Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Monday, January 21, 2013


Removal of Chief Justice ‘calamitous setback’ for rule of law in Sri Lanka – UN official

Rupert Colville, spokesperson for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR).
18 January 2013 – The United Nations human rights chief today spoke out against the impeachment and removal of Sri Lanka’s Chief Justice, saying it is a “calamitous setback” for rule of law in the South Asian nation, as well as for accountability and reconciliation.
Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake was served notice of her dismissal and removed from her chambers and official residence on Tuesday, in spite of a Supreme Court ruling that the parliamentary procedure to remove her violated the Constitution, according to the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR).
“The removal of the Chief Justice through a flawed process – which has been deemed unconstitutional by the highest courts of the land – is, in the High Commissioner’s view, gross interference in the independence of the judiciary and a calamitous setback for the rule of law in Sri Lanka,” Rupert Colville, spokesperson for High Commissioner Navi Pillay, told reporters in Geneva.
“Sri Lanka has a long history of abuse of executive power, and this latest step appears to strip away one of the last and most fundamental of the independent checks and balances, and should ring alarm bells for all Sri Lankans,” he added.
Mr. Colville noted that the jurist sworn in by the President as the new Chief Justice this week, the former Attorney-General and Legal Advisor to the Cabinet, Mohan Peiris, has been at the forefront of a number of government delegations to Geneva in recent years to vigorously defend the Sri Lankan Government’s position before the Human Rights Council and other human rights mechanisms.
“This raises obvious concerns about his independence and impartiality, especially when handling allegations of serious human rights violations by the authorities,” said Mr. Colville.
OHCHR is also concerned that the impeachment process has caused bitter divisions within Sri Lanka, and that it sends an “ominous signal” about the Government’s commitment to accountability and reconciliation.
“It flies in the face of the strong calls by the Lessons Learned and Reconciliation Commission, and by leaders of Sri Lanka’s civil society and legal profession, to rebuild the rule of law which has been badly eroded by decades of conflict and human rights violations,” Mr. Colville stated.
He added that the Office has received alarming reports from the Independent Bar of Sri Lanka of a series of death threats, acts of intimidation and even a couple of reported murder attempts against lawyers who have been supporting Chief Justice Bandaranayake, and the rulings of the Supreme Court and Court of Appeal on her case.

