Manmohan Singh should not attend Commonwealth conference

Thursday , 28 March 2013

Urging India to refrain from attending the Commonwealth Conference held in Sri Lanka, the Chief Minister Rangasamy, serving under the Congress at Puthuwai Assembly, forwarded a letter to Manmohan Singh

Debate concerning the budget proposal was held yesterday Wednesday at the Puthuwai Assembly.

 ADMK Assembly member Anbalagan, at the debate urged and appealed a resolution should get implemented that India should not attend the Commonwealth conference held in Sri Lanka.

Responding to this Chief Minister Rangasamy said, he has already forwarded a letter to Prime Minister, for India to refrain from attending the Commonwealth conference.

SL Navy appropriates lands of Muslims in Pulmoaddai

[TamilNet, Thursday, 28 March 2013, 11:40 GMT]
The occupying Sri Lanka Navy in Trincomalee district has appropriated lands belonging to Muslim villagers in Ma'nki'ndimalai, Ponmalai-kudaa, Theaththaatheevu and Veerantheevu in Pulmoaddai village that comes under the Kuchchave'li DS division in Trincomalee district. SLN sources say that these lands are urgently needed to construct camps. The villagers who were displaced during the war, who now want to resettle in their villages, are being prevented by the Sinhala Navy that tells them to find alternative places. 

The parliamentary group leader of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and parliamentarian of the Trincomalee district Mr. R. Sampanthan on Wednesday visited the villages in question and met the representatives of the local Muslim community. 

He was told that they were displaced in the war and now they want to resettle in these villages. 

The Sri Lanka Navy that has already a camp in the area now wants to establish more camps.

When the matter was brought to the notice of the Chief Minister of the Eastern Provincial Council Mr. Najeeb Abdul Majeed, had directed them to the provincial director of lands, the villagers told Mr Sampanthan.

Radio interference row between Sri Lanka and BBC

JONATHAN MILLER

Foreign Affairs Correspondent-28 MARCH 2013

Amid growing alarm over the muzzling of the media in Sri Lanka, its state broadcaster has denied censorship in a row that has seen the suspension of BBC World Service broadcasts.

Members of the Alliance of Media Organisation protest hold placards of missing journalists in Colombo.

A day after the BBC pulled the plug on a lucrative broadcasting contract with its Sri Lankan counterpart, the chairman of the Sri Lankan Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC) has strenuously denied accusations of "unacceptable" and "targeted" state censorship, which triggered the row.

The Foreign and Commonwealth Office told Channel 4 News of its concern about the situation.

An FCO spokesperson said the government would have considered using diplomatic channels to help resolve the dispute had it been approached by the BBC.

This shows the government’s callous disregard for press freedom and its continued flagrant attack on the collective national life of the Tamil people.Bashana Abeywardane, Journalists for Democracy, Sri Lanka

But the FCO – which will continue to fund the BBC World Service until next April – said the broadcaster had neither informed it of the problem nor approached it for diplomatic assistance. The Sri Lankan government has declined to comment on the dispute.

SLBC Chairman Hudson Samarasinghe has, however, forcefully rejected claims that his organisation interfered with BBC news and current affairs programming, which, until Tuesday night, was re-broadcast by SLBC on FM in both Tamil and Sinhalese languages.

'Not guilty of censorship'

In a telephone interview with Channel 4 News from Colombo, Mr Samarasinghe said: "I am not guilty of censorship. We did not interfere." He also claimed he had not yet been officially informed of the decision to suspend the BBC service but confirmed that SLBC was no longer airing BBC output.

The BBC accused SLBC of interference of several of its programmes since 16th March. The disruptions coincided with the examination of Sri Lanka's human rights record by the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva. After the initial disruption of programming, the BBC says it warned SLBC that they "were in breach of their broadcasting agreement."

The final straw was the disruption of a programme on Monday, which led to the suspension. It is understood that the programme was a translated report from the resident BBC Colombo Correspondent, Charles Haviland, who had investigated attacks on Sri Lankan Muslims by Buddhist nationalists.

Bashana Abeywardane, coordinator of Journalists for Democracy in Sri Lanka – a group of reporters who have fled into exile – told Channel 4 News: "With the local media on the island kept under strict government control, the international media, including the BBC Tamil service, were a crucial source of information.

