Wednesday, March 13, 2013

Sri Lanka: Observations of the UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances

Observations-TUESDAY, MARCH 12, 2013
389. The Working Group regrets that no response was received from the Government to its general allegation on 4 May 2011, concerning serious obstacles encountered in the implementation of the Declaration on the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances in Sri Lanka
during the last phase of the war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam from 2006 to 2009 (A/HRC/19/58/Rev.1, paras. 495-501), notwithstanding a reminder sent on 13 August 2012.

390. The Working Group is seriously concerned that, during the reporting period, it transmitted four urgent actions, nine standard cases, and two prompt intervention letters. In this respect, the Working Group would like to recall the Declaration, which affirms that States must take steps to ensure that persons involved in investigations of cases of disappearance, including the complainant, counsel, witnesses and those conducting the investigation, are protected against ill-treatment, intimidation or reprisal. The Working Group would also like to recall that, in its resolution 21/4, the Human Rights Council urged Governments to take steps to provide adequate protection to witnesses of enforced or involuntary disappearances, human rights defenders acting against enforced disappearances, and the lawyers and families of disappeared persons against any intimidation, persecution, reprisals or ill-treatment to which they might be subjected, paying special attention to women as relatives of disappeared persons in the context of their struggle to resolve the disappearance of members of their families.

391. Following its request dated 16 October 2006, and reminder letters sent on 20 July 2009, 16 August 2010, 20 July 2011 and 8 November 2012, the Working Group wishes to reiterate its hope that the Government will extend an invitation for a visit to the country.

Urgent actions

362. The Working Group transmitted four cases to the Government under its urgent action procedure.

363. The first two cases concerned Mr. Lalith Weeraraja, Jaffna coordinator of the Jana Aragalaya (People‘s Struggle) movement, and an executive committee member of We Are Sri Lankans, a student-based organisation which works to defend the rights of Tamil people in Sri Lanka; and Mr. Kugan Muruganandan, who were allegedly arrested by members of the Sri Lankan Army on 9 December 2011.

364. The third case concerned Mr. Ramasamy Prabaharan, a Tamil businessman of Indian origin, allegedly abducted by seven armed men in civilian clothing, believed to be security forces agents, on 11 February 2012. In a communication dated 5 April 2012, the Government acknowledged receipt of this urgent action.

365. The fourth case concerned Ms. Vasanthamala Pathmanathan, allegedly arrested at a bank near Vavuniya by agents of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) of the Police on 21 August 2012.

Standard procedure

366. The Working Group transmitted nine newly-reported cases to the Government.

367. The first case concerned Mr. Punyamoorthy Velusamy, a three-wheeler taxi driver who allegedly disappeared between his house and Horombuwa Junction, Suduwatuara Road on 1 March 2008. The police had reportedly previously been to Mr. Velusamy‘s house on several occasions and questioned him regarding whether he had received money from the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Ealam (LTTE).

368. The second case concerned Mr. Mathurakulasingam Velautham, who was allegedly arrested at 55 Alwis Place, Kottehena, Colombo, by paramilitary forces reportedly working with the Sri Lankan military, on 11 June 2008.

369. The third case concerned Mr. Abiyouth Anthony, also known as Hilman, an employee of the District Secretariat of Mannar, Government Agent‘s Office, who allegedly disappeared after leaving a family member‘s house in Kallikaddaikadu, Uyilankulam, Mannar district, on 5 January 2009. Mr. Anthony was reportedly seen approximately one month after his alleged disappearance in front of Thalladi Military Camp, walking with army officers.

370. The fourth case concerned a person below the age of 18 who, on 17 April 2009, was allegedly last seen in Puthumathalan. According to the information received, during the night of 17 April 2009, the person below the age of 18 was reportedly forcibly taken away by members of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). On 20 April 2009, the Sri Lankan army allegedly took control of the area. It was reported that all those in the area where the person below the age of 18 had been were taken away by members of the army.

371. The fifth case concerned Mr. Varathalingam Ratnathurai, also known as Puthuvai Rathinathurai, who was allegedly arrested by the Sri Lankan Army in Vadduvakal, Mullaitivu on 18 May 2009.

372. The sixth case concerned Mr. Ilmi Rifai Ahmed Adbulla who, on 5 May 2010, was allegedly abducted by seven individuals, one of whom was in police uniform, and driven away in a white van with registration number 7030 when he was returning home from work on his motorcycle.