Parcel Of A Contemptible Plan To Victimise The CJ, International Conspiracy Theorists And Exhibitionists
Colombo TelegraphBy S. L. Gunasekara -January 20, 2013
S.L.Gunasekara
The impeachment of a judge of a superior court is indisputably a tragic event to be dealt with due solemnity and wholly divorced from all considerations of extraneous matters such as party affiliations and `loyalties’; prospects of rewards; political gain etc. It is a solemn occasion where Members of Parliament are required and indeed bound to discard and ignore completely their party affiliations, the decisions of their respective parties on such matter as well as the instructions of their party whips and decide wholly dispassionately and objectively whether on the evidence adduced before them, the Judge concerned was or was not guilty of any one or more of the charges against him that gave rise to the resolution for his impeachment and whether such charges were of sufficient gravity to warrant his dismissal.
The entire object of an impeachment being to `cleanse’ the judiciary if indeed it needed `cleansing’, there is clearly no `place’ in such a proceeding for lawlessness, thuggery , fraud, boorishness histrionics, exhibitionism or the wholesale misuse of religious ceremonies to serve political ends. Tragically the recent `drama’ relating to the impeachment of Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake saw all these unsavoury features but not an iota of objectivity or any of those salutary practices that should have been evident therein.
Commencing with the Select Committee which was alleged to have investigated the charges against Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake and arrived at `findings’ in respect of some of them, and ignoring, for the moment, the facts that both the Supreme Court as well as the Court of Appeal had held that it was constituted unconstitutionally and that the Court of Appeal had quashed, by way of certiorari, its purported findings, let us consider whether the conduct of that Select Committee was in any way objective, dispassionate and/or responsible.
One disgusting fact about which there can be no dispute is that some members of the Select Committee behaved in an utterly uncouth manner towards the Chief Justice which was clearly designed to humiliate her and perhaps to cause her to leave. The fact that those who behaved in such manner were not possessed of an iota of `breeding’ apart, one startling fact about such behaviour is that those who sank so low as to behave in such uncouth fashion actually thought they were doing something clever and laudable !!! What was even more startling was that they, not having been taken to task for such behaviour by even the President, the inference is inescapable that such rowdyism as was displayed by them was indeed approved by him and was part and parcel of a deliberate plan to compel the Chief Justice to throw in the towel.
Such rowdyism as was displayed within the Select Committee was echoed in a different context when mobs of raucous alleged supporters of the Government were brought to Hulftsdorp by some ambitious politicians and they, while armed to the teeth with clubs, staves etc shouted slogans and displayed banners highly defamatory of the Chief Justice, moved around the hordes of police officers who had been deployed there ostensibly to preserve law and order (!!) displaying `proudly’ their grisly weaponry without any let or hindrance from those alleged “guardians of the law”. One does not need more than one guess to visualize what their reactions would have been if those slogans had been aimed at the President or the new `Chief Justice’. It being wholly unthinkable that any police officer would have so ignored breaches of the law committed by any person whomsoever in his presence, the conclusion is inescapable that the inaction of those salaried men was necessarily a result of superior orders.
It is more than passing strange that the Government has yet failed to appreciate the dangers of using thugs as an instrument of state policy. They appear to be oblivious to the fact that the “loyalty” of the thug being wholly to himself, the day cannot be far off when the thug tires of the Government using his thuggery to impose his will on the dissenter, and decides to use their `talents’ for his own purposes even though that would be against the Government. That is a day that will be rued by all including those sycophants of the Government [whose name is “legion”] to whom no act of sycophancy or abject servility is too much provided it secures for them, some measure of patronage from the Government.
When to these facts are added the unbelievable facts that requests repeatedly made by Counsel for the Chief Justice for a list of documents sought to be produced and information about the procedure to be followed by that Select Committee fell on deaf ears, and they were given a bundle of some 1000 documents and told that the so called inquiry would be continued within 24 hours, the fact that no fair inquiry was contemplated and that the entire object of the exercise was to get rid of the Chief Justice by whatever means possible and replace her with another who, in the Government’s perception would be partial to it becomes as clear as crystal.
While this so called impeachment process has displayed a degree of perfidy unparalleled in the history of our land, one final act of overt deception damns for all time, the `Select Committee exercise’ as a `no holds barred’ exercise in victimization. This shameful act of unparalleled fraud was committed when the Chairman of the Select Committee having announced that no oral evidence would be led, adduced the oral evidence of some 17 witnesses after the Chief Justice had `walked out’. If the Select Committee intended adducing such oral evidence, how is it that so manifest a lie was uttered and the Chief Justice misled ?? How was it that all those witnesses attended the Select Committee and gave evidence at such short notice? There clearly having been no time to secure their attendance by due service of summons, it must follow that they were standing by to give evidence when called and were hence part and parcel of a contemptible plan to victimize the Chief Justice.
