Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Saturday, March 23, 2013


Debates of March 21st, 2013

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Wayne Marston Hamilton East—Stoney Creek, ON-Foreign Affairs
Oral Questions
March 21st, 2013 / 2:55 p.m.
NDP
Mr. Speaker, international pressure continues to grow for an independent investigation into the very serious allegation of war crimes that were committed in the final days of the Sri Lankan civil war.
New Democrats have long called for just such an investigation and, yesterday, the United Nations Human Rights Council passed a resolution that, once again, underscores the need for accountability.
Today, Conservative senator Hugh Segal is in Sri Lanka.
So, to the minister, will the senator be pushing the Sri Lankan government for an immediate independent inquiry into those reprehensible actions during that civil war?

John Baird Minister of Foreign Affairs-Foreign Affairs
Oral Questions
Ottawa West—Nepean
Ontario
Conservative
Mr. Speaker, no other government in the world has worked harder, has pushed harder to ensure that there is accountability, meaningful reconciliation and a return to human rights in Sri Lanka. No other leader in the world has been more outspoken, more morally clear, on this issue than the Prime Minister of Canada. All Canadians can be tremendously proud of that.
We will continue to work through the Commonwealth, through the United Nations, to ensure that there is real accountability, meaningful reconciliation and a return to decent human rights in that country.

Paul Dewar Ottawa Centre, ON-Foreign Affairs
Oral Questions
NDP
Mr. Speaker, it is essential that Sri Lanka not be rewarded for its inaction. Unless Sri Lanka complies with the United Nations’ calls for an independent investigation, Canada must not participate in the upcoming Commonwealth meetings, and that is a period: no Canadian participation at all.
I have a very simple question for the minister. Would the minister make that clear commitment to Canadians here and now?

John Baird Minister of Foreign Affairs-Foreign Affairs
Oral Questions
Ottawa West—Nepean
Ontario
Conservative
Mr. Speaker, the Prime Minister has been tremendously clear. We want to see meaningful progress with respect to reconciliation; we want to see meaningful progress with respect to accountability; and we want to see meaningful progress with respect to human rights abuses, which have occurred since the war concluded.
Canada has spoken out loudly at every international forum. Often, we are the only one with the courage to do so. I can certainly commit that this government, this Prime Minister, will continue to do the right thing on this important issue.