373. The seventh and eighth cases concerned Mr. Mohamed Kaya Mohideen Musammil, an employment agency worker, and Mr. Mohamed Oseer who were allegedly arrested by police officers on Mawella Lane, Baseline Road, Dematagoda, Colombo 09, on 7 May 2010.

374. The ninth case concerned Mr. Mohamed Akram who, on 9 June 2010, was allegedly abducted by a group of men, three of whom were in police uniforms, driving white vans with registration numbers 58-0093 and LF 7655 at the hotel in front of a race course in Nuwara Eliya.
Prompt intervention

375. On 29 December 2011, the Working Group, together with four other Special Procedures mechanisms, sent a prompt intervention letter regarding the alleged arrest and detention of 42 human rights and political activists, including members of the nongovernmental organisation, the Committee to Investigate Disappearances.

376. On 1 March 2012, the Working Group, together with four other Special Procedures mechanisms, sent a prompt intervention letter regarding alleged repeated instances of excessive use of force against peaceful protestors, and undue restrictions on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and expression, including against members of the Organization Collective against Abductions and Disappearance (OCAD), a platform of civil society organizations working on cases of disappearances and abduction.

OHCHR

"What we didn't have, how could it reach "Udayan" queries Land Minister

Wednesday , 13 March 2013

We do not have any data concerning the lands in custody of forces in the Waligamam north. In this state, how did the information reach the "Udayan" press, was the question raised by Land Minister and within minutes he expressed the figures for the acres of lands in the control of military in the Waligamam north, which sounded contradictions of his statement was said.

A journalist meeting was held two days back at Jaffna district secretariat and this incident occurred.

" President is mentioning that there is nonexistence of high security zones in the country, if it so, 28 thousand people are still not resettled in the 24 grama sevaka divisions in the Waligamam north was a question raised by a local reporter.

At this time Jaffna district military Commander interrupted Minister interrupted and said, "What you are saying are lies”. The report submitted by parliament member A.Vinayagamoorthy is also a lie. At the time President Mahinda Rajapakse visited Jaffna, Tamil National Alliance parliament member A.Vinayagamoorthy submitted a report that 28 thousand people need resettled in 24 grama sevaka divisions.

"If it so, is there are no people waiting for resettlement in the Jaffna district" was again queried by another reporter and in reply Military Commander said, "that's why I told that data is wrong"

Military Commander was queried, "OK, will the people be permitted to get resettled in the 24 grama sevaka divisions; in reply he said "I am once again saying, the report of parliament member A.Vinayagamoorthy is false. We have in our possession only 6 thousand and 224 acres of land. Out of this, deeds are shown to us for 4 thousand and 220 lands. 3 thousand and 800 acres of lands belong to the State and Cement Corporation, Air base, Palay Teachers College are included.

It was questioned, according to your statement, 3 thousand acres of lands belongs to the people and will it be returned to them? Concerning this, Minister said discussion will be held.

"If "Udayan" news item is wrong, according to your statement, the 24 grama sevaka divisions should be released, whether it will be released was another question raised.

"Concerning the above news story of "Udayan" we will complaint to the press complaint Commission was said by Ministry Additional Secretary.

Immediately a reporter asked the Commander "if it so, what military says, is it wrong? In reply Land Minister said, “It is much clear that still there is no accurate details about lands. From today through the office, we would commence the above assignments, but how did this information reach "Udayan" press which I am not aware” was said by the Land Minister.

"You all inform that land details are not in your possession, if it so, still 6 thousand 224 acres of lands are in the control of military and half of it, it is stated as government lands. By which data are you giving this information was a question raised and in reply Minister said “This is an estimated average value but later it will be known" and without permitting more questions to be asked by the Journalists, Minister concluded the media briefing.

State officials are uncertainty in the issues granting lands to forces.

Wednesday , 13 March 2013

At the Jaffna district development committee meeting held on the leadership of Minister Douglas Devananda last year, a decision was unanimously passed that lands will not be granted in the Jaffna district for the forces, and in this state, Land Minister has informed to expedite activities to process in granting lands to forces. Hence the Jaffna district government officials are pushed to a state of confusion in implementing which ministry decision.

