds. The 17 suspects released were :

Koralawela PuranaRajamaha vihara Dampahala Rahula thero
Galkissa Thelawala Sri Wijaya Dharma center Dumpahala Gnanarathne thero
Koralawala Purana Rajamaha vihara Anuradhapura Palitha
Pepilyana T H M Premakumara thero
Pepiliyana Sajith Lakmal ( owner of SUN communication )
Divulapitiya P K Chandrasiri
Prabath Jayashantha
Divulapitiya E T Champika
Kohuwala Lalith Dharmapriya
Boralesgamuwa Ranil Fernando ( three wheel driver)
Prasanna Wimal De Silva ( Temple underling) 
Menaka Priyadharshana
Pradeep Suranga
Indika Dharmapriya
Chamila Harshan and 
Gayan (16 year old student)

No matter what , the Gangodawila Magistrate who gave this illegal verdict forgetting the law however did not forget the Bana preaching . He preached to the Sangha members and the hoodlums that he being a Buddhist must advise them , based on Buddhist tenets , that without creating social conflicts , they must unite and teach what is good and how to eschew evil to the people. He also emphasized that the followers of Lard Buddha should follow in his footsteps. Perhaps, this is the first time a layman had to preach Buddhism to monks.

After the case was concluded , DIG Senanayake who has earned the ( dis)credit of converting the police service into a Pakkili service had related to the IGP ‘ you see Sir , these Muslim businessmen have an abnormally great respect for our defense secretary.’

While the victims are still in hospitals taking treatment and legally an amicable settlement cannot be arrived at for such an offence under the law, and this is a case that has to be heard by the High court and not the Magistrate court, yet by intervention of the Country’s President directly threatening the complainants ; AG exerting pressures on the judge ; and the verdict being changed flagrantly , blatantly and brazenly unlawfully , only go to illustrate sadly, it is not justice that is being dispensed in this country , but it is its travesty by the grouping together of all those who should be exalting and ensuring the implementation of laws duly.

Colombo Bishop calls for halt to attacks on Lankans in TN

...also notes violence against Christians, Muslims here

April 2, 2013, 9:46 pm 

The Anglican Bishop of Colombo has appealed to the Indian Central Government and the Tamil Nadu State Government to stop immediately the acts of violence perpetrated against Lankans visiting TN, and in particular the attacks targeting Buddhist monks, while stating that attacks in Sri Lanka against Christians and Muslims were too many to list out.

Following is the text of the statement by Rt. Revd. Dhiloraj Canagasabey, Bishop of Colombo:

"Several incidents of intimidation and violence against Sri Lankans have been reported recently from within and outside the Sri Lanka. The most serious of these has undoubtedly been the attacks on two Buddhist monks in Tamil Nadu state. In the first incident in Tamil Nadu, a group of post graduate archaeology students had been attacked during a study tour to a temple site in Thanjavoor. In the second a group of Buddhist pilgrims who had arrived in Chennai from a visit to sacred sites in North India had been attacked at the Chennai Railway Station. In both instances the monks had been singled out for abuse and physical violence, possibly due to their distinctive dress. Several extremists Tamil groups have been identified as perpetrators of these attacks in India. I appeal to the Central Government of India, and the State Government of Tamil Nadu to stop this act of violence immediately and build on the mutual cordial relationship which we have preserved for many, many years. I expect India as the largest Democracy of Asia to act responsibly and not in a way that would fan the spark of ethnic tension in a country that is still struggling to come out of its painful experiences after 30 years of war.

Within Sri Lanka, attacks in the form of intimidation and violence especially on Christians and Muslims have been too many to list out. The Church of Ceylon (Diocese of Colombo) views with grave concern and denounces this growing and very dangerous trend of sectarian violence. These incidents are yet another manifestation of the fast spreading intolerance and fundamentalist extremism which is engulfing many societies today. It is a reflection of the refusal to listen to people who think believe and act differently from us and to accept their freedom and right to do so. From here it is but a short step to blind and mindless violence against the group or groups we choose to demonize.

While we very rightly condemn such acts by others, we also need to turn the spotlight inwards and reflect on and examine our own failings in this regard. It may be that unconsciously in the practice of our own beliefs and religion we have caused avoidable irritation and offence to those of sister faiths. If these practices are not essential to the core of our beliefs and we can modify them without compromising the essentials of our faith, then we ought honestly courageously to look at doing so.