Varieties Of Corporatist Totalitarianism And The Rajapaksa Samagama

By Kumar David -March 23, 2013 
Prof. Kumar David
Colombo TelegraphTrying to fit a theoretical model on Lanka’s emerging authoritarian project, I came up with rather a mouthful of a definition some weeks ago – Klepto-Nepotistic Corporatist Autocracy. The four key words sought to capture four features of the project, viz: its rootedness in corruption not only of siblings and extended family, but the whole political plutocracy; nepotism and ambition of a well knit family venture; its endeavour to commandeer all state finances and sway the private sector; and a political strategy to entrench soft dictatorship by constitutional manipulation.  In an attempt to meld looting, nepotism, a Corporatist State, and a power grab into one terminological extravaganza my enthusiasm for compaction may have come into conflict with readers’ preference for clarity. I will make amends in this essay through a comparative discourse.
The discourse relies on three well known cases, each sharing some features but not always the same, with the Rajapakse project. As with all analogies circumstances are not identical, and though I should leave comparisons implicit for the reader to reflect upon I am unable to resist the temptation to spell things out. These prototypes matured and stabilised as distinct state forms; Benito Amilcare Mussolini held effective power from 1922 to 1943, Juan Domingo Peron was president of Argentina from 1946 to 1955 and briefly in 1973-74, and Ferdinand Marcos Philippine president from 1965 to 1986. They are theoretical models of sorts.
The Rajapakse state has not yet gelled and taking account of the setbacks it has suffered since August 2012 in the economic, political and international spheres, it never may – the regime is visibly in shaken. Nevertheless, since it shares features in common with one or another of the prototypes, I think it useful to throw our minds back to their storylines. There is no way I can tell the stories in full, rather I am selective, choosing what is most suitable for my purposes.
Corporatist, syndicalist fascism
The birthplace of fascism was Italy of the 1920s though it is customary to link fascism to Nazism because of its greater brutality and monstrosity. Mussolini’s version was a softer dictatorship – prison, not SS death squads for political opponents; racial prejudice for Slavs, not gas chambers for Jews. The word fascismocomes from the Latin fasces, a bundle of sticks tightly bound together with an axe in the middle, symbolising unity, power and totality (totalitarianism in the proper sense). The ideology of fascism, in its original Italian provenance is authoritarian unity, nationalism, populism, mass mobilisation, a mixed economy and racism less pronounced than Nazism. Palpably, the Rajapakse project has more affinity to Mussolini’s venture than to Nazism, in these as well as two other respects; syndicalism and corporatism.
In ordinary usage the term ‘to syndicate’ means, bring together, to unite, and Mussolini’s version was a class compact were social classes agreed to collaborate under the patron Il Duce (The Leader, a more benign figure than Mein Furher). Workers and employers entered compacts or agreements, as opposed to class conflict, and though the economy was capitalist the state played an important role whenever it was deemed necessary in the national interest. Syndicalism also ensured, unlike the Nazi case where all independent thought was crushed, that Mussolini nurtured Italian left and right wing intellectuals around him. Our siblings syndicate the petty-bourgeoisie in the informal economy, Sinhala-Buddhist extremists, and to a degree the subaltern classes. Nationalists and pseudo-left intellectuals dance, defend and praise the regime. Italian syndicalism was a worker-capitalist-middleclass compact. Rajapakse has lost the bourgeoisie and the elite, his base is extremist, but details notwithstanding, syndicalism is a common denominator.
Though Corporatism in its original usage referred to different groups (fishermen, farmers, traders) cooperating in their own societies, Italian fascism used it to denote state management of the economy through top-down totalitarian practices. Even in private companies the state intervened and mediated between classes. Today, Corporatism is used for oligarchic control, exploiting the nation’s wealth, as though it were a corporation in a private pocket. This is what Marcos manifested and has now taken firm root in Lanka in the Rajapakse period. Large investments, infrastructure projects, banks, airlines, and stock-exchange abound in the Rajapaksesamagama. Not in classic Mussolini style, but altered to suit time and place, syndicalism and Corporatism have been ingested by the Rajapakse project to entrench soft-dictatorship, feted by Sinhala-Buddhist populism, which in turn is a dividend of war victory.
A Corporatist alliance with the working class
Peronism is the role model to which the Rajapakse regime least corresponds, both in class foundations and ideology. The great similarity is that international factors destabilised both. Peronism was a left-wing populist ideology, more radical than ludicrous Mahinda Chintenaye. Peron’s base, and the class his wildly popular first wife Evita appealed to, was the organised working class. As Labour Minister Peron enacted (not deserted) a workers’ charter which included many benefits including universal healthcare. The movements that brought him electoral victory were the trade unions. From 1946 to 1955 real wages rose by 30% and the share of national income reaching workers increased from 40% to 50%. The population at large benefited from social welfare that reached two-thirds of the population. Peron nationalised a slew of services; banks, transport, shipping and electricity. Argentina is a major grain exporting country and Peron established a state monopoly for of grain export. There is good reason for calling Peron’s party (Partido Justicialista, combining the words justice and social equality) a working class based Corporatist entity.
But why call Peron’s Argentina Corporatist? Because his economic programmes ran by decree not worker participation, and his rule was repressive. Thousands (including 1500 university teachers, and non-Peronist workers) were fired for opposing his rule and some were imprisoned. He was intolerant of both left and right wing opponents and controlled the media. His economic policies bore fruit in the first years of his regime from 1946 to 1949 but ran into inflation and balance of payments problems as imports skyrocketed above exports. Relations with America and Britain deteriorated as Peron steered towards a radical foreign policy. Beset by external problems, the hostility of the upper classes, and strikes, Person was overthrown in a pro-US military-civilian coup in 1955. Peronism, however, remains deep-rooted; Peronist candidates have won nearly all Presidential elections in Argentina despite frequent interruptions by coups. SLFP led alliances have gained a similar electoral foothold since 1994, but now an explicitly fascist, extra-parliamentary, Gothabahaya-BBS-JHU alliance is challenging this arrangement.
Ferdinand and Imelda loot the Philippines
Of my three examples the Rajapakse regime has the greatest affinity to Marcos, though in two significant ways they differ; using the state as an organ of economic Corporatism was not a Marcos feature, and secondly the international climate. Under powerful US influence the Marcos regime was integrated into the neo-liberal capitalist order, the economy was not pronouncedly statist hence there was limited scope for banditry via manipulation of the state sector. Ferdinand and Imelda are best known as quintessential kleptocrats looting the entire national economy directly. Estimates of the Marcos loot are in the region of $6 billion, a figure the UPFA, from top to bottom, will not match even if it remains in power for a generation. Of this, to the best of my knowledge, the only big slice recovered was $700 million the Swiss Government forced Swiss banks to repatriate to Manila. Furthermore, is not known whether the Marcos couple got their hands on any part of Yamashita’s Gold, stacked away in caves and tunnels deep in the Philippines.
The other similarity with Marcos is that killings, shootings, abductions, links to the underworld and lawlessness were very much a part of the regime’s culture. The impunity with which his agents shot Benito Aquino Jr on the tarmac at Manila airport on 21 August 1983 exceeds the brazenness of the Lasantha Wickrematunga assassination on 8 January 2009. Marcos was explicit in asserting his defiance of the law and his readiness to function in bandit style against personal and political opponents.
 “It is easier perhaps and more comfortable to look back to the solace of a familiar and mediocre past. But the times are too grave and the stakes too high for us to permit the customary concessions to traditional democratic processes”; Marcos in January 1973.

