Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Thursday, March 14, 2013


Gotabhaya Rajapaksa And His Bala Sena

By Tisaranee Gunasekara -March 14, 2013
Colombo Telegraph“Is there no asylum safe enough from your insane and blinded fury?”Schiller (The Bride of Messina)
Gotabhaya Rajapaksa was the Chief Guest at the opening of Meth Sevana, the Buddhist Leadership Academy of the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS). In his speech Mr. Rajapaksa said that he decided to attend the event “after realising its timely importance”; according to him, “these Buddhist clergy who are engaged in a nationally important task should not be feared or doubted by anyone” (Sri Lanka Mirror – 10.3.2013).
Gotabhaya Rajapaksa’s decision to publicly associate himself with the BBS is of inestimable significance. Anti-minoritism is the creed of the BBS, cowing the minorities its raison d’être. Igniting an anti-Muslim Black July seems to be its ‘nationally important task’. When the über-powerful Defence Secretary, the man who controls the police and the military, gives a character certificate to such a violently divisive organisation, it is not a happy portent. Even before Mr. Rajapaksa’s decision to bare his links with the BBS, its lay and ordained enforcers were able to break the law with near total impunity. After Gotabhaya Rajapaksa’s ringing endorsement, not a single police/military official is going to lift a finger either to restrain the BBS goons or to save their victims.
The transformation of the police from spectators to enforcers of the BBS illegal and unethical deeds is already underway, going by media reports. “After the discussion the Secretary of Defence today (13) ‘not only the removal of the Halal logo, the entire process is done away with it and the police has been directed to attend do the rest’ the Convenor of the Bodu Bala Sena, Galagoda Aththe Gnansara Thera told …… ‘Our doubts were all cleared during our discussion with the Secretary of Defence’ the Thera said. ‘The removal of products with the Halal logo from the wholesale market would have taken three years according to the manufacturers. It is not practical to wait that long. The police have been directed to remove these products from the wholesale market’, the Thera revealed. The IGP has been instructed accordingly”[i].
If accurate, this news portends a future in which the BBS will be able to wreak havoc at will, with active police/military backing – until Gotabhaya Rajapaksa decides to withdraw his patronage. The Rajapaksas are addicted to using and discarding. Eventually the BBS too will be marginalised into insignificance. But until that day dawns, it can cause limitless and irreparable damage to Sri Lanka and all her citizens.
The BBS may or may not be a Rajapaksa-creation. But it is hard to believe that it could have become the behemoth it is, in just 10 months, without Rajapaksa patronage. In today’s Sri Lanka, in order to get ahead and thrive, one needs Rajapaksa backing, be it in politics, business or other fields of endeavour. Had the Rajapaksas wanted, they could have nipped the BBS in the bud. The Siblings do not hesitate to ignore, restrain and even threaten the topmost Buddhist priests, when it is in their interests to do so. If they allow the BBS to run amok, it is out of choice.
The BBS, knowingly or unknowingly, is starring in drama of Rajapaksa making.
Under the auspices of President Rajapaksa, his brothers and sons are competing with each other to build up their own fiefdoms, within the overall dynastic project. Basil Rajapaksa is the ‘Development Czar’; theDivineguma Bill was aimed at expanding his fiefdom. Namal Rajapaksa has ‘Tharunyata Hetak’ and ‘Nil Balakaya’.
