Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Tuesday, March 19, 2013


Sonia: Plight of Sri Lankan Tamils is close to our hearts

Congress President Sonia Gandhi

Congress President Sonia Gandhi

Return to frontpageMarch 19, 2013
Congress president Sonia Gandhi on Tuesday demanded an “independent and credible” inquiry into the violation of human rights in Sri Lanka even as she refused to comment on key UPA ally DMK withdrawing support to the government at the Centre.
Voicing her pain and anguish over the “denial of legitimate political rights” to Sri Lankan Tamils, Ms. Gandhi dwelt at length on the issue at the Congress Parliamentary Party meeting in Delhi.

“I have nothing to say now”, Ms. Gandhi said when asked about the pull out by DMK.
“The plight of Tamils in Sri Lanka is close to our hearts. Our support for equal rights and equal protection of the laws to them has been unwavering since the days of Indiraji and Rajivji.
“We are most pained at the manner in which their legitimate political rights continue to be denied to them. We are anguished by reports of unspeakable atrocities on innocent civilians and children, especially during the last days of the conflict in 2009,” she said.
Slams Italy over marines
Slamming Italy for its refusal to send back the two marines charged in the fishermen killing case, Ms. Gandhi asserted that no country will be allowed to take India for granted.
“The defiance of the Italian government on the question of the two marines and its betrayal of a commitment to our Supreme Court are outright unacceptable,” she said.
“No country can, should, or will be allowed to take India for granted. All means must be pursued to ensure that the commitment made by the Italian government to our Supreme Court is honoured,” Ms. Gandhi said.

Centre cool to DMK’s demand for declaring civilian deaths as ‘genocide’



    SANDEEP DIKSHIT

B. MURALIDHAR REDDY-March 17, 2013
Return to frontpageThe Dravida Munnetra Kazhgam’s demand for declaring the civilian deaths in the Sri Lankan conflict as genocide is an overstatement, especially in the context of this weekend’s vote at the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) on the U.S.-sponsored resolution on the island nation’s human rights record, well-placed official sources told The Hindu.
The broad contours of India’s thinking on the civilian deaths, political estrangement and withdrawal of the army from the previously conflict-ridden areas emerged three days ago. Official sources here said India had taken a tough stand on Sri Lanka’s handling of the post-war situation.
However, neither India nor other countries intended to term as genocide the civilian deaths that occurred in the last phase of the war between the Sri Lankan armed forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam that ended in 2009. India will get another opportunity to put forward its stand in the run-up to the voting. Despite the persistent demand by parties like the DMK that India spell out its stand, the government has repeatedly said it will take a call, depending on the wording.
At the formal adoption of a periodic review of Sri Lanka’s human rights record at the HRC working group in Geneva on Thursday, India appreciated Colombo’s recognition of the need for implementing the recommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission’s Report and promoting the trilingual policy. It also expressed the hope that the Sri Lankan government would speedily withdraw the armed forces from the northern parts and keep its promise to hold elections in the Northern Province within six months.
But sources said this was the normal diplomatic discourse practised at the U.N. The substance was in the middle of the statement. The sources said: “We also expressed our hope that the investigations of allegations of human rights violations and loss of civilian lives will be independent and credible and said we look forward to speedy resolution of the residual issues pertaining to the resettlement and rehabilitation process, where welcome progress has been made.”
The statement also made it clear India’s impatience with Sri Lanka’s inability to address many of the issues since the last periodic review was held in November last. The silver lining, according to India, was in rehabilitation of the war-affected persons. This was an area where India would continue to provide whole-hearted support to Sri Lanka, the statement said.
The sources also sought to dispel the impression that any Indian support to the resolution was because the U.S. had piloted it. “These UPR discussions at the HRC, which have a four-year cycle and are in the nature of a peer review, are held independently of the expressed intention of the U.S. to table a draft resolution on Sri Lanka in the ongoing session…”
While all U.N. members are free to speak at the review, only HRC members can vote. Russia, China, Venezuela, Cuba and Iran spoke against the resolution which they said amounted to singling out a particular country for opprobrium. But many of the heavyweights, especially Russia and China, are not on the HRC this time.
As a result, the resolution that uses a strong language against Sri Lanka has a strong chance to sail through. Last time too, India sided with a U.S.-piloted resolution that won more votes, though Russia, China, Pakistan and many Asian countries sided with Sri Lanka. This time, the sources said, there were not many countries from Asia on the HRC, where positions are held in rotation. Japan could soften its stand as Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa visited it recently