Jaffna district Coordination Committee meeting held last year October month at the Jaffna District Secretariat Conference hall.

The entire Tamil National Alliance Jaffna district parliament members attended the meeting emphasized that lands requested by the forces in the Jaffna district should not be granted.

Minister Douglas Devananda consented to this, and a decision of not granting lands to forces in the Jaffna district was unanimously implemented.

In this state, Sri Lanka government’s Minister Janaka Bandara Tennakone, Minister of Land and Lands Development visited Jaffna district two days back.

He held discussions with divisional secretaries and officials of the three forces at the Jaffna district secretariat.

At the discussion he said, the lands required by the forces in the Jaffna district, activities should be expedited to provide, and to accelerate in forwarding the "no objection" letter in granting lands to the forces, and to ignore the Coordination Committee meeting decision.

Due to Sri Lanka government’s two Minister's positive and negatives decisions, the state officials are confused and pushed to a state of which directive to follow.

Defence swallows UDA, substitutes for jobless growth: think tank

* Allocations for education, healthcare see no growth

March 12, 2013, 7:56 pm

growing significantly, and although the Urban Development Authority (UDA) functions under the Ministry of Defence, its share of the allocation is less than 5 percent, while education and healthcare do not see much improvement in allocations.
The country is pushing ahead for ‘jobless growth’ with allocations to Defence in the 2013 budget

"The 2012 budget had allocated 1.31% of GDP for the health sector. The 2013 budget allocates about the same: 1.33%. However, the actual disbursement in 2012 was cut down to 1.26%. The direct expenditure on education, represented by the allocations made to the Ministry of Education, Higher Education and to the Provincial councils on education amounted to only 131 billion accounting for 1.51% of GDP (5.21% of government expenditure). A clear downward trend is evident in the allocations made to the education sector as a percentage of GDP in four successive budgets from 1.81% in 2010 to 1.51% in 2013. This is driven by sharp decreases in current expenditure on education," a think tank showed.

Verite Research Pvt. Ltd in a recent a report ‘Sri Lanka Budget 2013: Increasing Assistance and Vulnerability’, said: "Sri Lanka’s huge defence budget which refused to shrink post war has continued to grow, and at almost 19% in Budget 2013. Capital expenditure has been growing faster than recurrent expenditure in the post-war period, and in Budget 2013.

"The joining in of the Urban Development function has sometimes been conjectured as an explanation for the growth of this budget. To assess, Verité Research has analysed the detailed budget and separated defence and Urban Development related allocations. The Urban Development related allocations accounted for less than 5% of the Ministry’s budgetary allocations.

"The wages and upkeep of security forces and staff account for at least half of this budget, with no plans announced to re-skill and encourage the carders towards integrating into the productive economy," Verite Research (VR), a think tank that provides strategic and policy advice to both the state and private sector in the areas of economics, politics, law and media, said.

"Re-integration would be a challenge in any case, as the economy is displaying the phenomenon of "Jobless Growth". The number of jobs in seven provinces outside of North and East remained the same in mid-2012 as it was in 2006; despite growth in real GDP being recorded at over 40% in the same period."

According to VR, this ministry receives one of the highest budget allocations, despite the large expenditures relating to offensive military operations ending in May 2009. The allocation of Rs 289,502,534 million in 2013 is an increase of Rs 46 billion and 18.9% over 2012. This is so far the highest annual increase in this budget in the post war period. The increase consisted of recurrent and capital expenditure increasing by Rs 29 billion and Rs 17 billion respectively.

"Air Force Increases in Priority: State security accounts for 73.3% of the Ministry’s total allocations, with the biggest share going to the Sri Lankan army (42.2%). That share has fallen overtime from 52.5% in 2009 to 42.2% in 2013. The share allocated to the Sri Lanka Air force shows a significant increase from 9.25% to 14.34% during the reference period. This reflects a 68% growth in the Sri Lanka Air Force budget driven largely by increases to the capital expenditure component.