"This shows the government's callous disregard for press freedom and its continued flagrant attack on the collective national life of the Tamil people."

BBC service 'vital'

Another exiled Sri Lankan journalist described the BBC Tamil service as "vital" adding that "the suspension is going to hit them very hard." Although the BBC also broadcasts on shortwave and over the internet, audiences in the Tamil north of Sri Lanka are thought to be small, owing to limited access to shortwave radios and computers.

The journalist said SLBC's interference in the broadcasts consituted a "denial of the Tamil people's 'right to know'." The government, the reporter said, was now determining what it thinks the Tamil people "need to know".

I want to maintain peace and harmony and not have communal riots. I do not want to broadcast extremist ideas as they can lead to communal unrest.SLBC Chairman Hudson Samarasinghe

Announcing the suspension of both Tamil and Sinhalese language services on Tuesday, Peter Horrocks, director of the BBC World Service, branded the interference "a serious breach of trust" with its audiences in Sri Lanka "which the BBC cannot allow". The SLBC contract is understood to be worth $300,000 a year to the cash-strapped broadcaster.

The BBC World Service prides itself on its editorial independence and impartiality. Sri Lankan Tamil sources told Channel 4 News that the affected programmes were replaced on the BBC Tamil-language service, by pro-government propaganda.

Image: College students burn a poster of Sri Lanka's President Mahinda Rajapaksa

Two years ago, the BBC reinstated its FM programming in Sri Lanka following a 14-month-long suspension of service for similar reasons. At the time, Mr Horrocks said the SLBC had provided assurances that BBC programmes would be broadcast uninterrupted and that the contractual agreement would be respected.

Programmes which were disrupted over the past two weeks included coverage of debate over alleged war crimes committed by Sri Lankan government forces during the final months of the civil war against Tamil insurgents which ended four years ago. The interference in programming was monitored by numerous organisations, including the BBC and Channel 4 News.

'I do not want to broadcast extremist ideas'

While denying interference in BBC transmissions, the SLBC chairman told Channel 4 News: "As a broadcaster, I want to maintain peace and harmony and not have communal riots. I do not want to broadcast extremist ideas as they can lead to communal unrest."

When asked to clarify if he was accusing the BBC of this, he responded: "They have had LTTE leaders in Bush House!"

Bush House was until recently the home of the World Service and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) were defeated in May 2009.

Responding to news of the suspension of the service, Fred Carver director of the London-based Sri Lanka Campaign, said he was "pleased that the BBC has stuck to its guns. It’s sad for Sri Lanka though." He said the broadcast disruptions were "the latest in a long line of attempts to prevent Sri Lankan Tamils from understanding the truth about the Geneva human rights process."

Press freedom concerns

The censorship row between the two broadcasters coincides with growing disquiet over press freedom in Sri Lanka.

Since 2006, at least 14 Sri Lankan journalists have been killed; many more have fled – including a BBC correspondent who was a Sri Lankan national.

The resident BBC Colombo Correspondent, Charles Haviland, was threatened by a mob of Sinhalese Buddhists last month, while reporting on rising religious tensions. Earlier this month, the Sri Lankan state media broadcast threats from the military to hunt down “those working for Channel 4,” which has broadcast prima facie evidence of extra-judicial executions by the Sri Lankan security forces.

Sri Lanka is to host the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting this November.

Two weeks ago, the Queen signed the new Commonwealth Charter, committing member states to the it's "shared values" which include democracy, human rights and freedom of expression.

The Social Architects South Asia 

The Social Architects South Asia

Published on Mar 27, 2013

This documentary tells a story of silent agony, trapped screams and repressed mourning. A story of women forced to deny their identity -- who are trapped in between a government which sees them as "Tigers," and a society whose norms they are no longer deemed worthy of.

These women fought bravely alongside men as members of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) during Sri Lanka's bloody thirty-year civil war. From protectors and defenders of their families, villages and nation, thousands of female ex-combatants have now returned home to assume more traditional roles as mothers, wives, widows, and teachers -- in communities where they are perpetually shunned. Through several powerful voices, "Haunted by Her Yesterdays" allows a few to share their pain and suffering -- the wounds that remain unhealed, the scars that are impossible to ignore and the hearts that still burn with pain, passion and grief -- for the world to hear. This film is a gripping tale of loss, betrayal and struggle, but --above all else -- it is a search for inspiration and a call for action. As the country's war-torn North and East struggles to rebuild itself, this documentary tells a deeply moving story that has been overlooked for far too long.