After Chennai And In Averting A Major Disaster

By Laksiri Fernando -March 19, 2013
Dr Laksiri Fernando
Colombo TelegraphIt was shocking to see the video of a Sri Lankan Buddhist monk being attacked in Chennai Central Railway Station yesterday and this was the second such an incident within few days. This act should be condemned unhesitatingly. Of course the government can issue a travel advice and perhaps pilgrims or others can refrain from visiting Chennai or India. Some are more interested in advocating the arrest and punishing of the culprits in India. All of these may be necessary but will they solve the underlying problems? It is hardly the case. What about the similar extremists in Sri Lanka?
When the Halal issue came up and when the Muslims in general were intimidated directly by the BBS, I almost became speechless dreading the future consequences. Written or verbal opposition alone is not going to solve our problems while it may be necessary perhaps as a first step. I was more concerned about how to douse such a situation. I had already marked my opposition when particularly the Muslim mosque in Matale (and others) became attacked and if the government had taken necessary action against the ‘miscreants’ – if I may use a milder term for the culprits – the BBS would not have become such a dangerous force by now. There was a direct link between the mosque attacks and the BBS organizers.
What we have to realise is that when extremism is unleashed particularly on emotive issues of religion and ethnicity the consequences are dreadful and would not easily be controlled even if any government wants to do so. The evidence shows that the then government in July 1983 wanted to teach a ‘small lesson’ to the Tamils, but the events developed into major catastrophe completely out of control. We are in a different time period even compared to for example 1983. Things are quite transparent and news travel with images within seconds across countries. Can anyone say that the attackers of the monks in Chennai had not seen the images of BBS monks behaving violently in recent events in Sri Lanka? They most probably must have seen them. Anyway, the monks are now branded as enemies of the Tamils or minorities in Sri Lanka.
Rise of BBS 
If anyone had genuine grievances against the Halal products in the market, then the judiciary was the right place to raise them. But that was not what happened. Halal was only a pretext for the BBS to unleash religious wroth against the Muslims. This is not even genuinely religious. It cannot be the case given the very clear nonviolent and tolerant principles of Buddhism. Many people have already written much on the subject in these columns. What we can see is the complete divorce between Dhamma and certain sections of Sangha. This kind of a divorce can happen in any religion. But in this case it is not even the whole of Sangha.
The BBS website and some of the video speeches posted there are very clear about their objectives. It is a neo fascist organization. The main objective of the BBS seems to be to establish Sinhala Buddhistsupremacy in the country by completely overhauling the present political and social order including the existing Buddhist religious order. The Sinhala Buddhist supremacy that they talk about is of an ‘ancient kind’ compared to what is attempted by the present order of politics. That is the difference.
The most dangerous about this organization is the violence that they reveal and sure to unleash in a greater scale in the coming future. The present utterances are quite hateful and violent. It appears that they or some of their top leaders harbour some caste grievances as well. If they stick to the caste line it might not succeed as a national movement but the damage that they could cause in the meanwhile would be enormous.
There cannot be any doubt that the animosity created against the Muslim community in Sri Lanka particularly among the Buddhists is deep seated and perhaps greater than the animosity against the Hindu community. The vast difference between the two religions plus their rituals, the proximity that they live in many parts of the country and the business competition between them are some of the exacerbating factors. Of course there can be other side to it, at least, as far as the misunderstandings or prejudices are concerned but. It is however almost an established fact that the major offensives are unleashed by the majority community.
Possible Backlash
After the Halal victory against the Muslims this month, it was largely speculated that the next offensive of the BBS would be on the Hijab of the Muslim women, derogatorily called goni-billa. If that were to happen there were even warnings that Muslim organizations would strongly resist and react to defend their women.
Given the intervening events in Chennai it is more likely that the BBS might now launch an assault on the Tamil community instead of the Muslims. It is also possible that the attack on the Buddhist monks in Chennai were premeditated to provoke a backlash in Sri Lanka by the Tamil extremists. Whatever the case, the responsibility of an elected government to prevent such a situation is undisputed. This responsibility is equally valid to both Sri Lanka and India.
In respect of organized violence, the promoters are obviously the organizations. One does not need a major theoretical analysis to establish that. If there is no organized element in a situation of potential violence, that we call spontaneous violence, then the normal law and order through the police might be sufficient. But when there is clearly an organized element like the BBS today in Sri Lanka, not only the normal law and order might become insufficient but also susceptible. A situation such as this is more sensitive when two countries are involved.
Unless the government takes these matters into proper consideration and act swiftly the consequences might be disastrous to the country as well as to all communities. Sri Lanka should speak to India through the highest possible level in sorting out the bilateral matters. What might be most important is to curtail the local situation without allowing the miscreants to create conditions where another 1983 is repeated. The BSB in particular should be kept under control. If this is not done the government should take the full responsibility.
In the context of a wavering government on the issues at stake, the responsibility also rests on the opposition to demand swift action on the part of the government and the police. It is in this type of a situation that the independence of the police is of paramount importance or otherwise ‘law and order’ might succumb to the whims and fancies of the communalist politicians including the defence establishment.

US explains human rights resolution against Sri Lanka

US explains human rights resolution against Sri Lanka
March 19, 2013
Latest NewsWashington: The US is going ahead with its resolution against Sri Lanka at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva as the Rajapaksa government has failed to fulfill its international obligations, which it promised after the fall of the LTTE, the Obama Administration said.

Without naming any one, State Department spokesperson Victoria Nuland, on Monday, told reporters at her daily news conference that the US is working with a lot of governments who share its concerns about the lack of progress in Sri Lanka.

"It is not a surprise to the government of Sri Lanka that we are doing this. We made clear publicly and privately that this was a response to the fact that we just didn't see the kind of movement that was necessary.

We didn't see promises fulfilled. So we're being very transparent with the government of Sri Lanka and we're expecting strong support for the resolution that we've put forward," Ms Nuland said.

"I remember when the (Sri Lankan) Foreign Minister was here last year and met with (the then) Secretary (of State, Hillary) Clinton, she made clear that if we didn't have progress, we would go forward, and that's what we've done," she said.

The Sri Lankan government needs to fulfill its promise and international obligations, she said when asked about the views of the critics of the American resolution that this would boost the morale of pro-LTTE groups in the country and the world over.

"The best thing that the government of Sri Lanka could do for its own people and to undercut the claims of these groups would be to fulfill the obligations that it made to the international community to take the process forward. So that hasn't happened and we are taking more measures in the Human Rights Council to make clear that progress has been insufficient," Ms Nuland said.

The US had adopted a similar resolution last year with India's support which bound Sri Lanka to make rapid progress on reconciliation with Tamils.