Marcos faced a communist uprising and the incipient Moro Muslim rebellion in the southern island of Mindanao. In dealing with both the Philippine army displayed unalloyed brutality and banditry. In this respect the Marcos storyline differs from Mussolini (discounting WW2 and the rape of Abyssinia) and Peronism. The Moro war dragged on for four decades and was settled by Philippine President Aquino III and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front through negotiations in October 2012. There is now hope of a lasting peace; a stable political formula grating a high degree of autonomy to the Moro people is in place. It took the fall of a dictator and another twenty-five years of democracy to achieve this. Lanka, I hope, will get a move on a little faster.
A gigantic difference between Marcos’s and Rajapakse’s predicament is the international environment. The Philippines was within the US Pacific command space underpinned by a huge base at Subic Bay, and Manila was a trusted friend of Washington. The aid Washington provided, or channelled via multilateral agencies, in the Marcos period, has been estimated at $6 billion in money of the day (about $25 billion in 2013 money). With a giant standing shoulder to shoulder, Marcos could get away with murder, literally.
The Cold War is over, poor Rajapakse stands exposed to the slings and arrows of US and European hostility, Russia limps and China can offer no more that diplomatic vetoes and state-to-state project finance. The Colombo regime is frying; but am I saying it is going to be in cinders within a year or two? No, not so, it will limp on, perhaps to its parliamentary and presidential full terms (dissolution and resignations apart) but the Rajapakse authoritarian project and Corporatist programme is hobbled; it could even be abandoned. This Regime will never measure up as an exemplar, however grotesque, as did the three archetypes used in this comparative exercise. But the siblings will not easily give up their Klepto-Nepotistic Corporatist Authoritarian project though the domestic, international and economic stakes are stacked against them. Many battles lie ahead; the strengthening of Gothabahaya-BBS-JHU fascism, as a possible reaction to such setbacks, will spell the disintegration of the SLFP/UPFA as we know it now. The smart money, however, is betting that neither option will succeed. 
Vanni parliamentary representation reduced to5.

Saturday , 23 March 2013
The total amount of parliamentary seats for Vanni district from six has been reduced to five.


The reason for this downfall is according to the registered voters recorded in the year 2012. Vavunia and Mullaitheevu district Deputy Election Commissioner A.S.Karunanidhi said, this is according to the 2012 amendment made in the electoral register.

Vanni electorate  consist three districts, and according to the year 2012 electoral amendment register,  70,085 voters from Manner district and  96,702 voters from Vavuniya district were registered.

2 lacks 19 thousand and 196 has got reduced from the present voters registered in Vanni district was mentioned by him

Meanwhile according to the 2012 voter’s electoral amendment register, parliamentary seats for Badulla district from 9  has got reduced to 8 and in the Nuwara Eliya district, from 6 it has got  increased to 7.


Saturday , 23 March 2013
Reports states activities are processed to confiscate 37 acres of lands belonging to Tamil people in Mullaitheevu, Kokkilaai Mugathuwaram locality. 

Tamil people’s lands are confiscated to construct a factory.

Lands belonging to Tamil people are confiscated by several sectors in Mullaitheevu Kokilai Mugathuwaram locality.

Continuous to this activity, 37 acres of lands which possess land deeds owned by Tamil people, activities are processed to confiscate was said.

This activity is processed by the relevant department. By acquiring the said lands from the Tamil people, alternative measures are processed to compensate is according to information.