"Employment as indirect welfare: 147 billion or 51% of the Defence and Urban Development Budget is spent on wages and other benefits to those employed. Comparing the claim in the budget speech that the government employed 1.3 million, against the official count of the public sector by the department of census and statistics at around 1 million, it can be deduced that the numbers in the military are around 300,000. There are indications that military personnel have been increasingly used in non-military activities, including in small scale business enterprises, and assistance to other areas of the public sector. However, this has meant that soldiers are often engaged in activities that are not related to their skill sets, and are also not being formally re-skilled in preparation for productive engagement in the economy. The 2013 budget does not indicate any move to change this status quo. These employments and benefit payments can therefore be considered as an indirect welfare scheme. The main deterrent to re-skilling and de-mobilisation of the forces is that the Sri Lankan economy despite recording high levels of growth has not been creating jobs.

"The problem in a nutshell is as follows: Excluding the Northern and Eastern Provinces the labour force and employment statistics data for Sri Lanka recorded the existence of 7,105,322 jobs (number employed) in the country, in 2006. Since then, despite the real GDP growing in excess of 40%, job growth was less than 1%. (The number of jobs recorded in the second quarter of 2012 was 7,120,518). Increased Discretion: However, while this welfare-through-unproductive employment dimension explains a significant portion of the budget, it does not account for the increases in the budget. While the 2013 budget is an increase of 18.9% over 2012, the wages and benefits component increases by only 7%. The large, non-wage, expenditures increases cannot be traced back to a set of proposals presented to parliament. There is little evidence then of parliament actively exercising its constitutional role of financial oversight with regard to the expenditure priorities of the defence budget. The lack of such oversight provides increased discretion on the priorities and quantities of expenditure to the Minister, who in this case is also the President," Verite Research pointed out.

"Within the budget, priority towards urban development has also increased with an annual increase of 86.3% in that section of the budget. Nevertheless, as a whole, urban development accounts for only a small part of the budget of this Ministry. Of the 289 billion budgeted, the amount allocated for urban development is just 13.8 billion, which is 4.7%."

WikiLeaks: Sampanthan Told US That He Would Support The Rajapaksas Before Fonseka As The Lesser Of Two Evils

By Colombo Telegraph -March 13, 2013

“Segudawood’s comments indicate how complicated the election situation is even before the president announces whether a presidential elections will be held in the spring. (NOTE: the president is scheduled to announce his decision at the November 15 Congress of the SLFP. END NOTE.) The key complicating factor at this point is General Fonseka, who could split the Sinhalese vote and deprive the Rajapaksas of their key issue of winning the war. But Fonseka would be very hard for the Tamil community to support, however much they may dislike the Rajapaksas. TNA leader Sampanthan, for example, told us that he would support the Rajapaksas before Fonseka as the lesser of two evils.” the US Embassy Colombo informed Washington.

The Colombo Telegraph found the related leaked cable from the WikiLeaks database. The cable is classified as “Confidential” and recounts a meeting the US Embassy had with the Chairman of Sri Lanka Muslim Congress,Basheer Segu Dawood. The cable was written on November 06, 2009 by the US Ambassador to Colombo, Patricia A. Butenis.

The ambassador wrote; “It is such complicating factors, as well as other big issues such as GSP-Plus and the U.S. Incidents Report that may be giving the president pause in deciding whether to call early presidential elections. Some keen observers are starting to believe that the president may wait another two years for the next regularly schedule polls. By then, presumably, the political storms over GSP-Plus and the Incidents Report will likely have passed in one way or another, General Fonseka may have faded from the scene, and the international economic situation will likely have improved with a potentially positive impact on the Sri Lankan economy. The political landscape, therefore, would be very different from the increasingly rocky one the president now faces.”

Read the cable below for further details;

After Sri Lanka’s Civil War – ABC Radio National’s Rear Vision

March 13, 2013

Many people greeted the end of the civil war in Sri Lanka between government forces and Tamil separatist rebels in 2009 with jubilation but although the fighting stopped, the restoration of the rule of law and the proper investigation of rights abuses and alleged war crimes by both sides has not occurred.

Around 300,000 people were driven from their homes during the final bloody stages of the Sri Lankan Civil War. Most of them ended up in camps controlled by the Sri Lankan military where they were kept against their will, with restricted access to the media and independent aid organisations. Under international pressure for an inquiry into the conduct of the civil war, President Mahinda Rajapaksa appointed a Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) in May 2010 but even its modest recommendations have not been implemented by a government increasingly intolerant of dissent.