Sri Lankan forces had crushed LTTE in May 2009 after nearly three decades of brutal fighting. The conflict claimed up to 1,00,000 lives, according to UN estimates, and both sides are accused of war crimes.

Take strong stand, Jayalalithaa tells Manmohan

March 18, 2013
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Jayalalithaa. File photo
The HinduTamil Nadu Chief Minister Jayalalithaa. File photo
Return to frontpageEven as State-wide students’ protest continues on the issue of Sri Lanka’s human rights record, Chief Minister Jayalalithaa on Monday called for a “strong, historic and courageous stance” of India in the matter and wanted the Union government to not only support the US-sponsored resolution in the 22nd session of the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) but also strengthen it through suitable amendments.
In her letter to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, the Chief Minister gave a host of specific suggestions in making the text of the resolution stronger.
Emphasising that there should be, in the operative portion of the resolution, an unequivocal call for a credible, independent, international mechanism to prosecute “genocide, war crimes and war criminals” and the accused should stand trial before an international court, she said “this process should be completed within a period of six months and the outcome reported for a special discussion in the 25th session of UNHRC in 2014.”
The operative part should also insist that the OHCHR [Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights] report be implemented in its totality. Also, there should be a strong call to the Sri Lankan government to accept the establishment of an impartial, international institution to initiate credible and independent actions.
“This should include Sri Lanka providing a pragmatic political package to the Sri Lankan Tamils and restoring their equal rights of citizenship on par with the Sinhalese community,” she pointed out. Among her other suggestions was a mention in the resolution of the UN Secretary General’s Panel of Experts report, in addition to the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) report. In the portion dealing with reports of the continuing violations of human rights, the words, “serious concern and dismay” should replace “concern.”
In another paragraph, the term, “condemnation” should be included with reference to the failure of the Sri Lankan government to fulfil its public commitment including devolution of political authority.
She expressed dismay over the recent statements of the Prime Minister and External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid, saying that they did not give a clear indication of India’s position. “It was disappointing that India had maintained a deafening silence when the US- sponsored draft was taken up for discussion in the ongoing UNHRC session.”
Recalling her memorandum presented to Dr. Singh in June 2011 and a resolution adopted by the Tamil Nadu Assembly in the same month on the issue of war crimes and the imposition of an economic embargo on Sri Lanka, she said that after a resolution was adopted in the 19th session of the UNHRC last year with the support of India, “the events and developments of the past year in Sri Lanka, as evidenced by the report of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, are a continued and sorry saga of human rights violations against the Tamils in that country.”
SL envoy compares TN protests to terrorism; govt tries to placate DMK 

IST-2013-03-18
New Delhi: Sri Lankan High Commissioner Prasada Kariyawasam on Monday compared the protests in Tamil Nadu against war crimes in Sri Lanka to terrorism and said the country will oppose any resolution against its army. Talking to CNN-IBN, the Sri Lankan High Commissioner said, "Resolution on Sri Lanka in UN is uncalled for. We don't think there is a need for international community to get involved in Sri Lanka at this point."
Talking about the protests in Tamil Nadu, he said, "Those who are protesting against Sri Lanka in Tamil Nadu have not visited Sri Lanka recently. They have never been there, they are going on hearsay and on the basis of lobbying by the LTTE sympathetic groups living abroad, outside the country. Some of these agitations have taken the form of terrorism. In fact some innocent monks and pilgrims from Sri Lanka have been attacked. This is again the kind of violent method practised by LTTE in the past in Sri Lanka."
The UPA is reaching out to DMK, which has threatened to pull out of the alliance, over India's vote at the UN Human Rights Council. UPA ministers P Chidambaram, AK Antony and Ghulam Nabi Azad are flying to Chennai to meet Karunanidhi on Monday evening to sort out issues. Karunanidhi had written another letter to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and UPA Chairperson Sonia Gandhi, asking the government to push for an international probe into war crimes in Sri Lanka.
The DMK chief insisted that the government should bring in amendments to declare that "genocide and war crimes had been committed and inflicted on Eelam Tamils by Sri Lankan Army and the Administrators" and seek a credible and independent international commission to probe human rights violations. "I am writing this letter with immense mental agony and feeling of having been let down by the Government of India," he said and hoped the Centre would take immediate steps to assuage the feelings of entire Tamil community by getting the amendments incorporated in the resolution.
Karunanidhi said he was constrained to write to them in view of the "volatile situation" prevailing in the state. He said there was a feeling of "injustice" among the Tamils in the context of the "lukewarm response of the Government of India to the entreaties made by the various sections of Tamil community in general and students community in particular across the state."
External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid has maintained that the final decision will be taken after consulting allies. The draft resolution by the US circulated in Geneva could complicate New Delhi's efforts to honour the sentiments of Tamil MPs while protecting ties with Colombo.
Earlier on Sunday, the police lathicharged members of a pro-Sri Lankan Tamil group which tried to barge into the camp office of Minister of State in PMO V Narayanasamy, demanding that the Centre take steps to protect Tamils in the island nation. Volunteers of the local unit of Tamizhaga Vazhvurimai Katchi tried to barge into the office to push forward their demands, including steps to stop attacks on fishermen allegedly by the Sri Lankan Navy and raised slogans, following which police rushed to the spot and lathicharged them.
Students continue to hold protests
Students of various colleges in Tamil Nadu also continued their protests for the seventh day today over the Sri Lankan Tamils issue. In Chennai, students of Dr Ambedkar Law College continued their hunger strike even as 20 students of IIT-Madras embarked on a similar protest inside their campus, police said. Protests continued in various parts of the state, including Coimbatore and Tirunelveli, with students pressing for various demands, including an independent probe against Colombo for alleged human rights violantions and moving the International Court of Justice.
City-based Loyola College students had first embarked on a fast-unto-death last week on this emotive issue, with more and more students taking to various forms of protests, including hunger strike and boycott of classes. Emotions in Tamil Nadu had surged especially after pictures by a private channel showed the alleged cold blooded killing of slain LTTE chief V Prabakaran's 12 year-old son, Balachandran.
Meanwhile, around 15 law students were arrested late last night for trying to stage a fast at the Marina beach
here. On Sunday, protestors burnt effigies of Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa at Mylapore area. Security has been stepped up at Sri Lankan installations in Chennai, including the Mahabodhi Society, after some persons tried to stage a protest there. Security has also been increased to the Sri Lankan Deputy High Commission. The move came in the wake of a Sri Lankan priest being attacked by fringe pro-Tamil groups in Tanjavur on Saturday.
While the government is yet to announce its stand, the Tamil parties and student protests are keeping up the pressure on the Centre.
(With additional information from PTI)