The prescribed lands are valued by the evaluation department and accordingly lands will be divided. Construction of a factory in the said 37 acres of land will soon commence was said.
Saturday , 23 March 2013

ICJ welcomes Human Rights Council resolution on Sri Lanka

March 21, 2013
ICJA resolution adopted today by the UN Human Rights Council highlights the Sri Lankan Government’s ongoing failure to provide accountability for serious violations of human rights and the laws of war, the ICJ said.
“The ICJ welcomes this resolution as it underscores the international community’s continuing concern about the horrific atrocities committed by all sides to the Sri Lankan conflict,” said Alex Conte, Director of ICJ’s International Law and Protection Programmes. “The UN, as well as the Commonwealth and other international organizations interested in helping the Sri Lankan people, should now press and assist the Sri Lankan Government to show tangible implementation of their oft-repeated promises.”
Twenty-five States supported the resolution, following from a similar resolution adopted by the Council on Sri Lanka last year.
The resolution reiterates the need for the Sri Lankan Government to demonstrate tangible steps to ensure accountability for violations of human rights and the laws of war, especially during the final months of the three-decade long conflict in 2009.
In particular, the resolution calls on the Sri Lankan Government to implement the recommendations of its own Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC).
The LLRC was widely criticized by Sri Lankan civil society as well as international observers as falling short of international standards of providing accountability.
“Sri Lanka has a long history of promising justice but delivering impunity, and the LLRC is only the most recent example of that. With this resolution, the international community shows it wants to see concrete action,” Conte added. “Not only has the Sri Lankan Government not addressed the violations of the past, but there are strong indications that the rule of law has significantly deteriorated.”
The resolution notes with concern the ongoing reports of human rights violations being committed with impunity in Sri Lanka, including enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings and torture.
In October 2012, the ICJ released a 150-page report Authority without Accountability: The Crisis of Impunity in Sri Lanka, documenting the systematic erosion of accountability mechanisms in Sri Lanka.
In recent months, Sri Lanka’s Government has stepped up its assaults on the independent functioning of the judiciary. In particular, the country’s Chief Justice was removed from office after she had challenged the legality of Government efforts to consolidate authority. The heavily politicized impeachment process was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka and was inconsistent with international human rights law and standards.
“In light of this resolution and the situation in Sri Lanka, the Commonwealth should change its plans to hold the 2013 Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Colombo,” said Conte. “Sri Lanka has demonstrated its rejection of the Commonwealth Principles, notably democracy, the independence of the judiciary and human rights. This will no doubt be further confirmed when the High Commissioner for Human Rights presents her oral update to the Human Rights Council in September this year, just two months ahead of the scheduled Heads of Government Meeting.”
The ICJ has urged the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG), which meets next month, to address the human rights situation in Sri Lanka with the objective of removing its right to host the Heads of Government Meeting.
CONTACT:
Sam Zarifi, ICJ Asia-Pacific Regional Director, (Bangkok); t:+66(0) 807819002; email: sam.zarifi(at)icj.org
Sheila Varadan, ICJ Legal Advisor, South Asia Programme (Bangkok); t: +66 857200723; email: sheila.varadan(at)icj.org
NOTES:
  • The resolution of the Council was adopted by 25 votes in favor, 13 against and 8 abstentions (with Congo, Ecuador, Indonesia, Kuweit, Maldives, Mauritania, Pakistan, Philippines, Qatar, Thailand, Uganda, United Arab Emirates and Venezuela voting against; and Angola, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Japan, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Malaysia abstaining)
  • The resolution was led by the United States of America and co-sponsored by Austria, Canada, Estonia, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Montenegro, Poland, Romania, Spain, and Switzerland; as well as by the following non-member States of the Council: Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Denmark, Finland, France, Georgia, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Malta, Monaco, Norway, Portugal, Saint Kitss and Nevis, Slovakia, Slovenia, Sweden and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.
  • In January 2012, Chief Justice Dr Shirani Bandaranayake was removed in an impeachment process that violated international standards of due process and was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. The impeachment was widely condemned internationally. The ICJ issued a letter supported by fifty-six senior jurists from over thirty countries worldwide.
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I Am Manjula, Survivor Of A Massacre