Secondly we need to ask ourselves if actively or through our silence or indifference we consent to, encourage or participate in intimidation and acts of violence against those others not of ‘our group’. We can hardly demonstrate against and condemn such acts by others against us, if we ourselves condone or participate in similar behaviour against those who are different from us. And here true religion or spirituality calls us to go further beyond the ‘Golden Rule’ or the exhortation of the Asokan Rock Edict "Do unto others as you would that they do unto you" we need to say ‘When my brother is under threat or is fallen, I need to stand by him. For Christians, this compulsion is brought out forcefully by Jesus in the story of the Good Samaritan. All women and men of goodwill and moderation of whichever faith or civil society group they may belong to must join hands and strengthen their commitment to ‘stand by the other’ and to speak on behalf of the threatened, the voiceless, the weak and the helpless.

Finally, we also need to remind those in authority that the protection of all groups in society is the primary duty cast on the state. Grievances of one party against another, real or imagined cannot be settled by mob violence and intimidation on the street. It is for the legally constituted enforcement agencies to look into such grievances impartially and strictly within the bounds of the law, free of all extraneous pressures and to work with all persons of good will towards patiently resolving them. During the past decades we have witnessed in this country the tragedy, huge damage and destruction brought about by the negligence of this primary duty.

We must not repeat the mistakes of the past."

Sri Lanka Is ‘Sitting’ On Our Land: Tamil Eelam Occupied, Pillaged And Violated

By Usha S Sri-Skanda- Rajah -April 3, 2013 

Usha S Sri-Skanda-Rajah

Not so fast Kusal Perera I would say. I can see Kusal wants to end the debate with Diaspora Eelam Tamils and run away giving some clever excuse. I didn’t think he was a coward. He did not take up my challenge on a ‘Federal’ constitution either. I went beyond my official capacity in TGTE which is calling for an ‘international protection mechanism’ for the NorthEast people against systematic and structural genocide; which stands for the restoration of an Independent and Sovereign State of Tamil Eelam (me included) and is engaged in collecting the ‘freedom demands’ of the Tamil people living all over the globe and is set to promulgate the Tamil Eelam Freedom Charter on May 18, 2013.

Is that why Kusal doesn’t want to admit that the Sri Lanka is ‘sitting’ on our land? Our land Tamil Eelam that continues to be occupied, pillaged and violated even as we speak.

Yes it is an intrusion; Sri Lanka is trespassing on our home land. And naturally the Diaspora Eelam Tamils, especially the outspoken lot can’t’ go home and live there and assert their rights against a genocidal government; Despite the risks some still go visit their home land, paying a visa fee if they overstay their welcome beyond one month. They dare not utter a word and are forced to toe the government line; if they don’t they would have to encounter harsh punishments such as disappearance, torture and death  by a terror squad allegedly headed by the President’s brother Gotabaya operating the notorious ‘white van’ phenomenon or be transported to the 4^th floor never to see their families again.

It’s not funny that Kusal should say he doesn’t want to listen to the views of Diaspora Tamils: “Sorry madam that counts absolutely nothing for me. I would instead listen to anything a Tamil person in the Vanni has to say. Or to anything a Tamil person still called a SL “refugee” in the Chengalpattu camp would have to say on the issue of separation and their fate,” Kusal says but has the audacity to impose his views on Tamil Nadu and the Indian people in an op-ed in the Hindu. But in that article Kusal was careful to tone down his rhetoric against Tamil Nadu students and was cautious not to call them “riffraff and fringe groups,” otherwise he wouldn’t have been able to get it past print, he is a shrewd operator.

No one, not even the likes of Kusal can disenfranchise the Diaspora Eelam Tamils like what Sinhala leaders did to disenfranchise Indian Ceylonese plantation workers in 1949, “before the ink could dry,” on the 1947Soulbury constitution that came into effect from independence in 1948. Nearly a million of them were repatriated in order to deliberately and surreptitiously reduce the voting strength of Tamils in Ceylon parliament, aimed at facilitating the passage of legislation inimical to the interests of the Tamils.

These workers were part of a generation who toiled for Ceylon so that even now Sri Lanka can sell its tea and make money on cheap labor; its their blood sweat and tears that have helped to establish Sri Lankan tea as the “best tea” in the world, whilst these “modern day slaves” are still paid puny wages and have to live under the worst inhumane living conditions including poor housing and sanitary facilities (I lived in Norwood as a child and saw it all when my father was EE,  Norwood.)  Although their leaders are sleeping with the government of the day; they have achieved nothing for their people. Although flirting with successive Sinhala governments, these leaders got ministerial posts but got scraps for their people that haven’t helped to improve their lot one bit.

It’s not funny that the Diaspora Eelam Tamils are anathema to Kusal and the likes of him; that he would rather talk to the ‘enslaved of people’ of Vanni held captive in a highly militarized zone with a soldier to civilian ration of 1:5; (Vavunyia 1:3) who are ruled by a former Sinhala military governor and no civilian administration; a people crying out for a voice but don’t have one. With the 6^th amendment in force he wants to hear their views on separation; as though they would tell him and risk the dire consequences.