Broadcast:Sunday 10 March 2013 12:05PM

Guests

Jonathan Spencer: Professor of Anthropology of South Asia
University of Edinburgh

Bruce Matthews: Professor Emeritus of comparative religion
Acadia University
Nova Scotia
Canada

Gibson Bateman: His commentary on Sri Lanka has appeared in East Asia Forum, Groundviews, and CounterPunch.

Kishali Pinto-Jayawardena: Independent lawyer and media columnist

Dr Laksiri Fernando: Former professor of political science and public policy at the Faculty of Graduate Studies
University of Colombo, Sri Lanka

Transcript

Journalist [archival]: Residents took the streets near the presidential palace. They came out to celebrate the end of the war against the Tamil Tigers.

Man [archival]: Everyone is very happy, the civilians are very happy for this moment. We were looking for 30 years for this moment. We were looking for freedom and now we have freedom!

Journalist [archival]: Some of the revellers crammed onto the back of trucks, some rode in auto rickshaws, waving the Sri Lankan national flag. Others let off firecrackers in the street.

Keri Phillips: Many people greeted the end of the civil war in Sri Lanka between government forces and Tamil separatist rebels in 2009 with jubilation, yet the number of Sri Lankans seeking refuge in Australia by boat surged last year, according to the Australian Department of Immigration.

This is Rear Vision on RN. I’m Keri Phillips, and today we’ll dip into Sri Lanka’s longer history and also find out what’s been going on since the fighting ended.

The Sri Lankan government crushed the Tamil Tigers in a bloody endgame that caused death and misery to hundreds of thousands of unfortunate civilians. The conflict had begun in 1983 but its roots lie in the decades following independence in 1948 and the nature of the ethnic divisions within the country. Jonathan Spencer is Professor of the Anthropology of South Asia at the University of Edinburgh. Read More

BBS not satisfied

by Lashane Cooray-2013-03-13

Not satisfied with the decision taken by the All Ceylon Jamiyyathul Ulama (ACJU) and the Maha Sanga, to remove the halal label from local products, the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) yesterday vowed to continue with the struggle to completely eradicate halal from the country. The organization said the removal of the label itself was not the solution to the problem.

Addressing the media in Colombo, BBS General Secretary Galaboda Aththe Gnanasara Thera said, "We will be campaigning extensively islandwide, starting from 17 March in Kandy. We will also be campaigning in Panadura and Pallewela."

He said an end to halal is expected by 31 March.

Commenting further on the support given by the Maha Sanga to the ACJU to arrive at the decision to remove the halal label and make the certification process free and optional, the Thera said, "Members of the Buddhist clergy of this country, who did not come ... forward five or six years ago when the halal system first came into play, or when Christianity was taking root in the country, have come forward now to speak for the ACJU. They declared before the media that this is a victory for the country. These Theras have had their backs bent and their personalities have been sapped away from them."

Claiming that the BBS did not mean any disrespect whatsoever to the Maha Sanga or any of the elite Buddhist clergy of Sri Lanka, he said, "Have these members of the Budhist clergy, at any time in history, spoken out in this manner regarding a Sinhala-Buddhist matter? No, they haven't. They say the BBS shouldn't be taken seriously. The fact of the matter is the Sri Lankan Buddhist community has already taken us seriously."

He accused the ACJU of trying to cause a rift within the Buddhist scholars of Sri Lanka.

"The ACJU, as if the whole halal scenario isn't enough, is also trying to cause divisions within the ranks of the Buddhist clergy," he charged.

Further, explaining the root of their powerful dislike of the halal system, he said, "Some 4,500 consumer products are categorized as halal. I ask, how can the Buddhists of this country even give a Bodhi Pooja with such products, which have already been earmarked for a God of another religion?"

Highlighting the fact that the Maha Sanga and the ACJU had not actually discussed the matter of the halal certification and the process itself with the Mahanayaka Theras, he said, "This is a display of disrespect to these theras."

He questioned the 'hastiness' of the decision taken by the ACJU to remove the halal label, asking, "Even after the President has appointed a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to look into this matter and provide a report, why has the ACJU acted so suddenly in this regard, without waiting for the PSC to respond?"

Addressing the media next, BBS Executive Committee Member Dilantha Withanage alleged the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce (CCC) was making 'decisions of national importance' irrespective of the wishes of President Rajapaksa.

"They are only considering this matter from the 'perspective of a business,' and this hasty decision regarding the halal label was taken to cater to the 'Sinhala New Year market,' which is just around the corner."