That all this was wholly unnecessary is a fact so manifest that it needs no repetition. Nobody would disagree with the proposition that if the Chief Justice had been corrupt, she had to go. This same proposition would be equally applicable to the President and other political appointees including ministers. There is clearly no gainsaying the fact that had the Chief Justice been subjected to a fair inquiry or trial, nobody could possibly have objected to her removal from office if she was found guilty of corruption. Yet she was not subjected to such an inquiry or trial and the entire impeachment process was converted into a political circus. Why ????
There are several unanswered questions surrounding the impeachment. One of the chief among them is why the President appointed the Chief Justice’s husband Chairman of the Insurance Corporation and then of the National Savings Bank. What was the aptitude displayed by Kariyawasam to hold such a position when, to the best of my knowledge and belief he had only displayed some aptitude in the field of marketing motor vehicles !! Thus his appointment to those posts gives rise to the inference that such appointments were given so as to win over the Chief Justice to the Government camp and secure judgments from her whether as Chief Justice or as a Judge of the Supreme Court, that were favourable to the Government. Those appointments were, in short `bribes’ and both the giver and the taker are equally culpable so that it is not possible for one wrongdoer to ride the high horse and point an accusing finger at the other.Yet, this, precisely is what, happened.
That the filth called “politics” would pollute the impeachment process was a foregone conclusion. Thus, there were, on the Government side, a number of sycophants who sought to portray the impeachment drama as a contest between the President who gave leadership to the Country to defeat the LTTE on the one hand and the Chief Justice on the other!! There were other sycophants of the Government who purport to see an international “conspiracy” in any dissent offered to anything the Government proposed doing who saw in the Chief Justice’s spirited defence of herself, a part of such a “conspiracy”. What these addicts to “conspiracy” theories would have to say about the appointment of Mohan Peiris to succeed the Chief Justice is left to be seen !!!.
It is indeed tragic that even members of the Bar and the Chief Justice herself succumbed to the temptation of bringing politics into this process. Thus, we experienced the tragic spectacle of members of the Bar engaging in the silly exercise of smashing coconuts on the road to ‘save” the Chief Justice while some other exhibitionists flocked round the Chief Justice’s car, making sure that they are photographed when the Chief Justice first went to parliament and returned therefrom. They even engaged in `strikes’, an exercise which, to my mind, is wholly unbecoming of the dignity of a member of the Bar.
Not to be outdone even the Chief Justice got the Ven Maduluwawe Sobhitha to chant Pirith prior to her setting out for her “inquisition”. Religion being something that is essentially personal, nobody could have faulted the Chief Justice if she got such ceremonies performed at her residence – however, when they are performed in the Court premises, they cry out for the conclusion that it was a part of a political exercise.
It was not only such amateurs who sought to infect this process with politics. Both the UNP and the JVP lost no time in “jumping the bandwagon” and seeking to gain some political capital out of these tragic events by posing dishonestly as champions of the independence of the judiciary while maintaining a deafening silence about their own efforts to undermine that noble principle. Not to be out-done Sarath Fonseka made one of his usual stupid statements by inviting the Chief Justice to take to politics.
As is usually the case the foreigner [both foreign Governments as well as their NGOs] who just cannot tolerate the idea of Sri Lanka being an independent Country which does not require his tutelage to manage its own affairs, was quick to put in his two cents worth condemning the impeachment. Apart from adding fuel to the flames lit by the “international conspiracy theorists”, there are hardly any results that followed from their presumptuous prognostications. Of these foreign effusions it need only be said that one of the most vociferous among them is the international thug which once bathed Vietnamese babies in Napalm and presently runs a torture chamber at Guantanamo Bay !!!.
Sri Lanka has been through a trial by fire. The country was rent in two by the impeachment. Today the dust seems to be settling over the impeachment drama. However, it would be a mistake of monumental proportions for us, now, to say “lets put the past behind us” and proceed with “business as usual”. One important aspect of the impeachment drama is that it brought into focus and the public eye, the independence of the judiciary and its vital importance to the life of our Country as a civilized Nation. It also brought into focus as never before, the corrupting influence of power and the self serving machinations of the sycophant resulting in otherwise decent People of whom much more was expected being wholly incapable or unwilling to accept or admit their own mistakes and most of all the monumental dangers presented to the Country by thuggery being used as an instrument of state power.
If the tragic drama of the impeachment results in National attention being focused on these evils and the dangers that face our Country, and we have the strength and the fortitude to overcome them, the anguish of the impeachment would not have been in vain but will result in this Country becoming a better place in which to live.

