Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Friday, March 8, 2013


Geneva: India waters down US resolution? Rajapaksa government gives 

Friday, 08 March 2013
India is trying to get the US resolution to be tabled before the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) sessions in Geneva watered down despite calls by members of the Sri Lankan civil society, Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and international human rights organizations to present a strong resolution before the Council, sources from Geneva said.
The central government of India is under pressure from Tamil Nadu to present another resolution apart from the one being presented by the US, on the alleged war crimes committed in Sri Lanka. All national parties in India are of the same stance. Even in this backdrop, the Indian government has informed Rajapaksa that discussions would be held with the US to present a resolution that is agreeable to all.
The bottom line is that the resolution would be presented in a manner agreeable to the Sri Lankan government.
Indian Premier Manmohan Singh has openly stated in a letter sent to Rajapaksa that it was India that intervened in watering down the resolution that was presented in March 2012.
An Indian activist in Geneva told Lanka News Web that the Indian government was ignoring the political will of the Tamil Nadu politicians and was once again trying to molly coddle the Rajapaksas.
It is learnt that the US resolution would be presented to the UNHRC either today or tomorrow and that the Sri Lankan government would consent to it. However, it is also learnt that the likes of Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and others have opposed such an agreement.

Backed by 1.4 m Indians, AI seeks SL probe


FRIDAY, 08 MARCH 2013
Amnesty International Friday gave a petition to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh signed by 14 lakh Indians seeking an independent probe into allegations of war crimes in Sri Lanka.


Amnesty India chief executive G Ananthapadmanabhan handed over the petition to V. Narayanasamy, the minister of state in the Prime Minister's Office. "This petition represents the voices of 14 lakh ordinary Indian citizens asking India to play a stronger role in seeking justice in Sri Lanka," Ananthapadmanabhan said.

"This is a demand for an end to the impunity for past and present human rights violations in Sri Lanka," he added. The petition, addressed to the prime minister, urges him to stand up for justice in Sri Lanka and to act to end the climate of impunity perpetuated by Colombo, Amnesty said.

The petition asks the Indian government to support an independent international investigation into allegations of crimes under international law committed by the Sri Lankan government and the Tamil Tigers. It also seeks a UN-led mechanism to monitor the human rights situation in Sri Lanka, and asks Colombo to repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act and also end attacks and intimidation of critics. Over the past eight months, Amnesty International has used integrated voice enabling and response mechanism and SMS to campaign for justice in Sri Lanka. The petition follows widespread allegations that the Sri Lankan military killed tens of thousands of innocent Tamils in the war that vanquished the Tamil Tigers in May 2009.

"This is a demand for an end to the impunity for past and present human rights violations in Sri Lanka," he added.

The petition, addressed to the prime minister, urges him to stand up for justice in Sri Lanka and to act to end the climate of impunity perpetuated by Colombo, Amnesty said.

The petition asks the Indian government to support an independent international investigation into allegations of crimes under international law committed by the Sri Lankan government and the Tamil Tigers.

It also seeks a UN-led mechanism to monitor the human rights situation in Sri Lanka, and asks Colombo to repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act and also end attacks and intimidation of critics.

Over the past eight months, Amnesty International has used integrated voice enabling and response mechanism and SMS to campaign for justice in Sri Lanka.

The petition follows widespread allegations that the Sri Lankan military killed tens of thousands of innocent Tamils in the war that vanquished the Tamil Tigers in May 2009.(IANS)