Ambassador Blake cannot reverse Tamil genocide: Prof. Boyle

[TamilNet, Wednesday, 27 March 2013, 00:43 GMT]
Responding to the statements made during the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for South Asia, Robert Blake's, interview with the BBC, where Blake appears to characterize the "GOSL’s mass extermination of over 100,000 Tamils in Vanni in 2009" as nothing more than “some of the negative trends that have occurred with respect to rule of law and human rights in Sri Lanka," that needs to be "reversed," Professor Francis A. Boyle, an expert in international law, said, while Blake cannot reverse the genocide, the "start of “revers{ing}” them is to establish an International Investigative Commission in order to prosecute them." Blake also denies in the interview that he [and the international community] had any knowledge of the magnitude of the casualties during the final months of the war. 

Ambassador Blake makes the following statement to the BBC:

Ambassador Blake's BBC interview

My message is what Secretary Kerry said in his statement yesterday which is that while some important progress has been made, much work still needs to be done. We look go the government of Sri Lanka to implement the LLRC recommendations and reverse some of the negative trends that have occurred with respect to rule of law and human rights in Sri Lanka. And the United States stands ready to assist.

Professor Boyle responds: "So notice that Blake is simply parroting the Kerry Statement, which in turn is based upon the Kerry Report that I have already commented upon before for TamilNet and thus will not repeat here. 

Professor Francis A. Boyle, University of Illinois

"But according to Blake/Kerry the GOSL’s mass extermination of over 100,000 Tamils in Vanni in 2009 is nothing more than “ some of the negative trends that have occurred with respect to rule of law and human rights in Sri Lanka.” 

"In other words, as far as the United States government is concerned, the GOSL genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes against the Tamils are just “ some of the negative trends that have occurred with respect to the rule of law and human rights in Sri Lanka” that should be “reverse{d}.” But how does the GOSL or the United States “reverse” genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and 100,000 exterminated Tamils? The start of “revers{ing}” them is to establish an International Investigative Commission in order to prosecute them! 

"Article I of the 1948 Genocide Convention clearly requires contracting parties such as the United States and Sri Lanka “to prevent and to punish” the GOSL genocide against the Tamils. Obviously the United States maliciously failed and refused “to prevent” the GOSL genocide against 100,000+ Tamils in 2009 in egregious violation of its obligation to do so under Article I of the Genocide Convention. 

"Today the very least the United States can now do is “to punish” the GOSL genocide against 100,000+ Tamils in Vanni in 2009 as also required by Genocide Convention Article I. 

"Have Blake and Kerry maliciously failed and refused to read the Genocide Convention?" Boyle asked.

The true story unfolds on the resignation of Exchange Commission DG Prof Disabandara as against MaRa’s filthy abuse hurled at him