Further, citing the rights given exclusively to the ACJU by the Consumer Affairs Authority (CAA) on 6 September 2007, for the issuing of halal certificates, he said, "The government realized their mistake and revoked this right in 2008, but the ACJU still continues to issue the certificates. Countries like Australia should be observed, to learn of the way they deal with these matters. They have numerous organizations to hand out these certificates."

Commenting on some of the accusations that have been levelled against the BBS, he said, "Some have pointed the finger of blame at us, stating that we are an extremist group. We challenge anyone to prove these false claims."

Keep Your ‘Kiribath’, Mr. Gammanpila

By Hameed Abdul Karim -March 13, 2013

Hameed Abdul Karim

Reading the preamble of Mr. Udaya Gammanpila’s article titled ‘Halalization and end of Sri Lanka food culture’ (‘Ceylon Today’ 24 February, 2013) I got the impression that he was beginning to turn a new leaf in his approach to Muslims and Christian communities living in Sri Lanka, though the title kept nagging at the back of my mind telling me such a transformation was not possible.

All that soppy babble about how it was unnecessary for the Norwegians to teach us religious amity was intended to take another shot at the Muslims via the halaal bogey. If we are to take the word of this self confessed Sinhala nationalist it were the Muslims who shattered the bonhomie that existed between all communities in the country by insisting that their food be ‘halaal’.

Shiv Sena

Much has been written about the halaal controversy created by the Bodu Bala Sena and hijacked by the JHU fearing they might lose the little support they are left with. That is assuming the BBS is not an extension of the JHU like the Shiv Sena is an extension of the Hindu racist party the BJP. No more need to be said about ‘halalization’ now that the Jamiyyathul Ulama has handed the ‘halaal business’ over to the government to do as it pleases thus taking the wind off the sails of the BBS and the JHU. But don’t be surprised if these racist groups come up with some other ‘grievance’ to grumble about. And if they do then those of us, who include decent peace loving Sinhala Buddhists, will need no further proof of the halaal issue being only a pretext for a sinister plot. And this plot could be taking over the reins of government like did the BJP in India.

Jamiyyathul Ulama Equals Prabhakaran?

Be that as it may, I think it was grossly unfair for Mr. Gammanpila to compare the Jamiyyathul Ulama withVelupillai Prabhakaran claiming that the former is more dangerous than the latter because the Jamiyyathul Ulama is making an attempt at social segregation and not territorial segregation. This is absolutely ludicrous and can be seen as a subtle attempt to create hate among rural Sinhala Buddhists against Muslims. The bulk of the urban Sinhala Buddhists don’t care a hoot for the scare mongering of the likes of Mr. Gammanpila. This is patently obvious when you see them patronising Muslim owned restaurants on Galle Road on any given day.

Portuguese Expulsion

Once again we have a Sinhala Buddhist nationalist selling his supremacist ideas to all and sundry. And poor King Senarath pops up again. Mr. Gammanpila tells us that the good king came forward to accept the Muslims that the Portuguese had expelled from Colombo. Here again you begin to get the feeling that it was King Senarath’s magnanimity and charitable bent of mind that prompted him to come to the assistance of the displaced Muslims. But the fact is that King Senarath needed the Muslims to cultivate his lands so that he could be assured of a regular supply of food while he waged war on his fellow Sinhala Buddhists. To the good king Senarath the Portuguese’s expulsion of Muslims was a godsend.

Mr. Gammanpila says that the good Sinhala Buddhists of that time gave these Muslims accommodation in temples and gave them food. But don’t you think it’s rather comical when he says that ‘no Muslim demanded halaal food at that time’? Well, how would he know? Was he there? Maybe, the food was vegetarian with a little bit of fish or ‘karowala’ (dry fish) thrown in for taste. If that was the case then the food would be halaal! So if I get a similar Sinhala ‘buth’ (meal) parcel with or without the ‘dharma chakra’ I would gladly eat it. Same goes for a ‘saiva sapadu’ even with the ‘thrishool’, because these foods, being vegetarian, are halaal for Muslims. Frankly, I think Mr. Gammanpila has still not grasped the actual meaning of the words ‘halaal’ or ‘haraam’. Then again maybe he doesn’t want to on account of his political agenda.