By An Anthropologist -March 23, 2013
Colombo TelegraphThis story is told by Manjula to an anthropologist in a series of interviews. The anthropologist wishes to remain anonymous. Pseudonyms are used to protect the safety and privacy of the characters.
Jan 10th- May 17th 2009 in the region of Vanni in Sri Lanka
The air shuddered with the dull boom of artillery fire as it pounded the earth relentlessly. Huddled inside the bunker, I shielded my two year old with my body as he clutched his little teddy bear for comfort.
The heavy bombardment tapered off in the night. Families began to flee into the darkness anticipating the next round of bombings. Hurriedly throwing a few essentials and the teddy bear into a bag, I jostled my way with the baby alongside bicycles, tractors, buses, and people pouring into the main road. I clambered into a bus so crowded that people were almost falling over each other. The bus inched forward, a half-hour journey took five hours in the chaos.
I was fleeing to a relative in Suvenderapuram. My husband, who works away from home, found his way to me the next day. This was to be the beginning of a five month long journey as we fled from place to place, seeking some sanctuary from the relentless bombs.
Dodging bombs in bunkers along the way my husband returned to our home for necessary items such as pots and pans, provisions, a little mattress for our baby and some of our beloved valuables such as a few of my fine saris. “When our money runs out at least we will have our valuables” he said.
In Suvenderapuram, as in other places, our first task was to build a bunker which involved felling trees and sawing logs. Many families shared the labor and the bunker. But the very next day Suvenderapuram came under heavy attack and we had to flee again.
The one road leading out of Suvendarapuram lay between dense shrub jungles with the Sri Lankan army and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (hereafter the LTTE) on either side. My husband felt that my son and I would be safer in a closed, fast moving vehicle. With great difficulty he found a car and a driver. The driver had been a fighter long ago. These old ex-fighters were the only ones who could drive a vehicle under a hail of bullets from snipers. My husband followed the car in his motorbike. Tied to the motorbike were our essentials, including bunker material.
The ex-fighter drove at lightning speed on the empty street. Clutching my son tightly I shut my eyes. Peering out intermittently I saw an overturned motorcycle with many belongings tied to it. The rider was lying dead in a pool of blood. I also saw a tractor loaded with household belongings with the driver lying dead in his seat. We could not stop for any of them. We covered an hour’s journey in fifteen minutes. It had been touch and go all the while.
From the interior of Thevipuram we crossed the river to Iranapalai. Drones flying overhead picked off people who were crossing. These tiny, robot propelled drones are barely visible and are called bees because the only indication of their attack is a humming. We hear a humming and then the attacked fall down, without warning. I panicked as people dropped all around me.
We had started our journey at dawn and it was five in the evening when we reached Iranapalai. Fleeing people had set up tents in every available little space. Tents stretched as far as the eye could see. Everyone lost someone in their family during this time. My cousin’s whole family was killed. Who lived and who died was just a matter of chance.
Most of this month was spent in the bunker. The little children played, fought and cried inside the bunker. It was very hot inside, but safer for them. Maybe because of the heat, or the noxious gas from the bombs, the children began to get boils on their heads and bodies.
In early April an intense battle between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan military forced us to flee again. Our bunker shook so violently with explosions that we were afraid of being buried alive. My terrified two year old son began crying to the God Anjanyar to save us; hearing this from such a little baby, we all started crying.
As the fight subsided we crawled to Irrataivaikkal along a small road sandwiched between the beach and shrub jungle. The trees in this area were burning. The shrapnel of a missile came flying at us, piercing the front tire of our motorbike. As we despaired, a friend stopped to rescue us, taking my son and me on the pillion whilst riding his own motorbike with one foot, propelling with his other foot our motorbike with my husband on it. He was a mechanic and this was the way he towed stalled motorbikes. He also helped us patch the tire.
Once we reached Irrataivaikal we pitched our tent and set about digging a bunker. But since it was close to the beach the ground would fill with water as soon as we dug even to the depth of one foot. Finally we built above ground using palmarah branches and sandbags. We filled fertilizer bags with sand from the beach and dragged it to the bunker area. These fertilizer bags were being sold on the streets. After we had used up all the bags we began to use saris. We could sew four saris to use as one sand bag. After we had exhausted the few daily wear saris we began to use our valuable silks. In the end we even used our kurai saris, the first and finest wedding sari that the husband’s family gives the girl.
Soon heavy bombing forced us to flee to Vellamullivaikkal. After ten days the bombings became very intense. As the shells began to fall closer and closer to our bunker we were forced to flee with just a few essentials in one bag, even abandoning our trusted motorbike.
Cornered by the bombs, along with hundreds of thousands of other fleeing people we inched toward Vattuvahal in the inky darkness of night. There was nowhere else for us to go. As we surged forward slowly, lights attached to parachutes bobbing in the sky illuminated the dense press of fleeing humans. Using these lights, the military began to bomb into the crowds. People fell down wounded or dead all around us. The sound of bombs and the cries of dying people begging for water are imprinted in my mind forever. But no one could stop long enough; the surge forward was a stampede in slow motion.
Exhausted, we spotted a parked tractor with a container, with room for shelter under the container. There were already about seven people asleep there. We asked them to move only to realize close up that they were all dead. One young boy had a blood stained bag wrapped around his shattered leg.
Dawn broke forth, and we dragged ourselves along as the bombing continued. A father walked ahead of us carrying his little child. We were right behind him. Suddenly blood sprang from the forehead of the baby. He gave a little cry and died on his father’s shoulder. A bullet had pierced his forehead, exiting out of the back of his head. It was not possible for the grief stricken father to turn back, or to stop. After this my husband carried our son beneath his heart.
We reached Vattuvahal early that morning. We were filthy, having walked through swamp, mud and also human waste. We heard that the army was allowing people into the government controlled area over the Vattuvahal bridge. People had no other choice but to go into government territory. We could not get close to the bridge because of the dense crowds. We all waited, a wall of humanity, stretching out for as long as the eye could see, around the bridge. Around four in the afternoon, without warning, shells began exploding in the middle of the dense, waiting crowd. A roar of surprise came from the terrified crowd. People fell down in hundreds, dying. People were fleeing with their families, and they were killed as families.