(Lanka-e-News -28.March.2013, 7.30PM) The Rajapakse regime is deploying all its resources to hide the true picture regarding the sudden resignation on the 22nd, of Professor Harendra Disabandara , the director general of the SL Securities and Exchange Commission , and paint a falsified impression. Following he Director General’s promise to present the corruption investigation report to the Parliament COPE Committee on the alleged purchase of ‘The Finance’ shares by the National savings Bank at inordinately higher rates , the President who had got jittery that he will be exposed , has furiously berated the Director general most insolently. . The whole objective of the President now is to camouflage the Professor’s resignation as not compelled but voluntary , and say his tenure of office was to end soon any way. This explanation is of course absolutely funny and fake. Professor Disabandara had a few days to complete his five year term in office. Such a post after completion of five years entitles him to a pension, rights attaching to the official vehicle and other perks. MaRa had screamed foul at the Professor and asked him to resign just a few days prior to his completion of five years. However , what is painted by MaRa is , ‘ in any case he was to go on retirement.’ This is the most idiotic and ridiculous explanation, for a Director general who has only a few days to retire and secure all the perks and benefits , tendering his resignation ahead voluntarily foregoing all these advantages must either be insane or as moronic as MaRa . The SL security bonds and exchange Commission is the only Institution which has powers of the Parliament and the courts. This Commission can introduce laws to control exchange and stock exchange . It has also powers of the court to punish defaulters . In every country in the world the exchange control Commission is run by economic specialists and the intelligentsia and every attempt is made to keep it independent. But in a country that is governed by AliBaba and forty thieves , that is not followed. When Chandu Epetawela of the exchange Commission who was in charge of the investigation into the corruption charges linked to ‘The Finance- NSB ‘ fraudulent transaction of MaRa ,resigned three months ago, and the charges are instead being heaped on the husband of the former chief justice , the following facts must be taken into consideration : The stock exchange is now being used completely for the money laundering purposes of the Rajapakse regime. It is akin to a venue for the Rajapakse regime’s extortion activities. It is not governed by any rules or regulations. The Broker Companies of the stock exchange from whom the Rajapakses collect commissions have themselves revealed to Lanka e news about it. This is borne testimony by the fact that for the Carlton rugby sport , the maniacal obsession of the Rajapakse boys , all expenses are met by these Broker companies who are fleeced via extortion. Meanwhile during the last two years six high ranking officers of the SL security bonds and exchange Commission had resigned. JVP politburo member Anura Dissanayake holding a special media briefing today said , the last of the officers who resigned is Dissa Bandara . Of the 50 shady transactions that took place at the stock exchange , 30 of them are criminally tainted , according to the former Chairman Thilak Karunaratne as revealed by him before the COPE Committee, Anura Dissanayake stated.

New UN Human Rights Council resolution granting Sri Lanka more time and space another UN ‘grave failure’; Authorizes continued impunity

March 25, 2013: Washington, DC – PEARL expresses its deep disappointment at the new United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) resolution that again asks the Sri Lankan government to investigate itself for its own violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. Resolution 22/L.1, the second UNHRC resolution in two years on Sri Lanka, again led by the United States, calls upon the Sri Lankan government to conduct an independent and credible investigation into alleged violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, while simultaneously expressing concern about continuing reports of human rights violations.

“Given Sri Lanka’s structural impunity for past and present crimes, it is a mistake to grant Sri Lanka one more year of ‘time and space’ to investigate itself. This will only exacerbate Sri Lanka’s insidious efforts to Sinhalize and militarize Tamil areas, causing irreversible damage to the Tamil community,” PEARL spokeswoman Anjali Manivannan said. “This HRC session presented an opportunity for meaningful international action on Sri Lanka, and this resolution wasted that opportunity. Last November’sInternal Review on UN Action in Sri Lanka described the UN’s ‘grave’ and ‘systemic’ failure in inadequately responding to rapidly escalating civilian casualties during early 2009. Unfortunately, what we have seen at the Council now is another grave failure of the United Nations on Sri Lanka.”

While PEARL appreciates continued attention by the Council on Sri Lanka, we regret the resolution’s failure to establish an international Commission of Inquiry to investigate war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide in Sri Lanka.

“Though the Human Rights Council asks the Government of Sri Lanka to implement recommendations from the UN High Commissionerfor Human Rights, the Council itself fails to implement herrecommendation to create an international investigation for Sri Lanka,” Manivannan said. “Watchdog human rights groups including PEARL, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International advocated strongly for the creation of an international Commission of Inquiry during this session. PEARL is deeply disappointed to see such a toothless resolution. Nearly four years after the peak of Sri Lanka’s genocide, Tamil victims and survivors deserve more.”

Militarisation As Panacea: Development And Reconciliation In Post-War Sri Lanka

By Ambika Satkunanathan -March 28, 2013 

Ambika Satkunanathan

Is it possible to secure the dignity, rights and well-being of a conflict-affected population by incorporating them into a military juggernaut that is dominating all spheres of life in Sri Lanka, while demanding the servility and unquestioning loyalty of all? 

The creeping militarization of Sri Lanka which followed the end of armed conflict in 2009 has now, four years later, become normalised and entrenched. During the years of the war the impact of militarization was felt mainly in the North and East. However, following the end of the war, systematic militarization has been taking place throughout the country. Its impact on the lives of those in conflict-affected areas is visible and severe. Driving through Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu and Vavuniya gives the lie to repeated denials by the government there is a heavy military presence in the North, particularly in comparison to other parts of the country. For instance, the camps of the 22^nd Battalion, Gajaba Regiment, 574 Brigade, 682 Brigade, 681 Brigade, 591 Brigade, 59 Division, 14^th Battalion, 68 Division, HQ 571 Brigade, 573 Brigade, 561 Brigade and 682 Brigade are just a few that are visible to any visitor to the area.