Gotabhaya Rajapaksa is indubitably more powerful than either Brother Basil or Nephew Namal. He effectively controls the military, the police and the UDA. The militarization of civil spaces is being undertaken partly as a way of maintaining his relevance, post-war. In post-war Sri Lanka, his power has remained undiminished. But what he can do with that power has shrunk drastically, outside of the North and the East. Of course there are white vans and other extra-judicial activities. Of course he remains the most feared man inSri Lanka. But in the absence of a discernible enemy and a manifest conflict, apart from lording it over North Eastern Tamils, his most prominent public role has been that of the chief park-and-exercise-track-builder and the inaugurator of the Ranaviru Real Star.
Perhaps the BBS can change all that, and enable Gotabhaya Rajapaksa to play the hero again, by giving the Sinhalese a new enemy? If the BBS can conjure a half-way credible ‘Islamic threat’, Mr. Rajapaksa can don his warrior-guise again and find some real uses for the unlimited power he enjoys in his brother’s country.
LTTE, BBS and GR
InSri Lanka, several political entities have claimed the sole representative status of their ‘chosen people’, chosen on the basis of primordial identity – ethnicity/religion. The LTTE made that claim on behalf of the Tamils. The Rajapaksas make that claim on behalf of the Sinhalese. The BBS has taken over the JHU’s banner of ‘the sole representative of Sinhala-Buddhists’.
The perennial search for enemies undertaken by such entities does not stop with the ethnic/religious other. It often turns inwards, targeting those of one’s own race/religion who refuse to accept the worldview of the self-anointed ‘sole representative’. The Tigers considered anti-Tiger Tamils to be an enemy on par with (and at times even greater than) the Lankan state. The Rajapaksas often reserve their most vicious ire for those Sinhalese (the ‘anti-patriots’ according to the Siblings’ lexicon) who refuse to become their acolytes.
The BBS is no different.
When the All Ceylon Jamiyyathul Ulama (ACJU) announced its compromise solution to the BBS created ‘Halal problem’, several senior Buddhist priests lauded that decision. Prominent among them was the scholar-monk, Bellanwila Wimalaratana Thero who stated that the BBS is not the sole-voice of Lankan monks. “He noted that in any community there are extremists, fundamentalists and other elements. Bellanwila Wimalaratana thera said that the Buddhist clergy in Sri Lanka do not want to create a conflict between communities” (Colombo Gazette – 11.3.2013).
At its Maharagama rally, BBS livewire Galagoda Atte Gnanasara Thero heaped invective on those Buddhist priests who disagree with the BBS’s extremist vision and divisive antics. After a violent verbal assault on Muslims and the Ulemas[ii], the monk turned his venomous-attention on moderate Buddhist priests: “There are some Buddhist monks who are like those evil forces. They have the robe round their shoulders. But these fellows just lack the cap of the Muslim man. They sit with those capped men and are creating unlimited impediments to our attempts to build this nation….. Do not allow room in the temples for these unethical/immoral forces”[iii].
Vellupillai Pirapaharan could have had a de facto Eelam on a platter. But he wanted to win a de jure Eelam on the battlefield. That extremist path brought him to an ignoble death. The BBS is not content with its ‘Halal victory’. It wants to inflict ever greater humiliations on Lankan Muslims. That extremism will cause its undoing, eventually. It ignominious fall may undermine its patron Gotabhaya Rajapaksa (and his brothers); or not. But its toxic life will indubitably bring disrepute, dishonour and disaster to the religious-community it claims to be the sole-representative of.
A clarification: I am not back with the Sunday Leader. The paper is carrying already published material, with strategic cuts.

