Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Thursday, January 31, 2013


UK Minister Alistair Burt Visits Northern Sri Lanka

HM Governor's Office in Montserrat31 January 2013
Visiting UK Minister Alistair Burt went to the North of the country on the first day of his visit to Sri Lanka, holding a range of meetings and opening a youth project designed to facilitate country-wide reconciliation.
minister-burt-opening-SLU
Ahead of this year’s Commonwealth Heads of Government Meetings (CHOGM), Mr Burt was able to see developments that have occurred in the region since his last visit two years ago, and the work that remains to be done, following thirty years of conflict. He was able to talk to people who had suffered the brutality of the LTTE, which remains a banned organisation in the UK.  
During a visit to the Keppapilavu relocation site, Mr Burt saw the continuing challenges faced daily by those who were displaced by the conflict. He expressed his hope that they would soon be able to return to their homes, or to other suitable areas. As Guest of Honour at the opening of Sri Lanka Unites’ reconciliation centre at Mulliayawelai, the Minister saw how the UK is helping to support sustainable peace in Sri Lanka. Speaking at the event, Mr Burt said:
“I have been pleased to see progress in some areas since the end of the conflict. The destructive force of war – tearing lives, families, societies and countries apart – is only too evident in this part of the country. It is great to see young Sri Lankans leading efforts to heal wounds and to unite Sri Lankans of all backgrounds in the task of reconciliation and recovery.  
This Sri Lanka Unites reconciliation centre, together with others due to be established in other parts of the country, will help to bridge the divide between the North and the South. Such centres will foster communication and understanding across the island. Sri Lanka Unites is helping to empower young people to build a strong, stable, prosperous and united future. I am delighted to be able to support their efforts.”
In the North, the Minister also met the Mullaitivu Government Agent, Mr N Vethanayakam, and NGOs working in the area. These included the HALO Trust, a British organisation which is conducting de-mining in the North with £3 million of UK Government support.
Govt. to hire PR team

By Sulochana Ramiah Mohan

 2013-01-31
The government is planning to spend whopping millions to hire reputed Public Relations agencies, to counter the charges levelled against Sri Lanka by the Western powers, at the upcoming sessions of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva. A team of professionals and several reputed overseas PR agencies, backed by Sri Lanka's missions abroad, will face the challenges posed by the resolution to be brought against Sri Lanka by the United States at the UNHRC sessions, Ceylon Today learns. "Sri Lanka is pretty much on track to face outside challenges having prepared the groundwork, come what may be the situation in Geneva," said Secretary to the Ministry of External Affairs, K. Amunugama.


He said, "The US resolution on Sri Lanka would be as tough as last year, but we have done the groundwork, however challenging it would be. A smaller team of professionals, compared to last year, will be present in Geneva. Also, several reputed overseas PR agencies will be present there to campaign for Sri Lanka, backed by our foreign missions. "We are working on the recommendations made by the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) constantly and have made substantial progress with the support of the committee chief, President's Secretary Lalith Weeratunga and we are set for a strong argument in Geneva," he said.


"We knew something would come up in Geneva, but what we did not know was what sort of thing it would be.
"The last review was about the implementation of the LLRC recommendations and High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay wanted us to report back on the LLRC progress, which we did. We were expecting a reply from her and we do not know what is in there. But we sensed that anyhow it would be negative and nothing positive in it," he added.
30 army camps constructed at A9 road.


Thursday , 31 January 2013
30 army camps are constructed at A9 road, from Vavuniya to Jaffna. Out of this massive military camps too consist.
30 thousand forces are positioned only at Poonagari region. With much discontent such information was said by Tamil National Alliance Jaffna district parliament member C.Siritharan.
He said 10 army camps are constructed only in 806 acres of lands at Poonagari region. Out of this 30 thousand forces have positioned. Other than this, in A9 route, from Vavuniya to Jaffna 30 army camps are constructed.
St.Joseph army camp is located at Vavuniya, Manthai army camp, 56th regiment camp at Thandikulam, Special Task force division camp at Puliyankulam, Special Task force unit camp at Kurusidam Kulam, 19th Gajabahu regiment at Kanagarayan kulam, 561 regiment at Kanagarayan kulam, 19th unit of Sri Lanka Army division at Kanagarayan kulam, Special Task force division camp at Periyakulam.
574th unit Regiment at Maangulam, 53rd Regiment at Maangulam, 632nd Regiment at Kokavil, Special Task Force unit camp at Ariviyaltown, Inforamtion force division at Iranaimadu, 571th Regiment at Kilinochchi,army camps at Elephant Pass, Manchcholai, Pulopalai, Palai, Mugamalai, Eluthumattuwaal, Varani, Noonavil, Noonavil center, Mirusuvil Gemunu army camp, 3rd regiment camp at Kaithadi, 52nd army unit at Kaithadi and the army headquarters of 523rd unit is also constructed  was mentioned by him.