Wikileaks: You Managed To Do What No Govt Had Done Before – Blake To MR

By Colombo Telegraph -March 8, 2013 
Colombo Telegraph“Ambassador noted that his time in Colombo had coincided almost exactly with the fourth and final phase of the Sri Lankan conflict, from mid-2006 until the war ended on May 18. The President’s government had managed to do what no government had done before: wrest all the territory of the country from the Tamil Tigers. Ambassador stressed that the reconciliation phase must begin now, with two vital components: the humanitarian side, providing the IDPs with what they need, and the political side – power-sharing arrangements to help Tamils have a future with hope and dignity. This was the way to defeat terrorism for good.” the US Embassy Colombo informed Washington.
The Colombo Telegraph found the related leaked cable from the WikiLeaks database. The cable is classified as “Confidential” and recounts the US Ambassador Robert O. Blake’s farewell call on President Mahinda Rajapaksa . The cable was written on May 20,2000  by the US Ambassador to Colombo, Robert O. Blake.
The ambassador wrote; “The President responded that those were his intentions, but that there ‘certain people in the international community,’ abetted by ‘some in the South’ (i.e., the opposition) who would try to undercut him. The Ambassador encouraged the GSL to think about how to engage with Tamil representatives. Ambassador said it was particularly important to reach out to the Tamil Diaspora so they would stop supporting the LTTE. He inquired about the government’s plans for a political solution. The President said the basis of the plan would be the ‘13th amendment plus 1’ – meaning implementation of the existing constitutional provisions for provincial councils, but adding an upper house to Parliament, modeled on the U.S. Senate, with numerically equal representation for each province.”----------------Read the relevant part of the cable below;
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India’s Sri Lanka problem

A file photo of Sri Lankan president Mahinda Rajapaksa. For long, India has resisted calls for forcefully raising human rights issues with the Rajapaksa regime. Photo: Ishara S. Kodikara/AFP

A file photo of Sri Lankan president Mahinda Rajapaksa. For long, India has resisted calls for forcefully raising human rights issues with the Rajapaksa regime. Photo: Ishara S. Kodikara/AFP
First Published: Thu, Mar 07 2013.
Countries that experience internal upheavals such as insurgency or civil war often return to a normal state when conflict ends. After the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam by the Sri Lankan army in 2009, it was expected that this neighbour would enter a phase of democratic consolidation and peace. Events since then have belied this hope. An impending discussion of the human rights situation in that country at a session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) is now turning into a row between Colombo and a number of countries championing human rights. The US, which favours a vote against Sri Lanka, has exhorted India to join it in a negative vote.
It cannot be denied that Sri Lanka has witnessed increasing concentration of power in the hands of President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his family members who hold influential positions in the government. Had this been a simple issue of an influential family wielding power, it would not have mattered much, for this phenomenon has been observed in many other countries. But since 2009, a victorious army commander has been jailed—and later released after immense international pressure; a chief justice has been sacked; independent journalists intimidated and so on. The two sets of events cannot be delinked. For long, India has resisted calls for forcefully raising human rights issues with the Rajapaksa regime. This is because India has a healthy suspicion of human rights being a convenient excuse for promoting the political goals of the Great Powers. There are other strong grounds not to press Colombo too hard. There’s a risk that an embittered Sri Lanka may “align” with other countries that are hostile to India. China comes to one’s mind. But this threat may be overstated and in any case, Colombo has proved adept at “balancing” Beijing and New Delhi. India’s current position has not yielded the desired results. It is time to take a hard look at it.
Under normal circumstances, any country’s foreign policy choices are well-articulated and do not vary from government to government. But at the moment, Sri Lanka is not in a “normal” situation. The events described above show an extreme degree of centralization of power in a democracy. This is unusual even for a country with a unitary constitution as Sri Lanka. The invariance of foreign policy across different governments may not hold true in this case.
This is not an argument for India to meddle in the affairs of that country but for it to convey its unhappiness at the active disregard of its interests there.
Should India vote against Sri Lanka at the UNHRC? Tell us at views@livemint.com