[i]  http://theindependent.lk/news
[ii] The Ulemas were likened to the ulama, a bird heralding death according to Sinhala folklore
[iii] [iii] http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WUPJ1tSrxgs

Thursday , 14 March 2013
“We are police in civil clothes not attired in Kakki dress” was described by the movement named “Pothu Bala Sena”
 
This movement emerged after the war period, with Sinhala racism concept recently is disclosing tough stances against the minority community.
 
 "Halal" emblem which is embossed in productions was requested by this movement to expunge and strong protest were advanced.
 
A media briefing was held yesterday in Colombo, and a representative from the Pothu Bala sena said, "Don't look at us as racist but observe us as police not attired in Kakki uniform"
 
Green leaves can grow in rubber field, but due to the growth we do not name it, the garden of green leaves, similarly minority can live in Sri Lanka, but there should not be hindrance to the majority community, Bouthu Balasena said. 

Marakkala Kolahālaya: Mentalities Directing The Pogrom Of 1915

By Michael Roberts –March 14, 2013 
Dr Michael Roberts
Colombo TelegraphThis article is a reprint of chapter 8 in Roberts, Exploring Confrontation, Reading: Harwood, 1994
Introduction: Categorical Clarifications1
In the course of 9-10 days in May-June 1915 segments of the Sinhala population drawn from a wide occupational spectrum systematically attacked the property and at times the person of Mohammedan Moors residing in the south western quadrant of the island—a region containing the majority of Sri Lanka’s population at that point of time. This event has since been referred to in Sinhala as the marakkala kolahālaya and in the English rendering as “the 1915 riots” or “the communal riots of 1915.” Because disputes in front of mosques are known to have been one of the reasons for these “riots”, it has been interpreted as a “religious conflict” between Muslims and Buddhists (Nissan & Stirrat 1990: 31-32; Spencer 1990: 5, 8). By itself, this characterisation is misleading and a corrective is in order.
Those whom we refer today in Sri Lankan English as “Muslim” were described till about the 1930s as “Mohammedan.” “Mohammedan” (or Muslim) takes its meaning from its context of usage. In juxtaposition with the categories Burgher, Sinhalese, Tamil, Malay, it is an ethnic label. Where aligned in distinction from Hindus, Buddhists and Christians, it is a religious category. It therefore carries a duality of meaning. This dual-sidedness is accentuated by the Sinhala usage. The Sinhala word, marakkala (Moor), is often used to refer to Mohammedans as well. Though there is ambiguity on this point, marakkala does not, unlike the English word “Mohammedan” (Muslim), usually encompass the jā (Malays). Indeed, the more erudite Sinhala word for Moors is yon (yona) in distinction from javun, javo, ja.
Given such dualities, and the ambiguities attached to the everyday usage of such terms, it is not surprising that one finds the terms “Moor” and “Mohammedan” being used interchangeably in the official literature, sometimes in the same document (eg: Tyrrell 1907). Indeed, it is probably because of such ambiguity, and because the category Mohammedan is both an ethnic and a religious label, that the term “community” has become such an important part of the English vocabulary in Asia.                                            Read Mor   


Gota's heart condition aggravates as Int. probe on war crimes becomes a reality : Doctors now know about his heart batteries
http://www.lankaenews.com/English/images/logo.jpg
(Lanka-e-News-13.March.2013, 11.30PM) Defense Secretary Gotabaya Rajapakse is a heart patient and his heart is functioning on a battery , according to Lanka e news inside information service.

This became known because his heart ailment aggravated with the news that the Geneva human rights commission is certainly going to appoint an international team to probe into the SL war crimes. Gotabaya against whom grave war crime charges have been mounted, following the positive signals that an international probe is to be instituted has driven himself into deep despair and trauma . Since of late he had been flying into a rage and is subject to severe tension very often . Consequently his heart which is functioning on a battery has shown profound changes for the worse.

Though Gotabaya had been concealing his heart ailment most meticulously, after the aggravation of his heart condition , he could not hide it any more from the local doctors. The heart battery of Gota had been introduced when he was in Kentucky of USA after admission to a hospital there. Gota had successfully hidden his heart ailment not only from the doctors but even from his relatives until recently. Though Gota had to go to America regularly to do a medical check up on him , owing to his fear that he might be apprehended as a war criminal, in the past he had been doing these medical checks in Singapore and China.

No matter what, following the sudden health crisis, he could not under the exigent circumstances hide the truth from the local doctors. Based on the opinion of doctors, his anger and rage can seriously militate against his heart condition. In any case Gotabaya’s condition has not still turned fatal, based on LeN inside information sources.

The above revelations notwithstanding, the people who know Gota well however are entertaining doubts about the heart condition information, for they ask how can such a heartless man have a heart condition? They say, firstly he must have a heart to ail from any heart disease.

US 'softens' resolution
2013-03-15 
The final amended draft of the US-sponsored resolution on Sri Lanka, which will be presented in Geneva, indicates several of the resolutions have been 'softened-up' to 'pacify' the Government of Sri Lanka. However, the resolution also calls Sri Lanka for a 'dedicated general debate' at the 25th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC).


The debate will be on the report, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) would be presenting to the Council.


The resolution encourages the Government of Sri Lanka to implement the recommendations in the OHCHR report. A discussion on 'Promoting Reconciliation and Accountability in Sri Lanka,' was held by the US Mission at the UN office in Geneva yesterday, before the final draft of the resolution was submitted.

Subsequently, strong terms in the resolutions such as 'urges' as 'encourages,' along with 'noting with concern' and 'failure by the Sri Lankan Government' were amended and replaced with the word 'encourages.' However, the resolution, in its entirety, stands by what it had urged the Government of Sri Lanka to work on. It is also learnt that countries such as Russia, China, Pakistan and Cuba had proposed to amend the resolution 'to soften further,' but the other delegates had said it would be 'toothless and meaningless' if they went ahead with further amendments. On the other hand, the EU countries and Canada wanted the resolution be amended with wordings 'much stronger.'