Muslims in Sinhala Armies

Muslims were not lotus eaters during the times of the kings. In fact they were among the best of fighters in Sinhala Buddhist armies to a point where the historian Qyeroz bitterly complains that in all revolts against foreign occupation the ‘Muslims were always on the side of the enemy who happened to be Sinhala Buddhists. Today sections of the descendants of those Sinhala Buddhists consider us Muslims as the ‘enemy’ or ‘outsiders’ or ‘tourists’ or ‘creepers’. Look at how they are treating us. What a travesty of history and justice. There is not even a trace of gratitude for what the Muslims have done for Sri Lanka in history and up to current times. All along we have stood by our faith in Islam whilst Sinhala Buddhist kings and noblemen changed their faiths for posts and privileges. No Muslim did that. We don’t need a pat on the back for standing firm in our faith, but give us some respect. King Dharmapala changed his faith and became Don Juan and became a vassal of Portugal.

Tsunami

When the tsunami hit us the whole nation was plunged into grief. We moved around like zombies, struck by lightning, with devastated looks on our faces. Thousands perished in the disaster and people from all the communities here and around the world came together in one grand display of humanity to console and help those affected. In short it was a humanitarian crisis. So for Mr. Gammanpila to add a sectarian and racial tinge to this humanitarian crisis by bragging that he and his JHU housed Muslims in temples and gave them food goes beyond all decencies. He said the Muslims didn’t ask for halaal food then why are they asking for that now. If the food was vegetarian then, like I said before, it is halaal for Muslims. Unless of course Mr. Gammanpila and his band of merry man had prepared beef curry and fried chicken!

Many were those of other faiths who banded together as groups to help the affected people. None of them identified themselves with sectarian labels as does the overtly self righteous Udaya Gammanpila of the JHU. Millions of dollars poured into the country (some of it went into the pockets of corrupt politicians). Muslims too joined in with men and money helping all communities without any sectarian bias. My religious upbringing and modesty prevent me from elaborating.

What Halaal Found

Something good happened during all the halaal controversy. During a routine check it was discovered that a chemical called ‘L-Cyesteine’ was used by bakers as a taste enhancer for bread and pastry products. What was not known even to the bakers was that this chemical is mainly sourced from human hair, duck feathers or, according to a manager from the products’ Chinese company, hog hair’. This was stated by Mufthi Rizwi of the ACJU in an interview with a weekend paper. Nobody I know would want this ingredient used in bakery products unless of course he or she is an out and out cannibal! In this instance all right thinking people should thank the ACJU for exposing the unsavoury substances that went to make L-Cyesteine.

Hero and Victim

All through his article the self righteous Mr. Gammanpila plays a triple role, that of the good Samaritan, hero and victim. Good Samaritan when he publicised his charity towards the Muslim tsunami victims. Hero of the Sinhala Buddhists, doing his best to save Sinhala Buddhism which according to him and his fellow travelers’ reasoning is facing an imminent threat from Christianity and Islam. But it is fast becoming clear that all these tantrums and propaganda are only pretexts to gain political advantage. This is the identical way India’s BJP operated before they won an election and formed a government of their own. The BJP had its Barbri Masjid campaign. The BBS has, with the full backing of the JHU, has its Barbri Masjid in Daftar Jailani in Balangoda. The BBS has ordered the destruction of Daftar Jailani by the 31st of March. Will President Mahinda Rajapaksa invite the BBS to tea the same way Rajiv Gandhi invited the BJP when they threatened to destroy the Barbri Masjid? Or would he, unlike Gandhi, read the riot act to them?

The JHU’s plan is to relegate Muslims and all minorities to subordinate roles in society like Tonto was to the Lone Ranger. Since the day the BBS and JHU created the halaal controversy Mr. Gammanpila like others in the extremist groups have played the role of victims of Muslim ‘fundamentalism’. Like as if to say ‘we are very good people but since the Muslims want halaal food we have to take a stand and stop this nonsense’. Muslims have always consumed only halaal food since the advent of Islam and never indulged in haraam business like running casinos or bars. The JHU had supported, in violation of Buddha’s teachings which they claim to protect and foster, the establishment of casinos and new bars in parliament over and over again. So instead of playing the victim for political propagandist purposes, Mr. Gammanpila should address issues like alcoholism and gambling among Sinhala Buddhists, not to mention the other evils like child rape and murder that is everyday news these days.