The Commonwealth: time to reconsider

The Guardian homeEditorial-The Guardian
A row is due over the unwisdom of choosing Sri Lanka as host for the next heads of government meeting
The Commonwealth is an organisation which normally bumps along well under the radar. What bounces it into prominence is a row. And the Commonwealth has a history of good rows, over issues that matter, like apartheid in South Africa, judicial murder in Nigeria or dictatorship in Zimbabwe, and on which it has been able to make a difference. Such moments make everyone pay attention to a body that many rather lazily think is not that relevant any longer. Few will remember, for instance, that this Monday is Commonwealth Day.
The Commonwealth is about due for another row, and indeed it desperately needs to have one on the unwisdom, weekly becoming more obvious, of choosing Sri Lanka as host for the next heads of government meeting in November this year. Otherwise we may find ourselves in the ludicrous situation of sending the Queen or Prince Charles off to a country which has very serious unresolved human rights charges hanging over it, which has yet to justify executive interference in the judiciary, or has failed to adequately investigate the killing of journalists. When our royals arrive they could therefore be in the unhappy position of giving credit to a gathering from which important countries and close allies, like Canada, may well have chosen to absent themselves. That would be a disaster for them, for Britain, and for the Commonwealth.
Sri Lanka is of course adamant that there can be no question of changing the venue. The Commonwealth secretary general, Kamalesh Sharma, has recently visited Colombo and appears to have extractedassurances from the government of President Mahinda Rajapaksa on a number of issues. They are weak in that, for example, while there is a commitment to listen to Commonwealth advice on relations between the executive and the judiciary in the future, there is no mention of reconsidering the recent impeachment and dismissal of Sri Lanka's chief justice. They can hardly be regarded as sufficient, especially as Sri Lanka has such a bad record of promising to do things and then failing to do them.
The most vexing aspect is that the Commonwealth has a mechanism specifically created with situations like this in mind. The Ministerial Action Group has in the past been tough-minded, warning, admonishing and suspending countries from the Commonwealth. It has doctrine, from theHarare declaration of 1991 on democracy and human rights, through theLatimer House Principles of 2003 on the separation of powers, to the enhanced CMAG mandate of 2011, to guide it in its work. But the group has been slow and inattentive, and the countries, especially Britain and India, who could have spurred it into the action its title promises, have not yet done so. That needs to start now, before it is too late.

Khurshid promises best possible decision on Sri Lanka in Geneva

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He rules out direct intervention. “What we do should not be thrown back at us in future”
External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid speaks in the Lok Sabha in New Delhi on Thursday.
External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid speaks in the Lok Sabha in New Delhi on Thursday.March 8, 2013
India will take the best possible decision on the resolution against human rights violations in Sri Lanka at the United Nations Human Rights Council meeting in Geneva. It wants an “independent and acceptable” inquiry into the issue.
This was stated by External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid in the Lok Sabha on Thursday in reply to a short-duration discussion on the plight of Tamils in Sri Lanka.
However, failing to get a “clear-cut” response from the government on why India should not move a resolution on its own or how it would vote on the proposed U.S.-sponsored motion at the UNHRC, members of the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), the Bharatiya Janata Party, the Janata Dal (United) and the United Progressive Alliance constituent Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) staged a walkout in protest.
Mr. Khurshid ruled out any direct intervention in Sri Lanka. The government needed to be careful as whatever it did “should not be thrown back at us in the future as everybody is not our friend,” he said.
“We don’t play the policeman of the world or the big brother in any country,” he said, when MPs, especially those from Tamil Nadu, alleged that the Centre was “ignoring” the plight of Tamils and the “genocide” by the Sri Lankan Army.
Earlier, MPs, cutting across party lines, sought to know what action the government was planning to take in Geneva.
“When the resolution comes, we will take into account what all members said. What we do should be effective. What we do must be fair. How we do it and what to do must be left to the government,” the Minister said. India would press for an “independent and acceptable inquiry into human rights violations so that there is closure to the 27-year-old problem.”
The government's stand at the U.N. would factor in the sentiments and concerns expressed by the MPs during the debate on the plight of Tamils, he said.
Senior BJP leader Yashwant Sinha said India should caution other neighbours against interfering in Sri Lankan affairs or India-Sri Lankan relations. “Foreign policy is not conducted out of fear, but with confidence and elan.” India had a lot of clout but it seemed that had lost momentum, he noted.
Demanding an impartial inquiry into the “genocide” in Sri Lanka, the former External Affairs Minister said there should also be a clear commitment from Colombo that the guilty would be punished.