India key ally DMK pulls out of government

A DMK protest against Sri Lanka in in Chennai, India, March 5, 2013There have been a series of protests in Tamil Nadu against alleged atrocities on Sri Lankan Tamils19 March 2013 
BBCA key regional ally has pulled out of India's ruling coalition over the government's failure to condemn alleged atrocities against Sri Lankan Tamils.
The DMK party's 18 MPs will not support the Congress party-led government. Five MPs who are ministers in the government will also resign from the cabinet.
A senior minister said the government was "stable" and would remain in power.
The DMK is the main opposition party in the southern state of Tamil Nadu which has a large population of Tamils.
DMK chief M Karunanidhi has demanded that the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government pass a resolution in parliament condemning alleged atrocities committed by Sri Lankan forces against Tamils during the island's long civil war.
He has also protested against the Indian government's position on a resolution on alleged war crimes in Sri Lanka which is before the United Nations Human Rights Council - he wants India to push for stronger language in the resolution, including the use of the word "genocide".
'Condemn it'
"The issues raised by the DMK haven't been addressed by the Congress, thus this is a government that doesn't benefit the Tamils in any way," Mr Karunanidhi, told a press conference in Chennai (Madras) on Tuesday.
"And even after this, if we continue to extend our support to the government, it is a shame to Tamil Nadu... Thus the DMK has decided, and we are announcing our immediate withdrawal from the central government and the UPA," he said.
"India, despite being the biggest democratic country, hasn't addressed the issues raised by the DMK, and they have chosen to ignore the problems of the Tamils. These are completely anti-democratic acts by them. I totally condemn it," Mr Karunanidhi said.
Immediately after Mr Karunanidhi's press conference, the government said it still had a majority in parliament.
Finance Minister P Chidambaram, who met Mr Karunanidhi on Monday night to try talk him round, said there was no crisis and the "government is absolutely stable, it will stay in power".
Mr Chidambaram said the government was deciding its position on the UN vote and was consulting its allies on a resolution by parliament.
The government, which needs 271 MPs to stay in power, still has the support of at least 280 MPs. Elections are due next year.
Correspondents say there is no immediate threat to the government, but the DMK pullout will make it more difficult for it to pass legislation - the Congress party is dependent on several regional allies for support in parliament.
The government lost another important ally - the Trinamool Congress party of West Bengal - last September which pulled out over the government's plan to open the retail sector to global supermarket chains and other reforms.

DMK quits government over Sri Lanka issue

Latest NewsMarch 19, 2013 

The DMK this morning announced that it is exiting the ruling coalition; its five ministers will quit the cabinet. The party said its decision is based on the Centre's refusal to take a strong stand against Sri Lanka at this week's session of the UN's top human rights body in Geneva



Will We Miss The Bus Again?