To borrow Cynthia Enloe’s definition, ‘Militarization is the step-by-step process by which something becomes controlled by, dependent on, or derives its value from the military as an institution or militaristic criteria.’ As she reminds us ‘What has been militarized can be demilitarized. What has been demilitarized can be remilitarised’. Examining the process of militarization currently under way in Sri Lanka Enloe’s observation that ‘Militarization does not occur simply in the obvious places but can transform the meanings and uses of people, things and ideas located far from bombs or camouflaged fatigues;’ is particularly relevant, because in Sri Lanka one has to look beyond the visible and most obvious to understand the rapid militarization that has taken place since the end of the war.

Security-development nexus

Militarization in the North is taking place in complex ways at multiple levels. In addition to the noticeable physical presence of the camp or civil affairs office, it is the military’s involvement in the civil administration,development activities and commercial activities[1] that is the gravest cause for concern. As early as 2009, signalling the increased involvement of the military in post-war development, the Northern Security Forces Commander stated that with the elimination of terror in the north, ‘security forces in the North will be engaged in a new role of developing the region’. The military began to play an active role in development activities, to the point where permission to implement projects or development work was subject to authorisation by the military, and official permission to travel into the Vanni to work was refused to certain individuals deemed to be a threat to national security.

While the government now claims that civil administration in the North is once again in charge of development activities, the website of the Ministry of Defence (MOD) continues to post stories about the role of the armed forces in development activities. For instance, according to an article posted in November 2012 on the MOD website, ‘Under the government’s expedited northern development programme, the Army is extensively involved in a number of infrastructure development projects including road reconstruction, infrastructure development and housing’.

The government may argue that the military is merely ‘assisting’ the civil administration to rebuild the north, or is being utilised to implement activities launched by other ministries. But the fact that a  committee in the North that came together to prepare development plans for 2013 was convened at the Headquarters of 55 Division in Vettilaikerny and chaired by the commanding officer is illustrative of the unequal and uneven balance of power between the military and civil administration. The existence of a weak civil administration as a result of armed conflict is used to justify military involvement in, and even take over of activities and duties performed by civil authorities not only in the North but also in other parts of the country. For instance, it wasreported that due to the failure of the Colombo Municipal Council (CMC) to manage Viharamahadevi Park in the centre of the city, the Urban Development Authority (UDA), which is within the purview of the MOD, has placed the park under the supervision of the Navy. Instead of strengthening civil administration and dealing with allegations of corruption in the public service, the government uses allegations of corruption and a weak administrative service to justify the military’s involvement.

Entrenchment of militarization

The militarization of civil administration has been internalised both by government officials and the public to the extent that in January 2011, when a number of abductions and extra-judicial killings took place in the Jaffna peninsula causing panic amongst the population, the Government Agent of Jaffna promptly met with the army commander of the area to discuss the security situation rather than with the police. In response to the deteriorating security situation, the police and army launched joint patrols in Jaffna and reportedly stepped upsurveillance. It was also the army, rather than the police, that held public meetings in Jaffna on enhancing security in the area, and requested the public to complain to the nearest army camp if they received extortion threats.

More recently, in November 2012, following the police and army breaking up a gathering of students who were protesting against the military entering the premises of Jaffna University and the men’s and women’s hostels and assaulting students – the Vice Chancellor (VC) of the University met with the Jaffna Commander to request the withdrawal of the army from the vicinity of the premises. Although it was claimed that the army was called in to assist the police, it was the army commander who made the decision regarding withdrawal rather than the police. The MOD site further reported that ‘SF-J Commander requested the VC not to allow any outsiders other than undergraduates and academic and non-academic staff onto the University premises without prior permission either from the VC or the Registrar, to which all agreed’.

Mirroring this, in the south of the country, following the riots at the Welikada prison in the outskirts of Colombo in November 2012, the Commissioner-General of Prisons urged the Ministry of Defence to take over the administration of the prisons. Since 2009, the public and diplomatic services too have seen an influx of former military officers appointed to key positions. The Governors of the Northern and Eastern Provinces are both former military personnel, as is the Government Agent of Trincomalee.