Comments On India And The Resolution In UNHRC

Colombo TelegraphBy R Hariharan -March 8, 2013 
Col. (retd) R.Hariharan
The summary below contains comments made by Col Hariharan to different print and TV media from 5 to 7 March 2013 on specific issues raised by them on India’s response to the U.S. draft resolution on Sri Lanka’s accountability now under consideration at the UN Human Rights Council session in Geneva.
Information update
The Congress-led coalition came under intense pressure in parliament to back the U.S. sponsored resolution at the UNHRC, when almost all parties condemned the alleged atrocities against Sri Lanka Tamils and wanted the government to act. Though the External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid did not make a commitment, he informed that the government would keep the concerns of the MPs in mind while taking a call on voting on the resolution when it comes up on March 21, 2013.
He also said that India had demanded an independent inquiry into the abuse of human rights allegations besides investigation into the death of LTTE leader Prabhakaran and members of his family. The DMK, an important member of the ruling coalition, called for the trial of Sri Lanka’s top leadership for alleged war crimes. The BJP, vociferous in supporting the Tamils, demanded the withdrawal of the army from Tamil areas, while the AIADMK reiterated its demand for imposing economic sanctions on Sri Lanka.
Congress representatives in a show of solidarity participated in the Tamil Eelam Supporters Organisation (TESO) conference organized by the DMK at New Delhi to highlight the Sri Lanka Tamil issues. The participation of Ghulam Nabi Azad, General Secretary of the AICC, in the conference showed the importance the party now attaches to the Sri Lanka issue. His statement that Sri Lanka had “a moral duty to find the truth about the inhuman acts of oppression, sexual assaults and torture of helpless persons, including the familyLTTE leader Prabhakaran” was perhaps the strongest-ever statement made by a high ranking Congress leader in recent times. His hard hitting statement quoted by the Hindu stated, “We are firmly of the view that the issues of reconciliation and political devolution in Sri Lanka need to be addressed with a sense of urgency and not merely used to buy time” should be heart-warming to the participants at the conference.
He has also said the government’s decision on the UNHRC resolution would be guided by India’s vote against Sri Lanka in March 2012 UNHRC meeting, gives an indication of the Congress party’s line of thinking. This slightly varies with the stand taken by the Minister of External Affairs. However, it remains to be seen how much of the words are translated into action by India at Geneva. Regardless of India’s vote on the resolution, the Congress’ articulation of the concerns of the people on Sri Lanka issue, publicly and in clear terms should send a strong signal to Sri Lanka. One can only hope it would prod some positive action from President Rajapaksa.
However, Congress participation came after the TESO made it clear it was not fighting for Tamil Eelam but for justice to Sri Lankan Tamils who have suffered human rights violations and continue to be denied their fundamental freedoms. This signifies no change in the Congress stand against the creation of Tamil Eelam, despite its partner DMK’s support for independent Eelam.
The successful holding of the TESO conference at New Delhi with Congress participation may be considered a feather in the cap of MK Stalin, DMK leader Karunanidhi’s son and heir apparent, who had spearheaded the DMK strategy. This move could also lead to strengthening of the DMK-Congress alliance in the next Lok Sabha poll.
On Tamil Nadu parties near unanimity on Sri Lanka issue
This is a healthy development as it makes easier for New Delhi to charter its course keeping in mind the concerns of the people of Tamil Nadu. However, even in the current situation, the Tamil Nadu parties failed to charter a common course of action and prioritize the issues to be considered for action. Instead, they still seemed to be keen on one-upmanship which diluted the focus on the core issues of implementing 13th amendment to the Sri Lanka constitution and impartial investigation of allegations of human rights excesses and war crimes.
What should be the priority in the Sri Lanka Tamil issue?
The large scale public and political focus on mounting allegations of human rights abuses and war crimes has clouded the real issue of reviving Tamil reconciliation process. This is a core issue which needs to be addressed by all stakeholders so that the Tamil struggle for equity is brought to a logical conclusion with a win-win solution. And full implementation of the 13thAmendment to the Constitution which devolves limited autonomy to Tamils is the first step in the reconciliation process.