By Charitha Ratwatte -March 19, 2013
Charitha Ratwatte
Colombo TelegraphTrincomalee: The Rotterdam of the Eastern Indian Ocean
A colleague, who calls himself an ‘Economic Historian,’ has confessed that his dream is to concoct a fictional economic history of Sri Lanka, based on the fiction that the European penetration of this island took place from the east coast and not from the west.
He firmly believes that if not for the historical accident of the PortugueseCaptain General Francesco de Almeida at Goa, on India’s West coast, in 1505, deciding to send his son, Lorenzo, to the west of Sri Lanka, with a fleet of nine ships to chase down and destroy some Muslim pirates who were harassing the Portuguese ships sailing from Malacca to Goa, the history of our land would be different.
One could imagine the Captain General, having a young son and his band of friends, with spare time and money, chilling out in the small expatriate Portuguese community of Goa, using his father’s name and authority to terrify the populace, being a headache to the father’s strict administration (happens even today) racking his brains to find something useful for these young vagabonds with excess energy to be deployed on, instead on venting their exertions of the unfortunate people of Goa!
The repeated complaints of Portuguese ship captains of the activities of these Muslim pirates basing themselves in Male Atoll, on the Maldives Islands, would have given him an idea. The fool hardiness of young Lorenzo and his band of merry men to venture out into the Western Indian Ocean in the teeth of the South West Monsoon itself shows their immaturity and also may be the father’s intention of really putting them through an experiential learning opportunity, from which they will learn many lessons to temper their youthful energies. How Lorenzo’s fleet got caught in a vicious South West monsoon storm and strong currents , his flagship losing its main mast and limped into Galle harbour, seeking succour from the king at Kotte, is now a part of history.
The Economic Historian’s thesis is, what if the, the Muslim pirates had been based, say on the Andaman islands, to the east of Sri Lanka, harassing Portuguese ships in the Eastern Indian ocean, say sailing to and from the spice emporiums of Malacca on the Malay mainland and Lorenzo had been despatched to deal with them, his fleet getting caught to a North East monsoon storm, and limped into Trincomalee harbour, and the king in Kandy having to provide succour?
Then the colonial economic penetration of this island would have started from the east coast and moved inland, Trincomalee would have been the hub, as Galle was and Colombo is now. Given the later economic boom in East Asia – what even the World Bank called ‘The East Asian Miracle’ – which soon collapsed, based on unsustainable dictatorships and heavy international borrowing (sounds familiar!?) and today’s China boom, Trincomalee would have without doubt been a booming transhipment port and hub of economic activity.
Why Rotterdam?
Why the analogy to Rotterdam? Rotterdam is the second largest city in the Netherlands and one of the largest ports in the world. It is the largest port in Europe, with the rivers Meuse and the Rhine providing access to the European hinterland upstream reaching up to Basel in Switzerland and into France. In 2006 it was the world’s seventh largest container port in terms of twenty foot equivalent units (TEU) handled.
Rotterdam’s main activities are petrochemical, general cargo handling and transhipment. The harbour functions as an important transit point for bulk materials between Europe and the world. From Rotterdam goods are distributed Europe wide by ship, river barge, road and rail. In 2007 a new fast freight train railway from Rotterdam to Germany was completed.
Starting as a dam constructed in 1270 on the Rotte River, Rotterdam is today a globalised centre of commerce. It is called the Gateway to Europe. The combined urban area of Rotterdam and The Hague is the 206th largest urban area in the world. One of the world’s most vibrant multicultural cities, Rotterdam is famous for its Erasmus University, cutting edge architecture, lively cultural life, striking riverside setting and ancient maritime heritage.
Trincomalee
Trincomalee is the world’s second largest and deepest natural harbour (the 10 metre depth contour comes right into Koddiar Bay. At the height of Rule Britannia and the British Raj, it could easily accommodate the huge British Far East Fleet. It is overlooking the Bay of Bengal and a beautiful natural harbour.
The entrance is guarded by two headlands as to be absolutely impregnable by any known methods of warfare. This the Japanese discovered to their cost during World War II, as did the French before them. To the north of the inner harbour of Trincomalee is the Dutch Bay, which has on one side of it a rocky peninsular with some magnificent cliffs running out onto the Bay of Bengal for the best part of a mile. This is Fort Frederick, a place of scared interest to Hindus and the object of countless legends.
The cliffs rise sheer from the blue water of China Bay to height of over 400 feet and are an object of veneration. They go by the name of Swami Rock, and this is the location of the famed Sivam Kovil of Koneswaram, one of the five famed and venerated Sivan temples located in Sri Lanka; the others being Munneswaram near Chilaw, Thiruketheswaram near Mannar, Naguleswaram near Keerimalai, and the one at Dondra, presently a temple dedicated to Vishnu.
Koneswaram
Koneswaram was a colossal temple located here, called the Temple of a Thousand Columns destroyed by the Portuguese in 1622. Nothing remains on the site of this magnificent edifice, as the Portuguese with their ruthless savagery, inevitably linked to their name and driven by the evangelical conversion fury of promoting their faith, razed it to the ground, precisely as they did to that other said to be wonderful Sivan temple at Dondra, on Sri Lanka’s west coast.
However, the famous futurist, astronomer and deep sea diver Arthur C. Clarke diving off Swami Rock with his colleague Mike Wilson many years ago, has recorded the presence of a vast number of huge columns of stone on the sea bed just off the Rock, undoubtedly once belonging to the Temple of a Thousand Columns. Indeed historians record that the Portuguese in fact pushed off the columns into the deep sea, just below the rock. One hopes that someday technology would be available to bring these pillars for public display.
Other than the modern temple on the rock, one solitary historical pillar still stands on the headland; some claim that this is one of the pillars of the temple. On it is carved an inscription to Francina Van Reedee, a Dutch girl, whose father was employed by the VOC, at Trincomalee, who threw herself over the cliff, into the sea, in despair, watching a faithless lover’s ship sail out of the harbour. The spot is popularly called ‘Lover’s Leap’.
The harbour consists of the great Koddiyar Bay, Cod Bay, Yard Cove Bay, China Bay (where it is said the sea going to Sampans from East Asia docked), and Sober Islands, where it is said that European sailors, after time spent at sea who had enjoyed their liberty in town, too much and came back to base inebriated, or had to be collected from a ‘watering hole’ in town by the Navy’s Shore Patrol, after they had passed out, were quarantined, until they sobered up! Next to the larger Sober Island is French Pass, a narrow strait through which the French fleet escaped when a British fleet tried to trap them within the harbour.
Pivotal role
Trincomalee itself has played a pivotal role in Sri Lanka’s history. It is said that traders from East Asia arrived at the ancient port of Gokanna (the historical name of Trincomalee). The name ‘China’ Bay itself is derived from these merchants. They travelled overland from Gokanna to the ancient trading emporium of Anuradhapura, the capital city, where the King had decreed a separate foreign trader’s quarter, to trade goods with merchants who arrived from the Europe and West Asia.
Those traders landed at the Port of Mantai (modern Mannar) on our west coast and came to the capital city to trade with their counterparts from the East. Historians surmise that substantial revenues must have been generated by taxing these trade transactions; at Gokanna a customs house and a fort are said to have been erected by King Wijayabahu I, who ruled from Polonnaruwa and drove the Cholas out of Sri Lanka. The Cholas also used a harbour south of Trincomalee for their operations in Sri Lanka, Illankathurai (which was also a base for the LTTE’s Sea Tigers). The Portuguese also constructed a fort in 1624.
Ribeiro, a Portuguese writer, writes: “Trinquimale was a triangular fortress, with three bastions carrying 10 iron cannon, built on a hill at a point of land adjoining the sea close to the Bay Dos Acros. A captain was in charge with 50 soldiers, and there was a gunner, 16 inhabitants, a chaplain, a church and a magazine of stores and ammunition.”