That night there was intense bombing in every direction. The air was filled with sounds of grief. The military had also landed via the sea, and were using loudspeakers to urge the crowd towards the bridge once more. It was still dark when we walked through whizzing bullets and exploding shells. They were also shelling the villages around the bridge, and soon the families who had been sheltering in their bunkers began dragging themselves towards the bridge. Most of them were wounded. A young man with shattered legs was dragging himself on bleeding hands. Someone had placed a pair of slippers on his hands and wrapped a plastic shopping bag around his wounds. The infirm elderly were carried in hammocks made of a bed sheet. Two family members carried each end of the sheet. The army took over the elderly and the heavily wounded at the bridge. Families beat their chests and wailed at this separation. We heard later that the elderly had been delivered to old peoples homes.
The road was strewn with personal items such as slippers, handbags, national identity cards, bank books and birth certificates as if there had been a huge riot or disaster. Dogs and crows were eating body parts strewn on the road. The stench was unbearable.
At eleven that morning on the seventeenth of May 2009, dazed and barely human, we crossed the bridge into government territory, leaving behind our homes and our lives.
The Camp- From May 18th to the end of August
The army ordered the huge crowds coming off the bridge to keep walking through the paddy fields. The ground was uneven and so hot that bare feet blistered on contact. The burning heat brought on a deep hungry thirst, but we had no water. We trudged along for hours with our little boy crying for water. In desperation we begged an army officer for some water, and he shared his own water with us.
We were marched from eleven that morning until six in the evening when the deluge of humanity were crawled to a stop and herded into barbed wire wrapped, animal pen like enclosures inside the paddy field. These were like the compartments of a train, one leading to the other, each about one kilometer long.
The place was seething with human waste. People hunched around in desperate silence and extreme exhaustion since there was no food or water. In the evening an army bowser arrived, but there was such a stampede that the army finally just poured buckets of water on the people. My husband who had fought his way through the crowd came back wet and angry. “We should have died on our land,” he said, “rather than be treated without dignity or respect”. I felt that we had lost everything.
Starving and desperate some began to dig the now soiled paddy fields, but the ground was dry. That night the army brought in about five filthy, fish smelling canoes that seemed to have been dragged off a beach. They filled these with water. There was a stampede. People had no vessels, so they found discarded shopping bags for water. It was dangerous to put your face into the canoes, a little boy died as he bent over to take a sip. The thirsty stampede of people behind him had put too much pressure on his neck. The army brought meal packets, but there were so many people clamoring, and so few parcels that they finally threw these parcels into the crowd.
The next day dawned. Some LTTEers were getting ready to surrender. Laurence Thilager and Yogi were people we knew about. A few blind girls also surrendered. I learnt later that all these people had disappeared. People were led out of these enclosures, men and women separated, sent on different lines, stripped, searched and then bused to Vavuniya. Many families were separated at this time since the women were not allowed to wait for the men. I pretended to breast feed my baby until I saw my husband.
The bus that left on the morning of the 18th arrived at the Omanthai checkpoint at 8pm the next day. The army had distributed a few dry biscuits and water along the road that afternoon, otherwise we would have had no food or water. At the checkpoint an announcement was made ordering those who had been in touch with the LTTE, even for an hour, to stay behind. “Those who attempted to lie would disappear,” the announcer said at the end. Many stayed behind and we continued our journey on another bus at midnight. We were given a packet of noodles, but it was spoiled and had a bad smell.
The bus journey continued on and on for another twelve hours when we began to reach a forested area. Excavating equipment was being used to dig and clear the forest, which was cut and piled around the camp like mountains. We sat in the hot bus for two more hours as the tents were being put up in this barbed wire wrapped place. At two in the afternoon we were ordered off the bus and forced into the tents at gunpoint. My husband, baby and I were driven into a tent with twenty seven other men, women and children. One of the women protested and had a gun pointed at her. We were all silent after that.
There was only standing room for everyone inside. The men went outside to sleep. I laid our towel on the ground and felt bugs and tree roots dig into me. It started to rain and all the men came back in. No one slept that night. Women are protected from men who are strangers in our culture. To be without basic privacy with strange men was shameful to me.
Food was thrown at the people by a travelling vehicle. Only the fittest were able to catch the parcels. We had to walk two kilometers within the camp for the tube well. Since we had no vessels, we collected water in discarded shopping bags and bottles. The water line was so long that it took eight hours for our turn. The lack of water, privacy, and clothes made even basic cleanliness very difficult. The toilet was a foul smelling, human waste filled ditch, over which was laid two metal sheets. It was easy to lose one’s balance on those filthy wet sheets, there were people who fell into the ditch. About a hundred men, women and children used one toilet.I felt that our very humanity under was siege.
My son was getting really ill. We walked two kilometers to the hospital tent, but the doctor was not there that day. However, I met Anjali, the sister of a friend who flung herself at me, weeping that fifteen members of her family, including my friend and her husband had been killed in the bombing. Their two children, aged one and five were bleeding from their ears, injured and lying in a corner of this hospital tent. They were not allowed to go to the Vavuniya hospital for treatment. Surrounded by a large close knit family she had never been alone before, and now she was the only adult survivor. “What will I do, all alone with the two children,” she kept crying to herself.
After a while, NGO’s were allowed in and conditions began to improve a little. However my baby’s health took a turn for the worst. The filthy camp conditions were killing our son. He was wasting away before our eyes, and we feared he might die. I begged, and was given permission to take my son to the Vavuniya hospital. It was now August. “Once we are at the hospital we must escape,” said my husband, “otherwise our son will die”. Only I was permitted to take our son to the hospital. The day I took my son to the hospital and then escaped was the last day I saw my husband. He disappeared in the camp.
Our son would not have survived the rains in the camp. After I escaped the rains began, and I heard that mud, water and sewage seeped into the tents bringing infectious diseases. I am now in a third country. My son sleeps at night with the frayed and battered teddy bear his father had given him when he was a baby. This is all he has left of his father. I try very hard to hold this teddy bear together. What will I do when it falls apart?
The Geneva based UN Human Rights Council adopted a second resolution on Promoting Accountability and Reconciliation in Sri Lanka putting Sri Lanka under close scrutiny for grave rights violations, but the new resolution falls short of creating an international investigation mechanism called for by the High Commissioner for Human Rights.
WASHINGTON, March 22, 2013 – The United States Tamil Political Action Council (USTPAC) appreciates the efforts made by member states of the UN Human Rights Council to bring about a follow-up resolution on promoting accountability and reconciliation in Sri Lanka.