B.T.I. Bacteria to be sprayed by air in Colombo
[ Thursday, 31 January 2013, 09:49.42 AM GMT +05:30 ]
Minister of Health Maithripala Sirisena says that a cabinet paper has been prepared to seek approval to spray the B.T.I Bacteria by air in several areas within the Colombo Municipal Council city limits. 
The Ministry of Health said that this was revealed by the minister when he met with the Cuban Ambassador for discussions on further using the Cuban B.T.I. bacteria for the eradication of Dengue.
According to the Ministry of Health, 56% of the Dengue cases reported last year, were from the Western Province.
A majority of these patients have been reported from the Colombo Municipal Council areas, the Dehiwala - Mount Lavania Urban Council areas, Kollonnawa, Nugegoda, Pilliyandala and Moratuwa.




Strategy For Democratic Resistance, Manifesto For Change

By Dayan Jayatilleka -January 31, 2013 
Dr Dayan Jayatilleka
Colombo TelegraphHowever bad things are in Sri Lanka today and however bad things may get, there is almost nothing that cannot be reversed in three years when elections come around. That election may however be the last chance at reversal of the negative aspects, preventing their cumulative growth from embryonic structureto stable system. Sri Lanka is not under a dictatorship today, though there may be a dictatorial project or latent tendency towards dictatorship. If dictatorship is ever erected in this country it will be as much by default as by design. It will be because the Opposition didn’t get its act together in order to prevent it at the next – and last–available electoral opportunity. How is this to be done? A pre-requisite is to abandon errors of thinking and strategizing, the most crucial of which have recently been pointed out by an astute observer of Sri Lankan politics.
Kath Noble, an Oxford trained mathematician with a postgraduate degree in economics from the JNU (Delhi) has more political lucidity and therefore, useful counsel, than all our local political critics, commentators and pundits put together. In her latest column she writes:
“…Worse, by focusing our attention on the Commonwealth and the sanctions that it may impose on Sri Lanka as a result of the impeachment, the UNP leader is pushing us into the same old trap of ‘internationalizing’ what must be a national struggle…The international community doesn’t get to vote in elections in Sri Lanka! It is the opinions of Sri Lankans that matter to Mahinda Rajapaksa. So long as they aren’t bothered about the mass grave in Matale, he won’t be either. Likewise, so long as they don’t want an investigation into the anti-LTTE campaign, even Ranil Wickremesinghe wouldn’t do it…If the international community tried to use its economic or other power to force prosecutions in Sri Lanka, the public would rally behind the Government, and Mahinda Rajapaksa is very good at encouraging such a response. There really is no short cut…It is a national struggle…” (‘Calling in the Marines’)
Though it may have to be preceded as in November-December 1976, by peaceful mass action which ensures a level electoral playing field, the endgame is always electoral. In a Presidential system this reduces itself to a viable Presidential candidate. However bad the crisis in its economic and external dimensions, the people will not vote for a candidate whose patriotic credentials have always been deeply suspect. This is all the more certain if the prime sources of external pressure are Tamil Nadu and the West-based Tamil Diaspora, and the main slogan is accountability for the conduct in the closing stages of the war, of the military—drawn from rural peasant families, as are most voters. In such a context, voters are likely to hold their collective nose and opt either for continuity or change within continuity (as they did in 1988 when they voted for UNP candidatePremadasa). In the latter case, the pro-western Opposition liberal-conservatives will realize that there are worse options within the System than the incumbent.
Pro-Opposition and/or anti-regime ideologues, strategists and commentators fail to understand at least four major points, and so long as they fail to do so they will be unable to halt the Machine.
Firstly, the sources of legitimacy: while the regime is losing democratic legitimacy and legitimacy in general due to its flouting of democratic values and norms, it continues to retain national legitimacy deriving from its historic military victory over a hated enemy. The regime wins every political battle, from the FUTAstrike to the impeachment, because of those vast ‘reserves’ of nationalist – and national- legitimacy, which the present Opposition, or the Opposition presently, lacks. National legitimacy will almost always trump democratic legitimacy, especially in a context of victory. In the context of military defeat, nationalist legitimacy remains as powerful but acts against the regime, as in the case of JR Jayewardene after the ’87 airdrop, the Argentinean junta after the Falklands/Malvinas defeat and the Serbia’s nationalists and Socialists after losing Kosovo. Crudely put, any election which pits the present leader of the Opposition and the UNP against Mahinda Rajapaksa is akin to Marshal Petain running against de Gaulle or Neville Chamberlain contesting against Churchill. Even if the military victory over the Tigers fades in the public memory, it will be instantly revived if the alternative remains one who is indelibly perceived as a great appeaser and collaborator during a titanic, historically nodal contestation. The memory of that appeasement will not fade. The memory of shortages under the Bandaranaike regime of ’70-’77 was instantly triggered for 20 years, by the question “do you remember how bad it was and do you really dare risk going back?”