The fort gradually fell into decay, it was attacked by the Dutch in 1639, and the Portuguese were forced to capitulate. The Dutch, who were interested in driving out the Portuguese from Sri Lanka’s western coastal areas to take over the trade in cinnamon, elephants and other local produce, sent their negotiators to meet the King of the Kandyan Kingdom, by ship to Trincomalee.
King Rajasinghe II, who with Dutch help ousted the Portuguese, later when the Dutch VOC consolidated its position and occupied the maritime areas, exclaimed that he had ‘exchanged chilli for pepper’! The Dutch occupied the fort in 1639. Admiral De La Haye of the French navy sailed into Trincomalee and the Dutch set fire to the fort and fled. The Dutch started building fortifications on what is now known as the Sober Islands. The French took possession of the fort for some time.
King Rajasinghe collaborated with the French too. Admiral de la Haye sent an emissary to the palace in Kandy. Ambassador Sieur Desfontaines was treated so well by the King that it is reported he decided to settle down in Kandy! Officials of the Kandyan court came to meet the French and a treaty was signed. But in 1672 the Dutch Governor of Ceylon’s Maritime Provinces arrived with a fleet but it was the Kandyan troops who took on the Dutch, as the French maintained that they were at peace with the Netherlands! The Admiral sailed away leaving just 100 French troops who soon surrendered.
The British captured the Fort in 1782. In 1778 the French were supporting the American revolutionaries against the British. The British captured Pondicherry, the French colony, in India. The French sent a fleet under Admiral D’Estinene-D’Orves, who died at sea and was succeeded by Admiral de Suffren to take Trincomalee. It engaged a British naval squadron commanded by Admiral Edward Hughes off Madras at the Battle of Safras.
The French followed the British to Trincomalee and attacked again near the island of Chailaitivi off Vakarai on Sri Lanka’s east coast south of Trincomalee. After the battle Hughes retreated to Trincomalee, while the French anchored off Batticaloa, where their allies the Dutch still held the fort.
In 1782 the French actually entered the Trincomalee harbour and landed troops. The British troops under Captain McDowell surrendered the fort. Admiral Hayes returned with his ships and the Battle of Trincomalee took place. The fleets broke away and took shelter due to the outbreak of the North East monsoon, Hughes in Madras and the French in Indonesia. The French and the British made peace soon after. In 1784 the French handed back Trincomalee to the Dutch VOC in terms of the Paris Peace treaty. In 1795 the British took over Trincomalee after the Dutch capitulated to Colonel Stuart of the British army.
Role in world history
Once the British had been ceded the Kandyan kingdom, they developed a naval base there. They built a fort there and named Fort Frederick. British ships circumnavigating India on their way to Bombay from Calcutta and back called in at Trincomalee.
Indeed there is a historical British era building within Fort Fredrick, which is called Wellington House. The Duke of Wellington, while serving as a young officer in India, with his regiment on attachment to the British Indian Army, had arrived with his men from Bombay en route to Calcutta. He contacted malaria while at Fort Frederick and the ship left without him. The ship sank with all hands before reaching Calcutta, due to a fierce North East monsoon storm. In later life the Duke, commanding the British and Prussian armies against Napoleon at the battle Waterloo, defeated the French.
Trincomalee therefore has a role in world history; if the Duke of Wellington had not contacted malaria and not missed his ship and drowned, the history of Europe and maybe of the world may have been different.
Trincomalee was a huge British naval base. Members of the Chinese community domiciled in Trincomalee today are said to be descendants of the laundry men the British Navy inducted from Hong Kong to service the base. This gives a contemporary relevance to ‘China’ Bay! The iconic Chinese-owned ABC café at the entrance to SLNS Tissa, and its speciality of iced lime juice soda, is an unforgettable experience.
During World War II, Japanese Admiral Nagumo sent his carrier based aircraft to bomb Colombo and Trincomalee. The target at Trincomalee was the British fleet. One bomb which dropped harmlessly into the sea in front of Fort Frederick blasted the coral in a semi circular natural swimming pool! The British Navy had prior intelligence of the attack and dispersed the fleet. HMS Hood was steaming southwards when the Japanese pilots in their Zeros spotted, bombed and sank her off Batticaloa. Today the wreck of the Hood is a popular diving spot for scuba divers off Batticaloa.
During the civil war, Trincomalee played a strategic role. When the road link to the north was cut, Jaffna and its environs was supplied by ships from Trincomalee. There are still large Army, Navy and Air Force bases at Trincomalee. Today the town is slowly slipping back to its sleepy status as a provincial capital and garrison town.
Post-war tourism is pumping resources into Trincomalee. The armed forces in their new-found victorious avatar in the leisure industry have developed holiday resorts, including a golf links. Industry-wise, only the Prima Flour mill is the iconic presence. A coal power plant, with all its negative environmental impacts, is scheduled for Sampur.
21st century importance of Trincomalee
Like when the mercantilist Moslem, Portuguese, Dutch VOC, British East India Company and the French were quarrelling over Trincomalee in the past, in 21st century geopolitics, Trincomalee is important.
The Indians consider it a part of their strategic defence of their very own eastern Indian Ocean. As the South Block Babu’s in Delhi are want to say: “Remember, it’s the Indian Ocean and not the South Asian Sea!”
In the Indo Lanka Accord of 1987, much conditionality was imposed on Sri Lanka’s discretionary use of Trincomalee. Just think if Trincomalee had been developed like Rotterdam, with a speed rail link to Talaimanar and onto Rameswaram, and the Indian sub continent – with the East Asian and Australasian and Chinese land mass on the East – what potential Trincomalee has?
An international airport expanding the SLAF base at China Bay would be an essential feature. Without developing godforsaken places like Oluvil and other ‘dugout’ ‘excavated’ harbours, the world’s second largest (2,030 hectares) and deepest natural harbour, with a 500 metre entrance channel, should have been developed.
A total of 80% of China’s raw material and energy resources are shipped East on the sea lanes South of the Dondra Head from Africa and the Gulf. Think of the havoc a couple of air craft carrier groups based in Trincomalee could wreck on this Southern shipping lifeline to China. A couple of war ships based in Hambantota would be a weak and impotent joke against such might!
On the strategic side, China is also developing a String of Pearls – potential naval bases – at Marao Atoll in the Maldives, Gwadar in Pakistan, Chittagong in Bangladesh, Sittwe in Myanmar, Lamu in Kenya, andHambantota in Sri Lanka, in case her Navy is required to secure and defend the Southern sea route. These are possible alternatives to Trincomalee’s potential, however minuscule they seem in comparison.
Enterprise and business aspect
On the enterprise and business aspect, Trincomalee provides a land area of 5,261 hectares for development. A vast entrepot-based industrial and manufacturing base to serve the South Asian, East Asian, Chinese and Australasian markets could be developed. However, the timeframe for this option is limited; Myanmar is developing the Island of Ramree on its West coast near Cambermere Bay, approximately 93 degrees longitude and 17 degrees latitude. An international airport is under construction at Ramree’s capital city oof Kyaukpyu.
China has also entered into an agreement to build a 1,215 km railway and parallel highway linking the city of Kunming in China’s Yunnan Province with Kyaukpyu. Off Ramree, Korea’s Daewoo International is developing Myanmar’s largest natural gas project, the Shwe gas pipeline and onshore terminal, owned by the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise. A Special Economic and Industrial Zone is planned.
Once these investments take off, Myanmar’s Kyaukpyu, not Trincomalee, will be the cynosure of all investors’ eyes in the Eastern Indian Ocean. If we are not to miss these strategic and entrepreneurial opportunities for Trincomalee, we have to move now. Delay will once again mean we have missed the bus, and the potential will remain nothing but that – mere, nostalgic, potential.
The time is now.