Charity and gratitude vs. rights and dignity

The army’s encroachment into civilian space to exercise further control over the population, particularly children and youth, is illustrated by its involvement in the education sector in the North by engaging in philanthropic initiatives, with the MOD website replete with stories about the army’s activities which range from providing scholarships and distributing books to students. More recently, visitors to Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu are told that the Civil Security Department (CSD) is managing pre-schools in the area. While this is supposed to constitute paying the salaries of teachers and monitoring the administration of the school, it will no doubt also involve decision-making regarding curriculum and activities held at the school.  Further, reportedly, 103 military personnel are teaching the Sinhala language in schools in Kilinochchi.

As Enloe states, ‘Militarization does not just happen: it requires decisions, many decisions, decisions made by both civilians and people in uniform’. Likewise, in Sri Lanka, the fact that private citizens and corporate entities provide donations to the aforementioned army’s welfare programmes rather than working with local community and social service groups illustrates the entrenchment and normalisation of militarization.

A disturbing aspect of the army’s philanthropic initiatives is the indication that they appear to view these as part of a charitable impulse dedicated to a population which in turn is expected to show servility and gratitude. This is demonstrated by phrases – such as, ‘grateful beneficiaries’, ‘charitable deed’ ‘this act of benevolence by the security forces have (sic) brought great joy to the children’  - used by both military officials and the MOD in speaking or writing about these activities.

In many instances the normalisation of militarization is aided by the dire economic circumstances of the conflict affected people, who due to lack of other livelihood opportunities take up employment with different sectors of the military machinery, such as the CSD which recently employed a large number of persons in Kilinochchi in agricultural farms which ironically were previously managed by the LTTE. It should be noted that instead of providing viable livelihood options to the conflict affected, the states appears to be offering opportunities mainly in the defence industry to those living in the former LTTE controlled areas.

The capturing of civilian space is supported by the ever-growing number of entities that are part of the defence complex, such as the Media Centre for National Security (MCNS), the Civil Security Department (CSD) and the Civil Defence Force (CDF). This structure is bolstered by the more public and even interventionist role played by military officials in a manner unseen in the past, such as military commanders making public statements on a number of issues ranging from the laws under which civilians will be prosecuted for certain offences to the behaviour expected of students of Jaffna University.

Militarization also appears to be an important component of the government’s post-war reconciliation strategy. This process seeks to reconcile with the Tamil community and include them in the social fabric of Sri Lanka through the re-militarization of the northern population. Cadet corps are being established in schools, leadership training programmes for school students are held with the involvement of the army, school tours areorganised by the army, youth are encouraged to join the CDF, and women are recruited into the army.

While there have been a number of allegations made in relation to these recruitment campaigns, including forced recruitment and sexual violence against women recruits, which have been denied by the state, the main question to ask is if it is possible to secure the dignity, rights and physical and socio-economic well-being of the conflict-affected population by incorporating them into a military juggernaut that is encroaching and dominating all spheres of life in Sri Lanka, while demanding the servility and unquestioning loyalty of all?

The main concern is that there is little understanding amongst the general population of the dangers of military encroachment into civilian affairs. Instead, a culture and narrative in which the army is being firmly placed as an integral actor in all aspects of governance in Sri Lanka is being created. For instance, in an article that appeared in  the Sunday Leader on 3 March 2013, an army officer responded to allegations of military interference in civilian affairs by declaring that ‘these are baseless accusations made by certain parties who want the people to be distant from the forces as they do not want harmony’. Any challenges to this narrative would be considered anti-national and traitorous.

*This was first published on Open Democracy at opendemocracy

Interview With BBC Sinhala Service

Interview

Robert O. Blake, Jr.
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs

San Francisco, CA

March 22, 2013

Question: First of all, this is the second resolution, and having agreed the international community that Sri Lanka has so far failed to implement their pledges, their obligations. What would the U.S. do if they do not implement, if they do not abide by this resolution?

Assistant Secretary Blake: I don’t want to speculate about future actions, but I think the resolution underlines the importance of Sri Lanka now taking meaningful action on reconciliation and accountability in order to move forward to achieve peace and prosperity on the island.

Question: Do you believe that Sri Lankan government will abide by this resolution?