. With anti-Sri Lankan separatist sentiment in Tamil Nadu on the rise, the existentially threatened and insecure Sri Lankan citizenry will always consider Ranil Wickremesinghe (and his wing of the UNP) far too risky an option.
Secondly, the vital importance of shifting to and occupying the centre: Democratic politics the world over shows that whoever occupies the centre-space, wins. The Republicans were too far out in right field and lost to Barack Obama who carved out a progressive centre. For years the Democrats were perceived to be too far out in left field, and continued to lose, until Bill Clinton and then Barack Obama shifted the party to the centre. This is even more pronounced in Sri Lanka where the Buddhist cultural heritage privileges the Middle Path. It was the political genius of SWRD Bandaranaike to explicitly project himself as carving out a middle path between the Marxist Left and the pro-western Right. Be it the Aristotelian Golden Mean or the Buddha’s Middle Path, the middle ground is the moral high ground, and the strategic space to occupy. If the regime has abandoned the middle ground, it is all the more compelling and easier for the forces of resistance to occupy it. The regime cannot be opposed from an extreme position, and even if someday, a determined and apparently extreme position has to be taken in order to administer a final push and secure a decisive breakthrough, it must be preceded by the broadest accumulation of social and national forces which is feasible only by the secure occupation of the middle ground.
Thirdly, a grasp of Gramsci, and the importance of triangulating the factors of the ‘national’, the ‘democratic’ and the ‘popular’ or pro-people: Though the regime and its ideologues define the national in an ethno-religious and hierarchical manner, this is not an argument for abandoning the national, but one for defining it in the broadest and most inclusionary terms, as did DS Senanayake and Ranasinghe Premadasa of the UNP, and Dr SA Wickramasinghe (Southern) founder of the Communist movement. The defence of the national has to be fused with the defence of democratic rights, liberties and values. The freedom of our nation from unfair external encroachment on our sovereignty must be combined with the freedom of the individual. Both these dimensions of freedom and liberty must be conjoined with a strong sense of social justice and socioeconomic policies which place the interests of the people as the driver of policy and practice.
As long as the defence of democracy remains purely individualist or institutional, legalist and liberal, rather than rooted in the social; so long as the call for the defence of democracy remains insensitive to the material and everyday concerns of the vast majority, it will remain a greenhouse plant. That which I propose is not an impossible synthesis. The French political consciousness and culture for instance, takes as axiomatic the hyphenated slogans of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity, combined with a strong sense of the Nation (and a national destiny). More pertinently, so too does the political discourse of the left and social democrats in Latin America—a discourse most successfully articulated by Brazil’s Lula, which accords important recognition to national sovereignty, which is brushed aside by the ideologues of Sri Lanka’s Opposition and therefore monopolised by default, by the regime.
Fourthly, political content must not be sacrificed for organizational forms: The most significant political enterprises in the politics of this island have taken the form of ruptures with pre-existing organisations. DS Senanayaka broke away from the decades old Ceylon National Congress to found the UNP on the eve of Independence. SWRD broke from the UNP in 1951. SJV Chelvanayagam ruptured the Tamil Congress to form the Federal party. Wijeweera left the Maoist party to found the JVP. Chandrika and Vijaya formed the Mahajana Party, splitting from the SLFP, which enabled her to return to the leadership of the SLFP giving it a new profile and taking it to victory. Ranasinghe Premadasa formed a pressure group the Puravesi Peramuna in the early ’70s, and had planned to break away from the UNP in 1988 as an independent presidential candidate if he were deprived of the party’s candidacy. As the Bible says, one cannot put new wine in old wineskins.
The four points made above, constitute the parametric outlines of a project that can counter the dominant project of the regime. The objective of democratic change is to be free citizens in a free country; in a country that is free from domination from without and within.