Resolution 22/L.1, the second within the span of one year on Sri Lanka, again led by the United States, was supported by 40 co-sponsors with 25 of 47 states voting in favor of its adoption. The resolution endorses the recently released report of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights emanating from the previous UNHRC resolution 19/L.2, while failing to implement the High Commissioner’s most momentous – and repeated – recommendation: that an independent and credible international investigation be established for alleged violations of international human rights and humanitarian law.
“Strong international action on Sri Lanka is well overdue,” said USTPAC spokeswoman Dhamy Rajendra. “In the nearly four years since the brutal end of the armed conflict, in which estimates cite over 146,000 Tamil civilians killed, the Sri Lankan government has failed to initiate a single credible investigation or prosecution. Given Sri Lanka’s institutionalized and well-entrenched impunity, it is deeply disappointing that Sri Lanka has been given one more year of ‘space and time’ to investigate itself.”
Although the Human Rights Council itself fails to implement the High Commissioner’s recommendation to create an international investigation for Sri Lanka through this resolution, its explicit call on Sri Lanka to implement the High Commissioner’s recommendations is a significant and welcome departure from its usual aversion of country-specific interventions.
This stance is exemplified in the resolution’s expressed grave concerns regarding flawed domestic processes put forth by the Sri Lankan government’s Lessons Learned and Reconciliation Commission and the National Action Plan for its implementation. In addition, it unambiguously calls on Sri Lanka to conduct provincial council elections in the North by September, 2013 and engage with special UNHRC mandate holders.
“USTPAC, as well as watchdog human rights groups including Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and International Crisis Group advocated strongly for the creation of an international Commission of Inquiry during this session. However, given Sri Lanka’s appalling track record of failed commissions of inquiry, this resolution, by calling for implementation of recommendations stipulated in the High Commissioner’s report, is an ultimatum to the government of Sri Lanka.
It is clear that continued refusal to comply with this resolution will not be tolerated by member states and will inevitably lead to the next step of setting up an international commission of inquiry,” stated Rajendra.
USTPAC expresses Tamil Americans’ appreciation to the US government for bringing this resolution. “We also appreciate the widespread support extended by student groups and political parties from Tamil Nadu, and scores of human rights defenders from Sri Lanka.
Though we came short this time, USTPAC resolves to advocate for the creation of an international commission of inquiry on Sri Lanka to conduct independent credible investigations for the war crimes, crimes against humanity and alleged genocide committed against tens of thousands of Tamil civilians,” concluded Rajendra.