Unfortunately, so far New Delhi seems to have accepted President Rajapaksa’s explanations for the lack of progress in the reconciliation process. This was evident in Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh’s statement in parliament on March 6, 2013. He said that he had written to the Sri Lankan President in September 2012 calling for immediate implementation of the 13A. The President had gone back on his earlier promises on this issue in his Independence Day speech on February 4. What action the government had taken to reinforce its demand, subsequent to Rajapaksa’s statement is not clear.  Does the government not attach much importance to the President’s promises? Or has it not decided on the course of action after the President reneged on his promise?
The handling of the issue shows the core weaknesses of our foreign policy in action – lack of assertive stand when required, and failure to demonstrate its agility in pursuing its goals. So we run the risk of being taken for granted by other countries, as we fail to project a confident image commensurate with our size, economic and military power and influence.
Why does not India make a public commitment to support the U.S. resolution?
Unlike political parties, the government has a responsibility to take a stand after deliberating on the content and context of the resolution and whether it meets our objectives. As the government is accountable to the parliament and the people for its action, it should be allowed sufficient space and time to consider and handle the issue politically and diplomatically before taking a final decision. It is for this reason the UNHRC has given sufficient time till March 21 when the resolution will be take up. So in normal course, there would be nothing wrong in the government taking a stand not articulate its decision in advance. But the government has generally suffered from a credibility gap not on foreign policy issues but other issues as well.
Unfortunately, actions taken by the government on issues of public concern have lacked transparency. Its explanations made under public pressure had at best been evasive. This has affected public faith in the words of the government. Unfortunately, this has been compounded by government’s opaque transactions and inability to communicate with the public in time. It has failed to understand the reach and take advantage of the electronic media which feeds information to the public in real time. Unless the government learns to communicate with the public and the media on a regular basis on issues of actual and potential public concern, it would continue to suffer from lack of credibility.  Handling of Sri Lanka issue is a shining example of such an aberration.
Some say by allowing the U.S. to take proactive action on this issue, India has conceded strategic space in its neighbourhood. What are your comments?
India had conceded strategic space in 2002 by not participating in the peace process initiated by Norway supported by the U.S., Japan and European Union. After its rather miscued intervention from 1987 to 1990, the Tamil issue ceased to be a dominant issue in India’s Sri Lanka policy formulation. Its policy considerations had a host of other objectives including furthering trade, strategic security links, and constructive cooperation.
Perhaps because of its strong support to Sri Lanka during the Eelam War, India was reluctant to vocalize its views when allegations of Sri Lanka’s human rights violations and war crimes surfaced. This caused much disappointment to Tamils who felt India as a strategic stakeholder in Sri Lanka should use its strength on Sri Lanka to produce positive results.  The U.S. and its western allies have a strong domestic constituency on human rights; so it was natural they took up the issue and ultimately when Sri Lanka did not respond to their concerns human rights aberrations they brought to the UN forum. The importance the U.S. attaches to this issue is evident from the fact the U.S. itself had sponsored the resolution instead of using some other state to propose it with its support. Though this is natural development from their point of view, it has exposed weakness in India’s ability to maintain its strategic influence in Sri Lanka.
Strategic influence of nations does not remain static; they need to be nurtured and protected. India has always been shy of asserting its strategic strength, explaining it away with a lot of verbiage on middle path and non-alignment. So today it is the U.S. which has a solid foothold in Sri Lanka and tomorrow it could be China, already making inroads in Sri Lanka. It is inevitable unless India decides to change its style.
*Col R Hariharan, a retired Military Intelligence specialist on South Asia, served with the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka as Head of Intelligence. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies and the South Asia Analysis Group. E-Mail:colhari@yahoo.com   Blog: www.colhariharan.org