SEXUAL MISCONDUCT OF THE CLERGY - THE SOCIAL FALLOUT

by Dr. Ruwantissa Abeyratne-

About.com


( January 31, 2013, Montreal , Sri Lanka Guardian) 
It was disconcerting to read in the Sri Lanka Guardianthat a Buddhist monk had raped a 42 year-old woman from Kelaniya when she went to meet him for some advice on 04th January 2013. I have read in the internet (http://buddhism.about.com/od/basicbuddhistteachings/a/sexbuddhism.htm) that “monks and nuns… follow the many rules of the Vinaya-pitaka section of the Pali Canon. For example, monks and nuns who engage in sexual intercourse are "defeated" and are expelled automatically from the order. If a monk makes sexually suggestive comments to a woman, the community of monks must meet and address the transgression. A monk should avoid even the appearance of impropriety by being alone with a woman. Nuns may not allow men to touch, rub or fondle them anywhere between the collar-bone and the knees. Clerics of most schools of Buddhism in Asia continue to follow the Vinaya-pitaka, with the exception of Japan”.


Ven. Rajakeeya Panditha Dharshanapathi Ambanpola Seelarathana, Master of Philosophy, Chief incumbent of Shanthi Vihara of Kelaniya, a rapist who torture and raped 42 years woman in the temple and many women were sexually assaulted by this man
Closer home, I look at the Sexual Misconduct Policy (on exploitation, sexual harassment and violence, all of which the celebrated and venerated monk in Kelaniya is seemingly guilty of) of the Anglican Diocese of Toronto which says: “every human being is created in the image of God who has made us for loving, covenantal relationships with our Creator, others and the world. We believe that our peace arises out of right relationships. Our personal dignity, freedom and bodily integrity are ensured by faithfulness to just covenants of mutual trust, care and respect. Such covenants undergird the moral framework of our communal life, responsibilities and entitlements”. The Policy goes on to say: “There is universal agreement that respect, reverence and mutuality are necessary in all human relationships. This agreement about the fundamentals of human relations, including sexual relations, leads to a firm judgement and condemnation of sexual abuse and exploitation... sexual abuse is self-gratification by exploitation. It makes an impersonal object of the other person, abusing both the person and sexuality itself. Abuse occurs in a wide range of sexual activities: always in rape and child molestation.”

Rape is rape, whether committed by a member of the clergy or other, and the punishment is the same in most jurisdictions. Monks convicted of rape (and there is no evidence that the particular monk in question has been convicted of the offence) do not get less of a sentence than others who commit rape. However, there is a bigger point here and that is the inevitable issue of social trust. In any civilized society, the members of the clergy are trustees of the faith and are deemed to uphold principles of moral rectitude. In this context I am reminded of my reading during my adolescence of the unforgettable Father Sergius by Leo Tolstoy which left in me an indelible mark.

The story is about Prince Stepan Kasatsky, an exceptionally talented and accomplished youth who was destined for achievement and glory. On the eve of his wedding he discovers the infidelity of his fiancée, Countess Mary Korotkova who has had an affair with the Tsar. Serguis’ pride as well as his standing is seriously hurt and he joins the Russian Orthodox faith, entering a monastery as a monk. He remains thus for many years, in solitude, humility and morality. He is requested by the Orthodoxy to take up the life of a hermit as he is remembered for having so remarkably transformed his life and because he shows all the signs of being permanently removed from the world.

His world changes when, one cold and wintry night, a group of merry-makers visit him, among whom is a divorced woman named Makovkina, who spends the night in his cell, with the intention of seducing him. Father Sergius’s weakness surfaces and in order to protect himself and ward off the temptation, he cuts off his own finger. Years follow when Father Sergius' reputation for holiness grows. He becomes known as a healer, and pilgrims come from far and wide to seek his blessings and healing. Yet Father Sergius is still profoundly aware of his weakness, which precludes him from attaining a true faith. He is still tormented by his innate boredom, pride, and lust. Finally he succumbs to temptation when the young daughter of a merchant successfully seduces him. His path changes and he begins to wander, until eight months later he is arrested and banished to Siberia, where he becomes a hired laborer of a well-to-do peasant.

The story of Father Sergius, which is one of mortification and human frailty, brings to bear the inexorable fact that if one is a man of cloth who is expected to be a guiding light to society, a certain type of conduct is expected. A flouting of this principle creates a beach of social trust. As an analogy, one can take a lesson from Christian annals. In the 14th Century, Christian clergies led secular and worldly lives. They adorned themselves with ostentatious and rich garments and lived a life of opulence and luxury. The populace were getting increasingly disillusioned with the clergy and suspected that the church was using its power tendentiously, neglecting the good of the people. Increasingly, priests in charge of parishes and dioceses neglected their duties, destroying confidence in the people and seriously harming their reverence of the church's authority. The sentinels of faith became lethargic, concentrating only on their own personal possessions and land. The Popes excommunicated people they did not like, misusing their Christian mandate. Bishops and other clergy in power sold indulgences and condoned wrongdoers’ acts, even forgiving them. The church indulged in selling clerical positions to the highest bidders, thus producing a lot of ignorant, illiterate, uneducated people. Candidates for popes bribed, blackmailed, tortured, and killed their way to being a pope.