The most debated issue was 'the dedicated general debate' (No. 4). All four countries, namely: Russia, China, Pakistan and Cuba that supported the Government of Sri Lanka, opposed the inclusion of a 'dedicated debate.'


The resolution No. 6 requested the OHCHR, with input from relevant special procedures mandate holders as appropriate, to present an interim (deleted) oral report at the 24th session (2014) and a comprehensive report in an interactive dialogue (deleted) followed by a dedicated general debate at the 25th session (2015) of the UNHRC, on the implementation of these resolution.


The Government of Sri Lanka did not participate in the discussion, although one official from the Sri Lankan delegation was present.


It was also noted that India 'kept silent' while the discussion was going on.
The US, along with the co-sponsors, will submit amended final resolution today and the final resolution will have the same format and content as in the third draft.


Executive Director of the Centre for Policy Alternatives, Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, reading the final draft of the resolution told Ceylon Today, "Well, under the circumstances, it seems like the best one can expect. The most important fact is that it will come up again in 2014. There will be a report in September, the international investigation and the rest of the High Commissioner's report noted and call for implementation of same."
2013-03-15 

Thursday , 14 March 2013
 "We do not want the assistance from you". "It is ample if only our children could be traced, who had gone missing " was said by the relatives of missing persons at the media briefing held at the Colombo Municipal Council Public Library Conference hall.
 
"We were to come to Colombo to hold a protest appealing to track our children who had gone missing”. “However Police from Vavuniya obstructed us, refraining us from continue our journey to Colombo”.
 
"They threatened the bus drivers which came to transport us and sent back the buses"
 
"Without discarding our attempts, we held the protest in Vavuniya"
 
"Only one request we plead, we do not want your assistance" but it is ample if you can find and return back our children" was the pleadings from the relatives.
Thursday , 14 March 2013
The federation operating in finding the beloveds gone missing in the north and east, the representatives of that movement submitted a supplication to the UN, appealing to rescue the missing relatives and urging to release  Tamil political prisoners.
 
 
A protest was proposed to be held in Colombo last week by the federation operating in finding the beloveds in the north and east. At the time, the protestors commenced their journey, police by reasoning security precautions, prevented the people at Vavuniya.
 
Hence the desperate people commenced the protest in Vavuniya and submitted a supplication to the Vavuniya District Secretary.
 
Due to the reason that they were refrained from holding the protest in Colombo and abstain from handing over the petition,  on the stipulated day, the deprived protestors made arrangements  today to hand over that entreaty.
 
 Only a portion of the representatives from the federation operating in finding the missing relatives from the north and east came to Colombo in handing over the petition due to security reason.
 
The petition was handed over at 12.30 noon to Patrick Ivanz the diplomat attached to the United Nations Development Program office.
 
 
Tamil National Alliance Jaffna district parliament members E.Saravanabawan, Vanni district parliament members Sivashakthi Ananthan, Vino Nogarathalingam, United National Party parliament members Jayalath Jayaratne including Mannar civil society representatives, people's representatives and hundreds of relatives from the federation operating the missing relatives of north and east were present at the handing over the supplication event.

UNHRC: Sri Lanka Resolution finalised ( 3rd draft attached)

SRI LANKA BRIEFWEDNESDAY, MARCH 13, 2013

The meeting in Progress @ Room no 27Today ( 13.03.2013) an informal discussion on the  3rd draft of the US sponsored resolution on Promoting Reconciliation and Accountability in Sri Lanka was held at the Geneva UN HQ, room no 27. It was organized by the US mission.


Russia, China , Pakistan and Cuba proposed to amend the resolution in a way that make it toothless and meaning less. EU countries and Canada wanted to make some of the  the wordings more stronger.

The most debated issue was ‘the dedicated general debate’ (No 4)proposed in the resolution  on Sri Lanka at the 25th session of the UNHRC in March 2014. This debate will be on the report  OHCHR will be presenting to the council. All four countries that supported Sri Lankan Government opposed the inclusion of ‘dedicated debate’.

Second contentious point  was the No 2  i.e,  ‘encourages Sri Lanka Government to implement the recommendation in  the OHCHR  report’ on Sri Lanka  

The Government of Sri Lanka didn’t participate in the discussion although one official  form the  Sri Lanka delegations was present.