Hold an independent and credible international investigation – US sponsored resolution

logoFRIDAY, 08 MARCH 2013 
A second draft of a US sponsored resolution on Sri Lanka will be submitted to the 22nd session of the UN Human Rights Council being held in Geneva. The draft of the resolution was circulated yesterday .
Stating that the National Plan of Action and the LLRC’s report do not adequately address serious allegations of violations of international law the resolution states its movers are concerned at the “continuing reports of violations of human rights in Sri Lanka, including enforced disappearances, extra-judicial killings, torture, violations of the rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly, as well as intimidation of and reprisals against human rights defenders, members of civil society and journalists, and threats to judicial independence and the rule of law”.
It states the Government of Sri Lanka has failed to “fulfill its public commitments, including on devolution of political authority” and calls for “an independent and credible international investigation into alleged violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law”.
It demands the government of Sri Lanka to implement the recommendations in the OHCHR report, “expeditiously and effectively implement recommendations made in the LLRC report and to take all necessary additional steps to fulfill its relevant legal obligations and commitment to initiate credible and independent actions to ensure justice, equity, accountability, including investigations of violations of international law, and reconciliation for all Sri Lankans”.
It also wants the government to provide “unfettered access to the Special Rapporteurs on independence of judges and lawyers; human rights defenders; freedom of expression; freedom of association and assembly; extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions; minority issues; and the Working Group on enforced or involuntary disappearances; and discrimination against women.
It also calls on Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
to present an interim report at the twenty-fourth session and a report in an interactive dialogue at the twenty-fifth session of the Human Rights Council, on the implementation of the resolution.
Full text of the resolution:
Thursday, March 07, 2013
Draft resolution HRC 22
Promoting Reconciliation and Accountability in Sri Lanka
The Human Rights Council,
PP1 Guided by the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenants on Human Rights and other relevant instruments, (PP1 19/2)
PP2 Recalling Human Rights Council Resolution 19/2 on Promoting Reconciliation and Accountability in Sri Lanka,
PP3 Reaffirming that it is the responsibility of the Government of Sri Lanka to ensure the full enjoyment of all human rights and fundamental freedoms of its entire population,
PP4 Reaffirming that States must ensure that any measure taken to combat terrorism complies with their obligations under international law, in particular international human rights, refugee and humanitarian law, as applicable, (PP3 19/2)
PP5 Taking note of the Government of Sri Lanka’s National Plan of Action to Implement the Recommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) and its commitments as set forth in response to the findings and recommendations of the LLRC,
PP6 Noting with concern that the National Plan of Action does not adequately address all of the findings and constructive recommendations of the LLRC,
PP7 Recalling the constructive recommendations contained in the LLRC’s report, including the need to credibly investigate widespread allegations of extra-judicial killings and enforced disappearances, demilitarize the north of Sri Lanka, implement impartial land dispute resolution mechanisms, re-evaluate detention policies, strengthen formerly independent civil institutions, reach a political settlement on the devolution of power to the provinces, promote and protect the right of freedom of expression for all and enact rule of law reforms, (PP5 19/2, modified)
PP8 Also noting with concern that the National Plan of Action and the LLRC’s report do not adequately address serious allegations of violations of international law, (PP6 19/2, modified) PP9 Expressing concern at the continuing reports of violations of human rights in Sri Lanka, including enforced disappearances, extra-judicial killings, torture, violations of the rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly, as well as intimidation of and reprisals against human rights defenders, members of civil society and journalists, and threats to judicial independence and the rule of law,
PP10 Also noting with concern the failure by the Government of Sri Lanka to fulfill its public commitments, including on devolution of political authority, which is integral to reconciliation and the full enjoyment of human rights by all members of its population,
PP11 Expressing appreciation for the Government of Sri Lanka’s efforts in facilitating the visit of a technical mission from the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), and encouraging the Government of Sri Lanka to increase its dialogue and cooperation with the OHCHR,
1. Welcomes the Report of the OHCHR on advice and technical assistance for the Government of Sri Lanka on promoting reconciliation and accountability in Sri Lanka and the recommendations and conclusions contained therein, in particular on the establishment of a truth-seeking mechanism as an integral part of a more comprehensive and inclusive approach to transitional justice; and notes the High Commissioner’s call for an independent and credible international investigation into alleged violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law;
2. Urges the Government of Sri Lanka to implement the recommendations in the OHCHR report;
3. Reiterates its call upon the Government of Sri Lanka to expeditiously andeffectively implement the constructive recommendations made in the LLRC report and to take all necessary additional steps to fulfill its relevant legal obligations and commitment to initiate credible and independent actions to ensure justice, equity, accountability, including investigations of violations of international law, and reconciliation for all Sri Lankans; (OP1 19/2, modified)
4. Urges the Government of Sri Lanka to cooperate with special procedures mandate holders and formally respond to outstanding requests, including by providing unfettered access to the Special Rapporteurs on independence of judges and lawyers; human rights defenders; freedom of expression; freedom of association and assembly; extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions; minority issues; and the Working Group on enforced or involuntary disappearances; and discrimination against women;
5. Encourages the OHCHR and relevant special procedures mandate holders to provide, in consultation with, and with the concurrence of, the Government of Sri Lanka, advice and technical assistance on implementing the above-mentioned steps; (OP3 19/2, modified)
6. Requests the OHCHR, with input from relevant special procedures mandate holders, as appropriate, to present an interim report at the twenty-fourth session and a report in an interactive dialogue at the twenty-fifth session of the Human Rights Council, on the implementation of the resolution.