Assistant Secretary Blake: Well, again, I can’t speak for the Sri Lankan government but I think it’s very important now that again, forward progress be made on important issues like holding elections for the Northern Provincial Council that have been promised for September of this year. I think it’s important that they move forward on the dialogue with the Tamil National Alliance to achieve an agreement on devolution. And I think it’s important to address a lot of the serious human rights concerns that many people on the island have identified.

Question: But the Tamil National Alliance has been complaining that the Sri Lankan government has so far failed to implement any of the pledges it has given so far to the Tamil National Alliance.

Assistant Secretary Blake: With respect to the dialogue, you’re talking about?

Question: Exactly, yes.

Assistant Secretary Blake: We and others are encouraging a resumption of that dialogue. As you know, the government has moved the dialogue into a Parliamentary Select Committee so they appear to be in a bit of a cul de sac now on that issue. So folks are working behind the scenes to try to support a mechanism to achieve a way forward.

Question: There are reports that South Africa is trying to mediate or being a facilitator between the Tamil National Alliance and the Sri Lankan government. Would the U.S. support such a move?

Assistant Secretary Blake: Yes. I think we would support any move that would help to again revive this dialogue and achieve a conclusion to that dialogue that is agreed to by all sides.

Question: And with regard to the resolution passed yesterday, Indian media reports say that U.S. vetoed a last minute attempt by the Indian government to bring in some resolutions, some amendments, especially calling for some international involvement in monitoring LLR’s implementation. Is that true?

Assistant Secretary Blake: Well let me just say with respect to India that we worked very closely with India throughout the process and we indeed welcomed some of the changes that India made. So we were quite satisfied with the cooperation that we had with India, and I think going forward it will be very important for all of the international community to continue to work with India to encourage progress, since India has quite a lot of influence on the island.

Question: Did India propose any amendments at the last moment?

Assistant Secretary Blake: Like I said, we consulted closely throughout the entire process.

Question: Right.

The original draft proposed by the United States was in the opinion of observers was pretty much toned down at the last moment. Is that because of Indian influence?

Assistant Secretary Blake: I reject that premise. I don’t think that it was toned down in any way. I think it remains a very fair and balanced text that again reaffirms that Sri Lanka had to take meaningful action on reconciliation and accountability.

Question: There are two major points that the human right activists have been pointing out. One thing, the resolution has failed to call for an international investigation. The other thing is with regard to the special procedures, in the original draft it was said, in the original draft it says unfettered access, but the final draft just says access for the [inaudible] having failed to do so for more than three years. Do you still believe that Sri Lanka would conduct an independent credible investigation?

Assistant Secretary Blake: I must say the stakes were raised when the government and the military specifically put out a report that has not actually yet been released, but they referred publicly to the fact that an internal military investigation has absolved the military of all responsibility for civilian casualties.

So we are obviously disappointed with such a conclusion and again have sought a full copy of the report but it has not yet been released. Again, I think that statement by the Sri Lankan military raises the skepticism of many that the government is prepared to do its own investigation.

Again, I think it’s really important now for the government to address that skepticism head-on and come out with their own independent and credible investigation.

Question: And you said access for the special procedures means unfettered access?

Assistant Secretary Blake: Certainly.

Question: The Sri Lankan government has accused the U.S. of pursuing an agenda other than human rights. What is your agenda?

Assistant Secretary Blake: Our agenda is to achieve peace and reconciliation and accountability on the island, and we also want to continue to build our relations with the Sri Lankan people. We have no other agenda than that.

Question: Isn’t it the strategic interest in the region?

Assistant Secretary Blake: We do have strategic interests in the region. I think that’s an important strategic interest that I’ve already talked about. But we also have very important interests in seeing continued good cooperation on counterterrorism, on maritime security and important issues like that as well.

Question: Speaking in Colombo, a government Minister today accused the international community of trying to divide Sri Lanka, having failed to divide Sri Lanka through Tamil Tigers, now trying to divide Sri Lanka through United Nations. What would you say?

Assistant Secretary Blake: I would say the opposite. I would say that the United States and the international community are trying to reunite the country and that the way to do so, again, is to achieve reconciliation, to address the serious human rights abuses that continue to take place, and to move forward expeditiously on accountability. That will help to unify the island, to achieve justice, and achieve peace and prosperity that we all want.