Manmohan’s Shoes

By Malinda Seneviratne -March 23, 2013
Malinda Seneviratne
Colombo TelegraphIndia has a question for Sri Lanka: How will India’s vote in the UNHRC impact Indo-Lanka relations? It’s a complicated question and one which prompts multiple answers.
Officially, the Government still considers India a friendly country. The nature and volume of trade between the 2 countries, especially what SL imports, both in terms of volume and number of items, makes severing relations hard. The fact that the Indian Parliament did not choose to pass a resolution against SL will also be factored in: ‘face-value’ has value.
On the other hand, the Government will most certainly appreciate Pakistan’s friendship and also China’s support. Unofficially, it is likely that the Government will move closer to these two countries, not so much to ‘teach India a lesson’ but for pragmatic reasons, of which the following must be flagged: ‘India cannot be counted on’.
If there was a buzz regarding Geneva 2012, this time around there was hardly a murmur. If people wondered what India would do last year, this year there was no doubt. India’s vote was not ‘news’.
Did India, or rather Delhi/Singh, have a choice though?
First of all, India, having burnt the friendship boat or rather what was left of it in Geneva in 2012, could hardly be expected to do a volte face and certainly not after pandering to the pro-LTTE Sour Grape lobby in India and elsewhere.
Secondly, India, aspiring as it is to break into the UN Security Council, can hardly afford to annoy the USA, which country tabled the resolution against Sri Lanka. Please note that the US Ambassador’s semantic intervention (resolution ON Sri Lanka and not AGAINST her) fools no one for at best it smacks of a 21st Century version of ‘White Man’s Burden’.
Thirdly, Manmohan Singh and the Congress Party cannot ignore political arithmetic. Whether its Jayalalithaa or Karunanidhi that’s calling for accompaniment, Singh has to dance to the Tamil Nadu tune come election time. It is for this reason that Sonia Gandhi had to forgive her husband’s murderer. Perhaps.
Fourthly, nothing that Singh does (against Sri Lanka) is ‘enough’ for Tamil Nadu because Jayalalithaa andKarunanidhi have to keep upping the stakes as both appeal to the worst sentiments of Tamil Nationalism to secure and usurp power in that state respectively. Singh was burnt both before and after Geneva.
Fifthly, Singh has a lot to lose by pandering to Tamil Nadu, which is why the Resolution on (against) Sri Lanka in the Indian Parliament was still born.
With all these issues to think of, India is also harangued by Sri Lanka’s firm friendship with Pakistan and China. Now some may say that India sided with the USA to ‘send a message to Sri Lanka regarding the growing Chinese “presence” in the island,’ but when we consider the volatility of the factors Singh has to take note of, this seems trivial. Singh is first a politician and then a patriot; like all politicians on may add. If Delhi sided with Sri Lanka and Singh lost the election, a sojourn in the political wilderness may have seemed too high a price to pay for not having a lesser Chinese presence in the backyard.
Regardless of all this, and all the tired and expected noises India is now forced to make about accountability and reconciliation (by way of the 13th Amendment; read ‘boundary-lining Eelam myths’), Sri Lanka has to understand Singh’s predicament and read his choice-lack accurately. The man didn’t have many options. An option-poor man’s statements and demands must therefore be viewed with compassion and empathy.
It is better for Sri Lanka to let Singh find cures for his many political miseries and concentrate on getting things done right here, in Colombo, Killinochchi, Monaragala and elsewhere, in the Constitution and the Separation of Powers, with respect to transparency and accountability, reconciliation and rule of law. This should be done not because there’s going to be another circus in Geneva a year from now, but the only way Sri Lanka can resist spoilers from other countries is to be united. Unity is not obtained by poetry workshops and development exhibitions, but by a full consideration of what ‘citizen’ means and what has to be done on all fronts to make citizenship meaningful, to create a Sri Lanka where citizens feel acknowledged, respected and belonging.
*Malinda Seneviratne is the Chief Editor of ‘The Nation’ and his articles can be found at www.malindawords.blogspot.com