The distrust in the clergy led to distrust in religion. People became materialistic and disillusioned.

Getting back to Buddhism, the Sangha refers to the disciples of the Buddha. Generally, it includes the Buddhist monks and nuns, who make their commitments to lead a monastic and retiring way of life, usually in isolation and away from worldly society, carrying on and preserving the teachings and tradition left behind by the Buddha. They, above anyone else, are expected to subscribe to the basic doctrine they preach, i.e. Thanhaya Jayathi Soko, Thanhaya Jayathi Bayang, Thanhaya Vippamuththassa, Natthi Soko Kutho Bayang:, Pematho Jayathi Soko, Pematho Jayathi Bayang, Pematho Vippamuththassa, Natthi Soko Kutho Bayang: Kamatho Jayathi Soko, Kamatho Jayathi Bayang, Kamathoo Vippamuththassa, Natthi Soko Kutho Bayang (avarice begets sorrow, avarice begets fear, in the absence of avarice, there is no sorrow or fear; love begets sorrow, love begets fear, in the absence of love, there is no sorrow or fear; lust begets sorrow, lust begets fear, in the absence of lust, there is no sorrow or fear).

This then is the ultimate social fallout, where those in a position of trust abuse it. If these fundamental truths are abdicated by those who are expected to lead us to live a life according to the Dhamma, they would no longer have claims to being a fortress of redemption for the common man.

Mervyn’s secy. to make confidential statement

THURSDAY, 31 JANUARY 2013 
Minister Mervyn Silva’s Parliamentary Affairs Secretary had made a request from court to make a confidential statement in camera before the Mahara Chief Magistrate over the recent killing of Kelaniya Pradeshiya Sabha member Hasitha Madawala.

Mahara Magistrate Sahan Mapa Bandara allowed the request made by Parliament Affairs Secretary Sarath Kumara Edirisinghe and the fifth suspect Saman Nishaman to make the confession in camera considering the request made by Counsel Jayantha Weerasinghe PC on behalf of the two suspects.
At the onset of the inquiry yesterday the CID informed the Magistrate that they had already recorded statements of some of the witnesses and a few other statements were to be recorded.

The CID said they were conducting investigations to ascertain how the suspect had come with the vehicles used in the killing. Since the investigations were not over the suspects were further remanded till February 14. (Dasun Rajapaksa and Ganidu Rochana) (Pix by Kushan Pathiraja)




Douglas to stand for Chief Minister

Tamil Guardian 31 January 2013 

The Minister for Traditional Industries and Small Enterprise Development Douglas Devananda, who is also leader of the paramilitary EPDP, has announced that he would resign from his ministerial position to contest the Northern Provincial Council Elections as a candidate for the Chief Minister position.
article_imageThe Island reported that the president Mahinda Rajapakse was not going to allow Douglas to resign from the cabinet, with Kumar Padmanathan also a name making its rounds as a candidate.

Douglas is one of the most notorious paramilitary figures and has an outstanding arrest warrant from India, for a murder committed in Chennai in 1986.
The minister and his paramilitary are responsible for murder, rape, forced prostitution, child trafficking and extortion, with the support of the Sri Lankan Government of course.

Sri Lanka’s leaders complicit in forced prostitution and child sex trafficking
 22 December 2010
The categories of war crimes for which Sri Lanka’s top civilian and military leadership are responsible expanded this week to include rape, forced prostitution and trafficking into sexual slavery, based on a Wikileaked US embassy cable of May 18, 2007.

(See the full text of the cable here, and a summary of the sex-related crimes it outlineshere.)
Tamil paramilitaries ran prostitution rings for Sri Lankan troops in government-controlled parts of the Northeast, and child sex trafficking rings using their networks in India and Malaysia, and they did so with the knowledge and support of the Sri Lankan government, the US cable revealed.
Article 7, para (g), of the Rome Statute lists “rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced sterilization, or any other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity" as crimes against humanity "when committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population."
The US cable leak comes on the tenth anniversary of the landmark UN Security CouncilResolution 1325, which specifically addresses the impact of conflict, particularly sexual violence, on women and girls.
The below report looks at the international legal context of the sexual crimes described in the US cable, Colombo's response, and some of the past documentation of rape by the Sri Lanka's armed forces.