India too kept silence as usual. 

US with the  co-sponsors will submit amended final  the resolution  tomorrow. The final resolution will have the same format and content as in the draft below. Some wordings may changed according to reliable sources.

US has already submitted the  2nd Draft to the council. It can be viewed here  .


Here is the draft submitted for discussion today. 


'A slap on the wrist': Sri Lanka at the UN Human Rights Council


Site LogoPHIL MILLER 14 March 2013
An inteview with Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam, President of the Tamil National People's Front, who warns that the Tamil genocide has not been curtailed in post-conflict Sri Lanka.

In a hotel by the tranquil shores of Switzerland's Lake Geneva, Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam is catching his breath from the relentless repression faced by Tamil activists in Sri Lanka. He is here to attend the UN Human Rights Council's 22nd session, which will examine the situation in his homeland this month.
Ponnambalam got into trouble with the Sri Lankan government just for trying to travel abroad. Not surprisingly they want to keep an eye on him, given his track record as an outspoken politician fighting for Tamil people's rights. Ponnambalam was a Member of Parliament for the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) from 2001-2010, until his section of this coalition - the oldest Tamil political party in Sri Lanka, the All Ceylon Tamil Congress - withdrew in 2010 to establish the Tamil National People's Front (TNPF). Ponnambalam is currently president of the TNPF, an organisation which prefers to work with civil society rather than the government of Sri Lanka.
Ponnambalam monitored closely the fate of the Jaffna University students arrested at the end of November for their commemoration of Tamils killed in wars against the Sri Lankan state. “After the first pair of student leaders had been interrogated for many hours, the Student's Union got worried and asked me to intervene. I was aware if I got involved the government would claim political parties were behind the students' protests, which absolutely was not the case. So I contacted the most senior lawyer in Jaffna. She found out that a special team was coming from Colombo to interrogate the students. It was clear they would not be released soon. The next day, I found out two more students had been detained, including the union secretary who had requested my help”.
Ponnambalam gives insight into how the Sri Lankan state treated these students: “The Terrorist Investigation Department were the arresting authority. They used a three month detention order and transferred them to the Joint Services Special Operations camp in Vavuniya and then the secretive Welikanda military detention complex – this 'rehabilitation' site should only be used if people surrender their links to a banned organisation as set out in the Prevention of Terrorism Act. There were no grounds to use this against the students. I asked their parents to challenge the detention but they were too frightened. The students were eventually released out of the blue last month”.
This incident is in stark contrast to the mantra of reconciliation promoted by British officials in their depictions of post-conflict Sri Lanka. Ponnambalam is critical of their use of language, saying that “structural genocide, not reconciliation, is the phrase which most accurately describes what is going on.” He explains how after the massacres of Tamils in the Vanni in 2009, the genocide has taken new forms. “Even the development and reconstruction that they speak of is mostly infrastructure. These roads are arterial roads used to mobilise the Sri Lankan military. Everyone knows that. It is being done to systematically undermine the national identity of Tamil people”.
He is adamant that the Presidency of Mahinda Rajapaksa is not uniquely problematic. “The land grab is not peculiar to this regime. It has been happening for the last 65 years. The only time it stopped was during the armed struggle of the LTTE, because then Sinhalese people were not willing to settle in the north and east”, where a de-facto Tamil state existed.
Although he was in Geneva to observe the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) session on Sri Lanka, he was pessimistic about the prospect of a satisfactory outcome. He dismissed the new US-drafted resolution, which will only “give the Sri Lankan government more time”. He bases this on the fact that a similar resolution was passed last March at the UN HRC which, he says, “did nothing to curtail the genocide. This resolution will be nothing more than a slap on the wrist”.
Looking back, he reflects how “a lot of people said that resolution was 'against Sri Lanka'. Not at all. It was just a resolution on Sri Lanka that put it on the international agenda. It did nothing to positively change the situation on the ground. Don't take my word for it. Look at the High Commissioner for Human Rights' own report on it. Surely a decent resolution would have addressed the concerns of the day, and made a positive impact on the ground? In fact, things have got worse. The government has become more aggressively anti-Tamil, moving towards authoritarian rule. So how can that resolution be called 'against Sri Lanka'?”
Ponnambalam pointed out how the terms of debate are still fixed on whether the government is implementing the recommendations of their own Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC). “The resolution was based on the LLRC, whose commission was appointed by the government. Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and International Crisis Group all rejected the commission's members. One of them was a known government apologist who was the Attorney General at the time. Our party said outright that you can't take the conclusions of a fundamentally flawed commission, so we refused to even go into its merits.
He continued to highlight the weakness of the international community. “The second part of the resolution talked about internal accountability – for the very same government accused of war crimes, crimes against humanity and what we call ongoing genocide”.
Ponnambalam believes Tamil women are playing a lead role in defending their communities from the Sri Lankan military. “The women are at the forefront of bringing to the world the issues on the ground, through various non-violent acts. For example, it was the women who demonstrated against their land being taken by the army in Keppapilavu. Then it was the mothers protesting about their disappeared children. The most vulnerable in our society are the most active in resisting”.
The deportation of Tamils to Sri Lanka has sparked controversy, amid reports that people sent back are imprisoned, raped or subjected to other forms of torture. In February the British High Court finally suspended the removal of Tamil refugees, pending a review of the situation due in May. Ponnambalam was unequivocal about the danger inherent with these deportations. “There is ample evidence to suggest that ordinary Tamils (let alone those who have gone abroad and sought asylum) are facing an enormous threat to their life in Sri Lanka. Elderly people who have been non-political for 25 years are suddenly being detained. So can you just imagine what reaction awaits people who have gone abroad, sought asylum, accused the Sri Lankan government of persecution... This criticism is the number one criteria for getting the State security apparatus against you. These people are not going to be taken lightly, and there is documentary evidence that they have been tortured on return.”
He also warned activists how the situation may evolve. “Some people are interrogated as soon as they step off the plane. No doubt the authorities will get more sophisticated – they will document people as arriving safely only to snatch them later”.