‘There are other ways to provide info to UN’

FRIDAY, 08 MARCH 2013
Commenting about reports that hundreds of Sri Lankan families were blocked in Vavuniya by the authorities while traveling to Colombo, the United Nations on Thursday said that there are other channels to provide information to the UN if people feel they have information.

Speaking at the daily media briefing, Martin Nesirky, Spokesperson for the Secretary-General said, “…there would be other conduits to be able to provide information if people feel they have information that they wish to hand over to the United Nations.  There are other ways to do it if they cannot reach Colombo.  So I am sure that that would be possible, to be able to receive information and not just via the country team in the country.”

Related links
US alarmed by peaceful protestors’ detention
Protesters stopped from coming to Colombo

Tamils must live with dignity in Sri Lanka: PM

New Delhi, March 8, 2013, (IANS) :
India is “worried” about the fate of Tamils in Sri Lanka and wants them to live with “dignity and self respect”, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said Friday.

“There are problems in Sri Lanka; we have been worried about the fate of the Tamil population in Sri Lanka,” Manmohan Singh said in the Rajya Sabha as part of a larger debate.

“It has been our effort to plead with the government of Sri Lanka that there must be political reconciliation, that without national reconciliation (the) situation cannot remain calm.”

The prime minister asked Colombo to take the initiative to talk to the “Tamil top leadership” in Sri Lanka.

“It has been our effort to work with the leadership in Sri Lanka and to ensure that Tamil people (there) do get a chance to live a life of dignity and self respect as equal citizens of the country.”

The prime minister’s comments follow widespread allegations of rights abuses in Sri Lanka both during the war against the Tamil Tigers that ended in 2009 and since then.

There is also intense criticism in India that Sri Lanka has failed to honour the commitments made by its leaders to the Indian leadership to go for a political resolution of the long running ethnic conflict.

The Manmohan Singh government is under pressure from political foes and at least one ally to vote against Sri Lanka at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva this month.

But in his speech Friday, Manmohan Singh made no reference to the Geneva meet or to allegations that the 12-year-old son of the slain Tamil Tigers chief V. Prabhakaran was killed after capture by the Sri Lanka Army.