Question: Some independent observers or analysts are of the opinion that while it is correct to impress upon the implementation of the LLRC, it may be too early to pressurize Sri Lanka on alleged war crimes. They are pointing out that it took for the United States also to investigate allegations of human rights violations in Vietnam, for example, for more than 30 years.

Assistant Secretary Blake: These are, again, these can be very long-term processes, but what we’re seeking now is just proof and indications from the government that they’re prepared to undertake a serious investigation of their own, and thus far we have not seen any indications of that.

Question: At the same time, according to WikiLeaks cables you personally and the United States also knew about civilian casualties while the war was going on.

Assistant Secretary Blake: We were very concerned about civilian casualties, and if you look back over the record, we made many public statements about our concerns for civilian casualties.

And I must say, something that many observers forget to note, we were always very balanced in our statements. We always were very careful to note that the LTTE bore a great responsibility as well, because they cynically placed heavy weapons in civilian encampments and fired those weapons in order to draw return fire from the Sri Lankan military. Secondly, the LTTE refused to allow freedom of movement by the internally displaced persons. Many of them wanted to cross the lines and move to southern Sri Lanka away from the fighting and the LTTE refused to allow that and indeed shot many that tried to escape. So the LTTE was also guilty of many serious violations.

Question: But don’t you think you have, the international community have failed to protect civilians, having known the casualty figures, having known the state of the casualties as the situation there, correct situation there?

Assistant Secretary Blake: Again, I wouldn’t say we knew the state of what’s going on. None of us had good information and we still don’t have good information about what happened at the end of the war. As you know, the government asked all of the NGOs, the non-governmental organizations to leave. It refused to allow access by journalists. So there were no independent observers in the north to record and understand what was going on during that last phase of the war. So information remains very scarce about what happened.

Question: The United Nations independent panel has also admitted that UN itself failed to protect the civilians at the height of the war. Will the U.S. and the international community call for an investigation against the United Nations?

Assistant Secretary Blake: No. I don’t think so. I think having personally worked with the United Nations during that last phase of the conflict, that the UN worked side by side with me and with several other diplomats almost on a daily basis to raise our concerns about civilian casualties in the north and to urge the government to exercise restraint and to only target LTTE fighters. But again, as the war went on their record deteriorated in that regard.

Question: Mr. Blake, two more questions.

Number one, with regard to the resolution once again, in the initial draft it was said it was called for an interactive dialogue, comprehensive report and interactive dialogue on Sri Lanka, but now it suggests to follow by a discussion. Isn’t this another example of toning down the original resolution?

Assistant Secretary Blake: Frankly, I’m not exactly sure. I think there was an interactive dialogue that took place two days ago on Sri Lanka.

Question: No, I’m talking about in its 24^th session I think in September.

Assistant Secretary Blake: I think there’s been plenty of dialogue in the UN. I think what’s needed now is to move forward on these visits by the Special Procedures Mandate Holders as well as a visit by High Commissioner Pillay, so we very much support that. She will then present an oral report later this year on her findings.

Question: As you know, Sri Lanka has refused many requests by Special Procedures already.

Assistant Secretary Blake: Again, in my experience, while I was in Sri Lanka, Sri Lanka actually welcomed the visits of many of those mandate holders. Again, we would strongly recommend that they do so because the failure to do so suggests that they have something to hide and again, would reinforce calls for some sort of international mechanism.

Question: Finally, what is your message to Sri Lanka? To the Sri Lankan government and its people with regard to reconciliation and with regard to this resolution?

Assistant Secretary Blake: My message is what Secretary Kerry said in his statement yesterday which is that while some important progress has been made, much work still needs to be done. We look go the government of Sri Lanka to implement the LLRC recommendations and reverse some of the negative trends that have occurred with respect to rule of law and human rights in Sri Lanka. And the United States stands ready to assist.

We have had a very long and positive relationship with the government and the people of Sri Lanka. And we want to continue our engagement and to strengthen our friendship with the people of Sri Lanka.

Question: Give me one more minute. What if they fail? Will the U.S. consider economic embargo or bringing in Sri Lanka into Security Council, for example?

Assistant Secretary Blake: Again, I don’t want to speculate on future actions. We’ll just have to see. I think I’ll stick with what I’ve already said.

Question: Mr. Blake, thank you very much.