Mullikulam: Restrictions on fishing, cultivation, access to the church and school continue

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15 Mar, 2013 

The continuous appeals and campaigns carried out by the people of Mullikulam, the Bishop of Mannar, Rt. Rev. Dr. Rayappu Joseph and members of the clergy and civil society seems to have finally borne some results, in terms of the resettlement process of the people of Mullikulam. Even though the situation is still far from ideal, and the people still aspire to return home, as the intention of the Sri Lanka Navy (SLN) to stay put, is quite clear, and as the people have suffered for so long, they have reluctantly agreed to being resettled 750m outside of their original residential lands.
Two and a half months since (December 26th 2012) the Defence Secretary, Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith met with the people of Mullikulam to discuss[1] their grievances[2], we visited Mullikulam on 13th March 2013. We were able to see for ourselves and hear directly from the people about the progress made in terms of commitments  [3] made by the SLN in relation to the resettlement progress of the Mullikulam people. Primarily, the letter focuses on the progress made in relation to matters of housing, water, infrastructure, fishing, transport and access to the church and school.
While some work has been done by the SLN on the above, , access and restrictions have continued or even worsened .
Whilst the letter assures that the SLN has “…granted access for the villagers to visit church and school during day and night time,” some villagers shared  (I think u  need to clearly distinguish whether its opinion or actual experience)  that access is being approved on an arbitrary basis, with some claiming that “known” people are permitted access at any time. There is no full and free access to the Church yet. Apart from ‘Gate Passes’ having been given to two of the villager leaders, school children and teachers being permitted admission daily via the Navy bus to attend school, priests being given free access at any time, and everyone being given access to the church on Sundays, there does not seem to be one clear rule with regard to access.
During our visit, on 13th March , we experienced first-hand the SLN’s lack of clarity on this issue. Ironically, of the 10 persons in the van, only one person did not belong to any of the above mentioned “approved” categories, but still, we were kept waiting at the main gate of the SLN’s North Western Command Headquarters, for close to half an hour. Whilst we waited for “approval” from HQ, a Navy officer came up to the vehicle and asked us if any of us had cameras. When we replied yes, he went over to another officer and told him this. He also asked us why were visiting, to which a priest responded that we were going to check on the renovation work being done on the Church of Our Lady of Assumption (which is located in the heart of the village, now occupied by the Navy). Finally, after both gate pass holders, another villager and the Parish Priest got out of the vehicle and went to check with the officer in charge, as to the reason for the delay, we were finally permitted to proceed only on the condition of a Navy officer joined us in the van, effectively subjecting us to surveillance and monitoring our activities and conversations. . Having visited the school and church premises twice before, this was the first time that we were provided with an accompanying escort. So, contrary to the picture that is being created that the SLN is ‘loosening its reins’, on the issue of access in particular, there seems to be “tightening” of access with additional surveillance. This clearly indicates the lack of religious freedom and dishonoring of the commitments made, in addition to the discrimination meted out in terms of access to this particular place of worship. We are not aware of any Buddhist Temple and indeed other places of religious worship where such restrictions are placed and visitors subjected to such strict surveillance.  It also flies in the face of LLRC’s recommendation that there should be access to all places of religious worship, including those in High Security Zones. But it  makes more sense when seen in light of the statement[4] made by the Defence Secretary, that the “…Mullikulam base will continue to function as a RSC (Regional Security Centre) and will not be removed or relocated in any other place as it will jeopardize National Security objectives,” at the December 26th meeting last year.