Keep Your Kiribath

Burghers, Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims who have strong bonds of friendship and brotherhood will continue to exchange their delicacies with one another on their ‘festival’ days. And come April I can expect my friends sending me delicious Kiribath, kavun, kokis and kolikutu bananas. And we shall continue this centuries old tradition every year and for all years to come, God willing. Mr. Gammanpila says that he wouldn’t want his milk rice to end up in a dust bin so he won’t be sending this Kerala delicacy to his Muslims friends. Well, Mr. Udaya Gammanpila, you can keep your Kiribath to yourself. There will be a lot of Kiribath going around for days and I am going to wallop as much as I can.

Australian Tamils joins wordwide protests agaist Rajapaksa regime

Wednesday, 13 March 2013

Australian Tamils and supporters from Melbourne, Sydney and Canberra will gather in the Australian capital today to join the escalating international demand for action against the brutal dictatorship of the Sri Lankan president, Mahinda Rajapaksa.

“We are going to converge on Canberra on Wednesday to let the Australian Government know that the lack of action on atrocities committed by the Rajapaksa regime is an international disgrace,” said Campaign for Tamil Justice spokesman, Trevor Grant.

“The UN Human Rights Commission is meeting right now on Sri Lanka and the word is that there will be another insipid resolution issued, with support from Australia. If this is the case, this resolution will be another cover for the Sri Lankan Government to continue its persecution of Tamils and avoid accountability for its horrendous war crimes and crimes against humanity at the end of the civil war in 2009.

“The UN has said that at least 40,000 innocent Tamil civilians were deliberately killed by the Sri Lankan military and so far no-one has been investigated, let alone called to account for this evil crime. It is time for those charged with the responsibility for human rights to fulfill their duty and take action against Rajapaksa and his henchmen.”

As greater awareness about the evil deeds of the Sri Lankan Government spreads throughout the world, protests continue to spring up everywhere.

In the past few days eight Indian students have started a hunger strike in Chennai demanding a referendum on Tamil self-determination and action on Sri Lankan Government war crimes; brave Tamil families from Jaffna have gone on a protest ride to Colombo to bring attention to their disappeared relatives, only to be stopped and threatened by the Army and police; UK women marched through the streets of London on International Women’s Day to highlight the rape and torture of Tamil women by the Sri Lankan military and police.

“Now we are joining them at this critical time in Tamil history,” said Grant.” The Rajapaksa regime has a carefullyplanned program of genocide and ethnic-cleansing of Tamils under way. It is disguised as the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission, a report that is now being cited by the US, Australia and other countries as a guiding document for the future in Sri Lanka, even though it has been condemned as weak and ineffective by the UN.

“The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay, sat on the commission which looked into the Rwandan genocide in the 1990s. Recently she warned that the lessons from Rwanda, where 800,000 innocent people were murdered while the world looked on, have not been learned with Sri Lanka. This is a loud and unambiguous call for firm and urgent action by Australia.”

Protest details: DATE: 12.00p.m., Wednesday, March 13, VENUE: Front of Parliament House, Canberra.

For further information contact Campaign for Tamil Justice: Trevor Grant: 0400 597 351, S.Sribalan: 0452 224 205.

Basil disregards GL

Wednesday, 13 March 2013

Sri Lanka’s External Affairs Minister Prof. G.L. Peiris was invited as the chief guest at the annual general meeting of the Young Sinhalese Buddhist Entrepreneurs’ Association held at the Cinnamon Grand Hotel on the 10th. When Peiris had arrived at the event, he had found that he had been demoted from the position of chief guest to guest of honor.

Peiris had then found that Economic Development Minister Basil Rajapaksa had asked the organizers of the event that he wanted to attend it as the chief guest. Minister Peiris had accepted the position offered to him without going into a confrontation.

Basil Rajapaksa had got delayed to arrive at the venue and the people gathered have had to stay for a long time waiting for the Minister to make an appearance. An organizer of the event had then called Basil on his mobile phone and the Minister had said that he was unable to attend the function due to some urgent work and had asked the organizers to make Peiris the chief guest of the event once again and proceed.

The organizers had then explained the situation to Peiris and asked him to once again accept the position of chief guest of the event. Peiris had agreed and participated in the event saying that apart from the President even the young in the country were taking him for a joke