Government responsibility
Crucially, the US embassy not only found a “pattern of GSL complicity with paramilitary groups on multiple levels” but that the organised crime continued, amongst other rights abuses, despite the US “repeatedly” raising these issues with Sri Lanka’s top leadership, including President Mahinda Rajapaksa and senior ministers.
Indeed Defense Secretary Gothabaya Rajapaksa explicitly ordered military commanders who wanted to clamp down to “not to interfere with the paramilitaries,” the then US Ambassador, Robert Blake, wrote to Washington.
“It appears that this [government] involvement goes beyond merely turning a blind eye to these [paramilitary] organizations' less savory activities. At worst, these accounts suggest that top leaders of its security establishment may be providing direction to these paramilitaries,” he said.
As such, the US Embassy cable's account makes clear the gender-based violence constitutes widespread or systematic practices that are “either part of government policy or .. condoned by a government” as described by the Rome Statute.
The two main government-backed paramilitary groups concerned are the Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP) led by Douglas Devanda and the Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP) led by Karuna.
The EPDP and TMVP also registered as political parties in Sri Lanka, and both Devananda and Karuna have held ministerial posts in President Rajapaksa’s governments.
Rape and crimes against humanity
The International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecutor and the ad-hoc tribunals for Bosnia and Rwanda have all recognised rape in similar circumstances as war crimes and acts of genocide.
The first ICTY conviction of rape and enslavement as a crime against humanity occurred in the Kunarac, Kovac and Vukovic case for the rape of Bosniak women by Serb soldiers.
More recently, with respect to Darfur, the New York times noted: “the centerpiece of [ICC Prosecutor Luis] Moreno-Ocampo's application is the charge of rape as genocide 'causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group' and 'deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part.’”
Interestingly, Mr. Moreno-Ocampo was this week criticised for failing to take seriously sexual violence against women in the ICC’s prosecutions, despite the Rome Statute's emphasis on these.
The societal impact of rape is recognised not only to be linked to prevailing cultural norms and sensitivities, but also as a key driver of organised sexual violence against a community.
For example, the ICTY has recognised the social stigma of rape in the Bosnian Muslim society as a reason for why it was used as a weapon of war.
In June 2008, the UN Security Council went a step beyond resolution 1325 and adopted resolution 1820, focusing on sexual violence in armed conflict and recognising for the first time that sexual violence is a tactic used in war and a force impacting international peace and security – and thus within the Security Council’s purview.
“Sexual violence in conflict has become the weapon of choice. The reason is as simple as it is wicked – because it is cheap, silent and effective,” the UN’s Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict, Margot Wallström, said last month.
She was speaking at a conference on “Women and War” organised by the United States Institute of Peace, the World Bank, several universities and the US State Department to mark the anniversary of Resolution 1325.
The US embassy cable sets out how rape, and extra-judicial killings, served to terrify and coerce the Tamil population in Sri Lanka Army(SLA)-controlled areas.

“The young women's parents are unable to complain to authorities for fear of retribution and because doing so would ruin the girls' reputation, making it impossible for them ever to marry. Families have begun arranging marriages for their daughters at a very young age in the hopes that the [paramilitaries] and [SLA] soldiers will be less likely to take them.”
US on Sri Lanka rape
The US cable is thus an important part of the context for Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s 2009 statement at the UN (also see video here):

"Now, reading the headlines, one might think that the use of rape as a tactic of war only happens occasionally, or in a few places, like the Democratic Republic of the Congo or Sudan. That would be bad enough, but the reality is much worse. We’ve seen rape used as a tactic of war before in Bosnia, Burma, Sri Lanka, and elsewhere.
"In too many countries and in too many cases, the perpetrators of this violence are not punished, and so this impunity encourages further attacks.
"[T]he physical and emotional damage to individual women and their families from these attacks cannot be quantified, nor can the toll on their societies."
Interestingly, however, following Sri Lanka’s vehement response, the Ambassador at large for global women's issues at the State Department, Melanne Verveer, seemed tobacktrack.