Subsequently, on the North Western Area Commander, Rear Admiral N.K.D. Nanayakkara’s return (as he was out when we visited) to Mullikulam, and on hearing about our experience, he was reported to have reprimanded the officers at the entrance of the Base severely, and sent 3 Navy officers to the settlement to apologize for their actions. (had they actually gone to apologize? And for what? For the escort, or coz priests and others are supposed to have free access?)
And with regards to fishing, more restrictions have come into place instead of restrictions being relaxed. The letter states that the people are permitted to fish during the day and that night fishing has been extended to 10pm. However, the people say that before the 30th of January, 2013 they were permitted to fish unrestricted over-night. This sudden restriction on night fishing has posed much hardship for the villagers, as there are apparently very few fish during the day time. Furthermore, prior to the December 26th meeting last year, the people were permitted to fish along the entire 2½ kms (equating 6 Paadu, which is a “Deed” to fish in a specific area) stretch of coastline between the Modaragama river and Pemunthal. Now however, the villagers are only able to fish in 1km (3 Paadu) radius as the remaining 1½km has been restricted due to “security reasons”, by the SLN. Therefore, the villagers say that it is not an “extension” of the time allocated for night fishing, but rather a reduction of that time.
Furthermore, despite this  more than 5 years since military established it’s control in Mullikulam, since their return to Mullikulam in June, 2012, they have had to subscribe to a ‘Pass System’ authorizing them to fish in the same waters that they used to fish unrestricted before their displacement. Unlike in other parts of the country, the SLN plays the dominant role in regulating the fishing. Each fisherman must get himself registered with the Mannar Fisheries Authority, who will then send a registration letter authorizing them to fish in the demarcated 6 Paadu, to the SLN, who will in turn issue a pass to the registered fisherman. So far, 130 fishermen (including those who take part in Maadal fishing, which is mostly carried out from the shore), from the Malankaadu settlement have been registered and issued with a pass from the SLN. Every morning the fishermen must hand over their photocopy of the pass to the SLN and take the original to sea with them. On their return, they need to exchange the passes once again before returning home.
In relation to their cultivation lands, 450 acres fall within the Naval base, and is therefore still inaccessible to the villagers for cultivation. They are only permitted to cultivate the 640 acres that is located North of the canal. Furthermore, of the 7 tanks that were originally accessible to the people, they can now access only two, Pulliyankulam and Addappankulam, of which the latter lies along the 750m border, and is therefore meant to be shared by both the SLN and the people. The people however said that they do not make use of the shared tank as Navy officers bathe there and they do not want to cause unnecessary problems. Furthermore, as the 5 tanks within the Navy occupied lands have not been maintained during the war, they are no longer functional, and even many of the people’s original paddy lands inside the base are no longer fertile as the SLN has built direct access roads that run across the paddy lands.
However, in reference to some of the SLN’s claims in terms of infrastructural development, some progress made to date. Following is a list of claims and the progress made as of 13th March, 2013. (Based both on feedback from the people and first-hand visits to the sites);
-        The SLN is constructing 26 houses for resettlement in Malankaadu (near where the people currently reside in a temporary camp). – 75% complete. But the people were also very concerned that they had yet to hear any news regarding the commitment of 130 houses to be constructed under the Indian Housing Scheme.
-        Renovation of the Church complex – 25% complete, although the SLN letter says 40%.
-        As for the demarcation of land between the people and the SLN, the letter states that the Navy camp is confined to the South of the canal, and the people to the North. The people confirm this demarcation.
-        Approximately 2 acres near the coast has been cleared for a public cemetery, although the SLN letters only claims to have cleared ½ an acre.
-        The SLN has constructed 2 concrete pedestals to place water tanks on, in the school. It has not donated two water tanks to the school as per the letter.