Militarisation as panacea: development and reconciliation in post-war Sri Lanka

AMBIKA SATKUNANATHAN 19 March 2013
Site LogoIs it possible to secure the dignity, rights and well-being of a conflict-affected population by incorporating them into a military juggernaut that has quickly grown to dominate all spheres of life?

The creeping militarization of Sri Lanka which followed the end of armed conflict in 2009 has now, four years later, become normalised and entrenched. During the years of the war the impact of militarization was felt mainly in the North and East. However, following the end of the war, systematic militarization has been taking place throughout the country. Its impact on the lives of those in conflict-affected areas is visible and severe. Driving through Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu and Vavuniya gives the lie to repeated denials by the government there is a heavy military presence in the North, particularly in comparison to other parts of the country. For instance, the camps of the 22nd Battalion, Gajaba Regiment, 574 Brigade, 682 Brigade, 681 Brigade, 591 Brigade, 59 Division, 14th Battalion, 68 Division, HQ 571 Brigade, 573 Brigade, 561 Brigade and 682 Brigade are just a few that are visible to any visitor to the area.
To borrow Cynthia Enloe's definition, "militarization is the step-by-step process by which something becomes controlled by, dependent on, or derives its value from the military as an institution or militaristic criteria". As she reminds us "what has been militarized can be demilitarized. What has been demilitarized can be remilitarised". Examining the process of militarization currently under way in Sri Lanka, Enloe's observation that, "militarization does not occur simply in the obvious places but can transform the meanings and uses of people, things and ideas located far from bombs or camouflaged fatigues", is particularly relevant, because in Sri Lanka one has to look beyond the visible and most obvious to understand the rapid militarization that has taken place since the end of the war.

Security-development nexus

Militarization in the North is taking place in complex ways at multiple levels. In addition to the noticeable physical presence of the camp or civil affairs office, it is the military’s involvement in the civil administration, development activitiesand commercial activities that is the gravest cause for concern. As early as 2009, signalling the increased involvement of the military in post-war development, the Northern Security Forces Commander stated that with the elimination of terror in the north, "security forces in the North will be engaged in a new role of developing the region". The military began to play an active role in development activities, to the point where permission to implement projects or development work was subject to authorisation by the military, and official permission to travel into the Vanni to work was refused to certain individuals deemed to be a threat to national security.
While the government now claims that civil administration in the North is once again in charge of development activities, the website of the Ministry of Defence (MOD) continues to post stories about the role of the armed forces in development activities. For instance, according to an article posted in November 2012 on the MOD website, "under the government's expedited northern development programme, the Army is extensively involved in a number of infrastructure development projects including road reconstruction, infrastructure development and housing".
The government may argue that the military is merely ‘assisting’ the civil administration to rebuild the north, or is being utilised to implement activities launched by other ministries. But the fact that a  committee in the North that came together to prepare development plans for 2013 was convened at the Headquarters of 55 Division in Vettilaikerny and chaired by the commanding officer is illustrative of the unequal and uneven balance of power between the military and civil administration. The existence of a weak civil administration as a result of armed conflict is used to justify military involvement in, and even take over of activities and duties performed by civil authorities not only in the North but also in other parts of the country. For instance, it was reported that due to the failure of the Colombo Municipal Council (CMC) to manage Viharamahadevi Park in the centre of the city, the Urban Development Authority (UDA), which is within the purview of the MOD, has placed the park under the supervision of the Navy. Instead of strengthening civil administration and dealing with allegations of corruption in the public service, the government uses allegations of corruption and a weak administrative service to justify the military’s involvement.