“In the most recent phase of the [Sri Lankan] conflict, from 2006 to 2009 ... we have not received reports that rape and sexual abuse were used as tools of war, as they clearly have in other conflict area around the world," she said in a letter released to media.
However, Ambassador Blake’s cable of May 18, 2007 makes clear this was simply not true.
Sri Lanka’s response
With its top leadership well aware of the sexual war crimes and its complicity in them, the government’s response to the allegations has been predictable: categorical denial and vehement protest.
In response to the recently Wikileaked US cables, External Affairs Minister G.L. Peiris complained of "mendacious stories" in them about claims of killings, and children being sold into slavery and girls forced into prostitution.
President Rajapaksa meanwhile accused 'terrorist' elements abroad of defaming Sri Lanka, saying: “Their latest weapon is to defame our country and throw allegations at our war heroes, accusing them of war crimes.”
Long history at home ...
Sri Lanka’s Sinhala-dominated military has a long and well documented history of rape.
In 2001, the year before the Norwegian-brokered ceasefire came into effect, Amnesty International said it “has noted a marked rise in allegations of rape by [Sri Lankan] police, army and navy personnel,” adding:
“Among the victims of rape by the security forces are many internally displaced women, women who admit being or having been members of the LTTE and female relatives of members or suspected male members of the LTTE.
“Reports of rape in custody concern children as young as 14.”
(See Amnesty's 2002 report here).
In its 1999 annual report, Amnesty International said rape of female detainees was amongst a range of methods of torture, which is "widespread".
In a statement to the UN in 1998, the World Organisation against Torture observed:
“Sri Lankan soldiers have raped both women and young girls on a massive scale, and often with impunity, since reporting often leads to reprisals against the victims and their families.”
… and abroad
Sri Lanka’s military has also been accused of rape and sexual crimes during its peacekeeping operations abroad.
In 2008, the UN was going to charge 114 Sri Lankan soldiers on peace-keeping missions inHaiti with sexual exploitation and abuse against children.
After an investigation, the UN's Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS) concluded that:
“acts of sexual exploitation and abuse (against children) were frequent and occurred usually at night, and at virtually every location where the [Sri Lankan] contingent were deployed.”
The accused Sri Lankan troops were repatriated on 'disciplinary grounds' after the Colombo government promised to investigate and punish perpetrators of rape.
As always, nothing was done.
Image courtesy Canadian Tamil Youth Alliance

More than 50 dolphins killed off Sri Lankan resort

NZweekBy  Updated 01/02/2013
COLOMBO, Jan. 31 — Sri Lanka has launched an investigation into the killing of over 50 dolphins off a popular beach resort in the north-western part of the country, officials said on Thursday.
Fishermen in the Kalpitiya Resort have found over 50 dolphins killed over the past two days and the authorities believe that illegal fishing methods may have resulted in the mass killing.
The army, navy and police have launched a joint investigation into the incident.
“We have arrested four suspects since Wednesday and more suspects are going to be taken into custody by next week,” Chairman of the National Aquatic Resource Research and Development Agency, Sayuru Samarasundara told Xinhua.
Kalpitiya is a popular tourist destination frequented mostly for dolphin and whale watching and officials are now considering implementing tough measure against the use of illegal fishing methods.
“Some fishermen in the area have been using a net called the ‘ Laila Net’ which is a banned fishing gear. The use of this net has resulted in the death of the dolphins,” Samarasundara said.
Kalpitiya is home to natural habitats of diverse fauna and flora.
Fishing is a major source of incomes for most people in Sri Lanka who live along the coastal areas of the island.
However the use of illegal fishing methods has seen the 
Dolphin Massacre in the Kalpitiya Sea
[ Thursday, 31 January 2013, 04:41.13 AM GMT +05:30 ]
Fishermen today revealed of a dolphin massacre in the Kalpitiya - Kaandankuliya coastal belt after 42 dolphins were killed yesterday alone.
 Traditional fishermen allege that valuable marine life is being massacred using illegal fishing methods.
 Several fishermen who witnessed the massacre expressed their views to our news team.
The Minister of Fisheries and aquatic resources , Sarath Kumara Gunaratne stated that he will take necessary steps to prevent this activity.