134 And Still Batting On

Colombo TelegraphBy Krishantha Prasad Cooray -March 8, 2013
Krishantha Prasad Cooray
In recent years, there has been less and less to cheer about in Sri Lanka. Few things bring anything but despondency and frustration to the hearts of young and old. We live in a strange age. What should be a time of national triumph and unity has been transformed into an age of fear and repression, political corruption and public apathy and the unprecedented arrogance of power.
Perhaps more than anything else, we live in a country today in which no relationship is equal. Patronage and servility are the two basic ingredients for survival in present day Sri Lanka. To speak out against injustice, to fight for the freedoms and rights of another is too great a risk to take. Expediency has taken precedence over preserving all that was great about Sri Lankan society. The political comedy of errors has pervaded every aspect of social life, with both sides of the political divide providing plenty of entertainment but no true redress.
When everything we know and hold dear is being systematically destroyed, there is ever more reason to rejoice in the things that endure; the things that cut across social divides and political constructs; the things that renew old time bonds and bring people together.
The Royal Thomian that began yesterday, provides a reason for such a celebration. A nation’s enthusiasm for cricket is only overshadowed by the jubilant atmosphere that pervades the streets of the capital as one “Big Match succeeds the other and the mounting frenzy unleashes itself to reach a climax each weekend in different colours.
In all this everyone agrees on one thing: the Royal-Thomian is the trend setter. Almost every school has a ‘Big Match’ because Royal College and St. Thomas’ have one. Today, the school cricket that originated on the playing fields of Colombo with the Royal-Thomian encounter, has reached the farthest villages of the island bringing to the fore cricketing talent that a small island in the Indian Ocean that learned about willow and leather from the Englishman, may never have imagined was possible.
There is an indefinable quality about the three day cricket extravaganza that is so much more than just a cricket match. It is a carnival for the young and the young at heart, from the starry eyed youngster attending his first Big Match to the grey-haired and careworn old timer in the Mustangs Tent, to whose eyes the stars return when memories are rekindled of his own schooldays.
In a society that places such critical emphasis on who you know and how much power you wield, at the Royal-Thomian all of this ceases to matter. A 134 year tradition, unbroken and unstoppable, the Big Match brings people together in a great commonality that recognizes no leader and no follower, no king and no subject, no rich man and poor man. It is a place where all politicians who are generally revered and think no end of themselves are humbled and belittled, when they walk into a tent and strive hard to make an impact with the crowd. While defeat has become unpalatable for those who wield great power, the Royal Thomian has never been about victory or loss. Through centuries scored, wickets lost, good and bad umpiring decisions, Royalists and Thomians take it all in their stride, never resorting to threats or intimidation to have decisions go their way. Scuffles and skirmishes off the field are often part and parcel of the game, but they are battles fought, won and lost on your own merits. There will be no powerful papas arriving on the scene to bail people out; in fact such an eventuality will result in more derision from the crowd and embarrassment for the youths in question, because it is considered a defining quality of Thomians and Royalists that they fight their own battles.
For three days, everyone on the cricket fields and in the spectator stands go briefly back to being schoolboys, indistinguishable from each other as when we all wore one uniform and it was impossible to tell us apart.
The greatest thing about the Royal Thomian then, is this. If you are a Royalist, you are a Royalist. If you’re a Thomian, you’re a Thomian. Nothing else matters. For three days, as two school cricket teams battle it out in the middle, a Royalist or a Thomian is all you are and all you need to be. Ethnic, religious and other differences pale in to oblivion, levelling so many varying sections of society in a way we can only hope to extrapolate nationally, four years after Sri Lanka ceased to be at war with itself.
In the years to come, it is my fervent hope for the timeless Battle of the Blues that it will remain a brief, small space where these qualities of freedom and equality will be preserved. It is up to Royalists and Thomians, young and old to ensure that this great tradition remains a-political in a social culture where political tentacles are breaching every social institution and aspect of life.
If it was the Royalists and the Thomians that blazed the trail for the Big Match culture in the Sri Lankan school system, there is no reason why we should not continue to lead in areas where others might still follow. It is if anything, our duty and obligation as responsible citizens of this country to take these levelling experiences of the Big Match back into our everyday lives, and use them to consistently foster brotherhood and promote liberty and equality in our homeland.
A good performance at the Royal Thomian will carry a youngster through life as much as a poor showing will damn him forever. Many are the examples in public life of this truism. Prime ministers, Bureaucrats and Businessmen alike are better known for their success or failure at the Royal Thomian than for their achievements or the disasters they have inflicted on a hapless public.
The passing of years will later force a move into the Old Boys to the Colts tent, the Stallions, the Stables, the Thoroughbreds and of course the Mustangs, wherein the unchanging spirit of the Big Match, that great encounter that happens outside the boundary line, is embraced with untrammeled joy.
This current weekend in March is the perfect time to remember that life is made for living. It is events like the Royal-Thomian that provide the spice that refreshes flagging spirits and cheers the aching heart. On those three days there is no enmity or displeasure. Foe embraces foe and friends slaps each other as though they were never parted.
It is a timeless and enduring testament to the power and promise of old school ties.