-        A school bus service is run free of charge by the SLN, and has been in operation since the MN/Mullikulam R.C.T.M. School re-opened on the 6th of February, 2013. The bus picks up 35 students, 2 teachers and 2 cooks from the Malankaadu settlement daily at 6.45am and drops them back by 1.45pm.
-        In accordance with the letter, the SLN has provided drinking water via bowzers once every two days to, and constructed two toilets at, the settlement in Malankaadu when the villagers first returned to Mullikulam in June 2012. However, with regards to providing the villagers with a generator to supply electricity, the 1400 Horse Power generator they were given by the SLN at the end of January, broke down after two weeks. Having then returned it to the SLN for repairs, they have yet to be provided with a replacement. However, as the house construction in ongoing nearby, and generators are in use for the construction work, the settlement too gets a daily power supply whenever the generators are on. Villagers say that times vary from day to day.
-        The letter also mentions that having taken into consideration the people’s appeals to extend the grace period for using nylon nets, as they were badly off, that they had extended its’ usage till the 28th of February, 2013. However, the people say that following a meeting on the 8th of February, 2013, at the SLN base, it had been agreed on that the period be extended a further 6 months till July, 2013.
-        The letter states the SLN has cleared 1.5km stretch of road from the beach to the village. Villagers say that about 2kms have been cleared, but as it is only about 13ft wide, the Survey Department had recommended that it be widened further as it was not as wide as a regular road should be. The SLN had promised to widen it according to the Survey Department’s recommendations.
-        According to the letter, Navy has employed two women from the village and appointed them as primary school teachers. They have received two months payment of Rs. 30,000 per month, from February 2013 to date. It is also mentioned that the SLN had requested for the villagers to send their children to the Seva Vanitha Pre-School, located in the school premises in Mullikulam, where about 10 children of Navy officers currently attend school. However, the children’s parents had been reluctant to send their children to this pre-school as it is run by the SLN, so now their children attend pre-school in a make-shift cadjun hut at the settlement, which switches between being a Sacristy (part of a Church), meeting place, community notice board area and pre-school, depending on the need of the hour.
-        As for the clearing of internal access roads, as per the Mullikulam Village Plan jointly proposed by the Urban Development Authority and Survey Department, at the meeting held on the 6th of February, 2013 at the Mullikulam Government Agent’s office, the villagers said that they had not seen the plan, but that work was currently underway to clear the internal access roads. The villagers have been told that they will be shown a plan on the 19th of March, 2013.
The people also told us about how approximately 25 Navy families now live in their lands and that 33 houses have been repaired and occupied by the SLN, with more than 20 female Navy personnel having taken up residence within the former hospital building. Furthermore, of the two school buildings, only one has still been released for the 35 students from Mullikulam to study in. The remaining building is still being utilized to conduct Civil Engineering classes for the SLN.
Whilst some limited progress has taken place since the December 26th (2012) meeting, the people of Mullikulam have not been given any specific deadlines regarding either the completion of the SLN’s work, or when they would be able to return to some semblance of normalcy.
Overall, Mullikulam people’s wait to live in freedom, dignity remains a distant dream.

[1] The Tamil Canadian Elders for Human Rights, SL Archbishop collaborates with Gotabhaya in militarization land grab – http://thetamilelders.org/index.php/eelam-news/item/193-sl-archbishop-collaborates-with-gotabhaya-in-militarization-land-grab
[2] WATCHDOG, Sri Lanka Navy vs. the people of Mullikulam -http://groundviews.org/2013/01/24/sri-lanka-navy-vs-the-people-of-mullikulam/
[3] As stated in a 13 point letter, dated 21st February, 2013 sent by Vice Admiral J.S.K. Colombage, Commander of the Navy, to the Bishop of Mannar, Rt. Rev. Dr. Rayappu Joseph, on the progress made by them in relation to the resettlement process of the people of Mullikulam.
[4] As said at the meeting with the Mullikulam people on the 26th of December, 2012.