Tamil activist killed in Ampara

Thursday, 31 January 2013
Seenithamby Premanathan (40 years old) was hacked to death by a group of unknown persons on the 28th between Malikaithivu and Malwattai when he was traveling home after visiting his brother. The incident had taken place in the Samanthurai police area. Premanathan is a father of two children and was an activist who protested against the arbitrary moves of delimitation in the provinces. Therefore, there are suspicions over the motive behind his murder.
The Rajapaksa government is trying to remap the divisional borders within the Ampara District in a bid to minimize the land mass of Tamil areas and to increase the lands allocated to Sinhala and Muslim areas. The Tamil people in the district are now facing the threat of losing their traditional lands.
The government is trying to arbitrarily conduct the delimitation work without consulting either the politicians or the people in the area.
Premanathan had actively campaigned against these moves and he was murdered while traveling back from his brother’s house in his three wheeler.
Several incidents against the Tamil people in the Ampara District had been recorded in the past few days.
Meanwhile, reports from the area state that the military intelligence is gathering information of Tamil societies and activists in the Ampara District and that Premanathan’s murder was directly linked to the military intelligence.
Political activists in the area say that the politicians and military intelligence are now engaged in silencing any opposition raised against the government’s arbitrary move to change the borders within the district.
Also, an army sub unit has been established in the area where the Oluvil harbour and Deegavapi have been combined.
An activist who spoke to us said that there was a strategic plan to remove Tamil people from the Ampara District.
He said that the government was using Muslim politicians in the area while intimidating and killing any Tamil activist who speaks against it. He added that the current move by the government would result in a massive social problem since the delimitation does not consider the socio-economic and political concerns of the people in the respective areas.


WikiLeaks: ‘Prabhakaran Thinks We’re As Monolithic As He Is’ – Dhanapala To US

Colombo TelegraphBy Colombo Telegraph –January 31, 2013 
“In separate meetings with Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse and Peace Secretariat head Jayantha Dhanapala on September 15, the Ambassador discussed prospects for resumed negotiations between the Government of Sri Lanka (GSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). While Rajapakse expressed guarded optimism, Dhanapala offered a bleaker assessment, noting that in the lack of movement tensions between the Tigers and GSL security forces have increased in Trincomalee and Nagarkovil, while the small but vocal ‘anti-peace’ lobby in the South had become more strident. Dhanapala does not expect the visit of Norwegian Special Envoy Erik Solheim to alleviate the situation, since he has returned to Sri Lanka with no new proposals from the LTTE. Dhanapala asked the Embassy to raise LTTE encroachments in Trincomalee with the ceasefire monitors. Both Rajapakse and Dhanapala agreed that the LTTE seems to have dropped the March defection of Eastern military commander Karuna as a pretext for refusing to negotiate.”  the US Embassy Colombo informed Washington.
A Leaked ‘Confidential’ US diplomatic cable, dated September 15, 2004, updated the Secretary of State regarding and a  meeting Ambassador  Jeffrey J. Lunstead had with the President Mahinda Rajapaksa and Peace Secretariat head Jayantha Dhanapala . The Colombo Telegraph found the related leaked cable from the WikiLeaks database. The cable is signed by the US Ambassador to Colombo Jeffrey J. Lunstead.
The ambassador wrote; “In a meeting with the Ambassador the same day, Jayantha Dhanapala, the head of the Peace Secretariat, sounded a more pessimistic note. Dhanapala opened the meeting by thanking the USG for its August 19 statement condemning LTTE violence, as well as for the firm line communicated by Coordinator for Counterterrorism Ambassador Cofer Black in the media coverage of his recent visit (Ref B). The indignant reaction to Ambassador Black’s comments by pro-LTTE TNA MPs and media show that ‘the penny has dropped’ and his words hit home, Dhanapala said. The Ambassador and Dhanapala agreed that the tough messages from the EU and the Japanese have also been helpful (Ref C). Nonetheless, Dhanapala said, the basic situation remains ‘congealed in a stalemate.’ In the impasse, the anti-peace lobby, which Dhanapala believes remains a tiny minority of the general population, is becoming more vocal and strident, appearing to dominate the discourse on this important issue and to overwhelm supporters of the peace process. Although the President is personally committed to recommencing talks, she has not, despite his urging, launched a pro-peace public relations campaign to fill the vacuum and to refocus on the benefits of peace, he said. The Peace Secretariat cannot mobilize public support for the peace process on its own, he observed; that must be done at the political level. “
“If the GSL succeeds in getting talks restarted, Dhanapala continued, that will dissipate some of the anti-peace lobby and ‘bring the JVP more earnestly on board’ once they see that negotiations are ‘a going thing.’ The GSL has already spent a good deal of time preparing its negotiating position, he said. Thus, if talks did resume, he believes an agreement on an interim arrangement could be reached quickly and discussion of a final arrangement begun. The window of opportunity is closing quickly, however, he warned. If the LTTE decides not to resume talks until it ‘cleans up’ the East, the JVP might take advantage of the lack of progress to engage with restive Muslim groups in the East, he suggested, and thereby increase pressure for a ‘de-merger’ of the North and East. Tiger supremo Prabhakaran does not understand the domestic political constraints the President is facing, Dhanapala said; ‘he thinks we’re as (politically) monolithic as he is.’” the ambassador further wrote.
Read the relevant part of the cable below;