Entrenchment of militarization

The militarization of civil administration has been internalised both by government officials and the public to the extent that in January 2011, when a number of abductions and extra-judicial killings took place in the Jaffna peninsula causing panic amongst the population, the Government Agent of Jaffna promptly met with the army commander of the area to discuss the security situation rather than with the police. In response to the deteriorating security situation, the police and army launched joint patrols in Jaffna and reportedly stepped up surveillance. It was also the army, rather than the police, that held public meetings in Jaffna on enhancing security in the area, andrequested the public to complain to the nearest army camp if they received extortion threats. 
More recently, in November 2012, following the police and army breaking up a gathering of students who were protesting against the military entering the premises of Jaffna University and the men’s and women’s hostels and assaulting students - the Vice Chancellor (VC) of the University met with the Jaffna Commander to request the withdrawal of the army from the vicinity of the premises. Although it was claimed that the army was called in to assist the police, it was the army commander who made the decision regarding withdrawal rather than the police. The MOD site further reported that ‘SF-J Commander requested the VC not to allow any outsiders other than undergraduates and academic and non-academic staff onto the University premises without prior permission either from the VC or the Registrar, to which all agreed’.
Mirroring this, in the south of the country, following the riots at the Welikada prison in the outskirts of Colombo in November 2012, the Commissioner-General of Prisons urged the Ministry of Defence to take over the administration of the prisons. Since 2009, the public and diplomatic services too have seen an influx of former military officers appointed to key positions. The Governors of the Northern and Eastern Provinces are both former military personnel, as is the Government Agent of Trincomalee.

Charity and gratitude vs. rights and dignity

The army’s encroachment into civilian space to exercise further control over the population, particularly children and youth, is illustrated by its involvement in the education sector in the North by engaging in philanthropic initiatives, with theMOD website replete with stories about the army’s activities which range from providing scholarships and distributing books to students. More recently, visitors to Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu are told that the Civil Security Department (CSD) is managing pre-schools in the area. While this is supposed to constitute paying the salaries of teachers and monitoring the administration of the school, it will no doubt also involve decision-making regarding curriculum and activities held at the school.  Further, reportedly, 103 military personnel are teaching the Sinhala language in schools in Kilinochchi.
As Enloe states, "militarization does not just happen: it requires decisions, many decisions, decisions made by both civilians and people in uniform". Likewise, in Sri Lanka, the fact that private citizens and corporate entities provide donations to the aforementioned army’s welfare programmes rather than working with local community and social service groups illustrates the entrenchment and normalisation of militarization.
A disturbing aspect of the army’s philanthropic initiatives is the indication that they appear to view these as part of a charitable impulse dedicated to a population which in turn is expected to show servility and gratitude. This is demonstrated by phrases - such as, ‘grateful beneficiaries’, ‘charitable deed’ ‘this act of benevolence by the security forces have (sic) brought great joy to the children’  - used by both military officials and the MOD in speaking or writing about these activities. 
In many instances the normalisation of militarization is aided by the dire economic circumstances of the conflict affected people, who due to lack of other livelihood opportunities take up employment with different sectors of the military machinery, such as the CSD which recently employed a large number of persons in Kilinochchi in agricultural farms which ironically were previously managed by the LTTE. It should be noted that instead of providing viable livelihood options to the conflict affected, the states appears to be offering opportunities mainly in the defence industry to those living in the former LTTE controlled areas. 
The capturing of civilian space is supported by the ever-growing number of entities that are part of the defence complex, such as the Media Centre for National Security (MCNS), the Civil Security Department (CSD) and the Civil Defence Force (CDF). This structure is bolstered by the more public and even interventionist role played by military officials in a manner unseen in the past, such as military commanders making public statements on a number of issuesranging from the laws under which civilians will be prosecuted for certain offences to the behaviour expected of students of Jaffna University.
Militarization also appears to be an important component of the government’s post-war reconciliation strategy. This process seeks to reconcile with the Tamil community and include them in the social fabric of Sri Lanka through the re-militarization of the northern population. Cadet corps are being established in schools, leadership training programmes for school students are held with the involvement of the army, school tours are organised by the army, youth are encouraged to join the CDF, and women are recruited into the army.
While there have been a number of allegations made in relation to these recruitment campaigns, including forced recruitment and sexual violence against women recruits, which have been denied by the state, the main question to ask is if it is possible to secure the dignity, rights and physical and socio-economic well-being of the conflict-affected population by incorporating them into a military juggernaut that is encroaching and dominating all spheres of life in Sri Lanka, while demanding the servility and unquestioning loyalty of all? 
The main concern is that there is little understanding amongst the general population of the dangers of military encroachment into civilian affairs. Instead, a culture and narrative in which the army is being firmly placed as an integral actor in all aspects of governance in Sri Lanka is being created. For instance, in an article that appeared in the Sunday Leader on 3 March 2013, an army officer responded to allegations of military interference in civilian affairs by declaring that, "these are baseless accusations made by certain parties who want the people to be distant from the forces as they do not want harmony". Any challenges to this narrative would be considered anti-national and traitorous.