It’s not funny that Kusal would want to talk to the people of Vanni when the Sri Lankan military are interfering with their every day life and are continuing to violate the human, civil, political, and democrat rights of the NorthEast people. That they do not have the right to basic freedoms such as freedom of speech and assembly and have to live in fear that they or their youth could be arrested and taken under the dreaded PTA at any time.

It’s not funny that Kusal would want to speak to them when Vanni women protesting the disappearance of their children were not allowed to board a bus let alone participate in a rally in Colombo; that Tamil women are being subject to rape, forced prostitution and forced recruitment; that the people of Vanni want justice and want the Sri Lankan government to end its impunity for still unaccountable number of people after the war, that the Bishop of Mannar suggested, based on authentic numbers, there were as many as 146,679 persons missing. Actually Kusal should talk to His Worship, on Tamil Nationhood. But no one in Tamil Eelam could express their true aspirations for a free Tamil Eelam as long as they are occupied by an alien military and the 6^th amendment is in force.

It’s not funny that Kusal would want to talk to the people of Vanni when triumphalism rules, when Vanni’s ‘Killing Fields’ have become a tourist site, built over the remains of tens of thousands of innocent Vanni people complete with a Sinhala war memorial whilst the people cannot grieve their dead and Tamil war memorials have been desecrated to build army cantonments.

It’s not funny that arable and residential private and state land are being used for building more cantonments; that the army is into agriculture having taken over 180 hectares of arable land just in one location alone and is engaged in corporatism; that Sinhala settlements are growing and Sinhalese are involved in commercial, fishing and farming activities depriving the Vanni people of their livelihood aimed at changing the demography of the traditional Tamil homeland. That all development are military centered and not environmentally friendly, promoting sustainable development and Tamil Eelam’s resources and land are sold off to foreign governments and entities to line the pockets of the Rajapaksas and keep them in power.

It’s not funny that Kusal would want to talk to the people of Vanni when the IDPs are still not re-housed, are forced away from coming back to their places of origin and live in transit camps or with relatives.

It’s not funny that Kusal would want to talk to the People of Vanni where the Military governor speaks for the people of the Northern Province approving the Divineguma Bill satisfying a Supreme Court ruling that provincial councils had to first agree and give their approval to cede their financial power over to the President’s brother,Basil the Minister of Economic Development; that for that ruling the Chief Justice was impeached.

It’s not funny Kusal would want to talk to the people of Vanni when a “people’s meeting” convened by Tamil legislators of the TNA in Kilinochchi was stoned and disrupted by “state terrorists” ending in injuries to 14 persons: that it is already happening when a provincial council election is expected according to UNHRC 22 resolution in September 2013.

It’s not funny that Kusal would want to speak to: “Tamil person(s)” still called SL “refugee(s)” in the Chengalpattu camp. If Kusal would only ask them, most would say they want Eelam; because they actually protested along with TN students and there are many u tube videos where they express their wish for Eelam.

So asSri Lankais sitting on the land of the Tamils, while it is occupied, pillaged and violated, Tamils feel that with the advent of the illegal 1972 constitution “that removed the safeguards provided by the Soulbury Constitution (29/2) against the “tyranny of the majority”, Tamils have become “free” again to choose their destiny. If Kusal but reads the comments made among other by Mr. Kumar he would understand more about the shenanigans behind the adoption of the ’72 constitution.

It would be most appropriate to conclude by quoting from the Tamil Nation website which explains the “resuscitation of Tamil sovereignty” after the advent of the ’72 constitution that was, “never ceded to any conqueror”:

“The proponents of Tamil Eelam argue that the Northern and Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka coincide with the historic boundaries of the kingdom of Jaffna and argue a case that seeks to establish that sovereignty over these territories was never ceded to any conqueror and that, even if such concession had been made at any time in the past, the unilateral renunciation of links with the United Kingdom which took place at the assumption of office by the government of Mrs. Srimavo Bandaranaike in 1972 resuscitated the Tamil sovereignty which had merely laid dormant until then… In the abstract theory of international law, it would appear that the Tamils have at the very least, an arguable case, and possibly a sustainable one.” - Timothy J. Moore, M.P. of the Australian Section of the ICJ in his  Report on ‘Ethnic Violence, the Independence of the Judiciary, Protection of Fundamental Rights and the Rule of Law in Sri Lanka – Fragile Freedoms?’, July 1983 – Tam

*Usha S Sri-Skanda- Rajah, Chair, TGTE Senate