Judiciary silenced; a dark chapter in Sri Lanka’s history
The Sundaytimes Sri Lanka= Two CJs now: Shirani claims she still holds office but heavy force used to prevent her from entering court premises
= �UNHRC chief issues scathing attack, Canada initiates moves that may get Lanka suspended from Commonwealth
By Our Political Editor-Sunday, January 20, 2013
Clad in a purple blouse and black pants, Shirani Bandaranayake, who maintains she is still Chief Justice, was at the Arpico supermarket in Hyde Park last Sunday afternoon.
Together with her husband Pradeepa and son Shaveen, Ms. Bandaranayake was engaged in shopping of a different kind – buying up plastic crates and collecting large corrugated carton boxes. There was no security detail to protect her. Every now and then, she was accosted by well-wishers. Some shook her hands to wish her well and say how much they admired her. Others greeted her with clasped hands and a traditional bow. It was obviously with reverence to the office she held and for not succumbing to enormous pressure to quit. Except for a broad smile and a thank you, she remained tight lipped.

Ousted Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake leaving her official residence along with her son. Pic by Indika Handuwala
Returning to her official bungalow, right opposite the British High Commission at Bauddhaloka Mawatha-Wijerama Road intersection, the family broke rest till late into the night. They were packing their belongings into the crates and boxes. Only hours earlier, President Mahinda Rajapaksa had written to her that she was being removed from office. Two persons, one an official and another, an officer from the Presidential Security Division, dressed in suits turned up to deliver the letter last Sunday. So the next morning, (Monday) a national holiday on account of Thai Pongal, lorries of a house moving company were transporting personal belongings to her own residence at Lake Drive in Rajagiriya. It continued on Tuesday, an eventful day where there were a number of historic developments.
On Sunday evening, Rajapaksa placed his signature to a warrant appointing Mohan Peiris, legal advisor to the cabinet, as Chief Justice. He was sworn in on Monday, a holiday. Hence he was expected to assume office on Tuesday. This is perhaps the first time in the world that there are two Chief Justices, Shirani Bandaranayake, who took her oaths on May 17, 2011 and Mohan Peiris sworn in last Monday.
The official website of the Supreme Court (www.supremecourt.lk/) only gave a very brief biographical sketch of Peiris where some of the positions he held immediately before President Rajapaksa named him Chief Justice were left out. One such omission was the fact that he was Chairman of Seylan Bank, the flagship of the now beleaguered Ceylinco Group of companies. Perhaps inadvertently, the website also left out the name of Justice Eva Wanasundera from the list of Supreme Court Judges when it hurriedly included the name of Peiris to head the list. Even access to recent Supreme Court rulings remained blocked on Friday.
More than 600 police officers, some armed and contingents of soldiers carrying assault rifles, were deployed for duty in and around the superior courts complex in Hulftsdorp and the official bungalow of the Chief Justice at Bullers Road-Wijerama Road intersection. This is in addition to a posse of plainclothesmen that included those from state intelligence agencies being deployed in the two venues. Last Tuesday morning, the Government was not taking any chances of seeing two Chief Justices scurrying for one seat. So plans were in place to stop the older office holder and allow the newcomer. Armed police personnel stood guard at the entry and exit points to the Chief Justice’s office. Police conducted checks on vehicles entering the courts complex. All were under clear instructions not to let in Ms. Bandaranayake. Read More
SC and appeal court judgements given against regime to be changed

http://www.lankaenews.com/English/images/logo.jpg(Lanka-e-News-20.Jan.2013, 11.30PM) After having torn the sacrosanct constitution of the country into shreds, and appointing his own advisor a crony of his unlawfully , eccentric MaRa is making arrangements to reverse two crucial judgments given by the SC and appeal court in the recent past, according to reports reaching Lanka e news.

The two verdicts to be reversed are the SC’s determination on the constitution whereby it delivered a verdict that the Parliamentary Select Committee which examined the impeachment is null and void; and the writ issued by the appeal court based on this SC verdict . These decisions are to be changed by appointing judges who are aligned with the regime and via a bigger panel of judges than that which gave the judgments earlier , in much the same unscrupulous manner in which an earlier judgment delivered against P B Wijayasundara the Finance Ministry secretary that he is corrupt and not suitable for any Govt. post , when a fine was also imposed on him after he was found guilty, was changed via a different panel of judges that was appointed.

In these circumstances , the petition filed in he SC against the illegal appointment of new chief (thief) justice by the Center for policy alternatives has been sent into hiding . Though the petition wws filed on the 15 th and was to be sent to the table of the judges on that day , pressures were exerted on the court Registrar against that. So far a date has not been fixed for hat petition. As this petition may not be given a fair hearing in the present climate , it is probable that it will be withdrawn since it is believed that the petition will not be able to achieve its purpose.

Three Challenges For The New Chief Justice

Colombo TelegraphBy Jehan Perera -January 21, 2013 
Jehan Perera
The government acted swiftly to make the impeachment of Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake a closed chapter. President Mahinda Rajapaksa did not appoint the advisory committee to provide him with a second opinion on the merits of impeachment.  This was seen as a time buying exercise to enable the President to find a statesmanlike way out of the imbroglio that the impeachment had apparently created.  However, there was no hesitation on the President’s part.  He did not balk at removing the Chief Justice from her office despite the ruling by the Supreme Court that the impeachment process was not valid in law and when the public protest against the impeachment process was at its peak.  He also immediately speedily appointed her successor, President Advisor and former Attorney General Mohan Peiris to be the new Chief Justice. 
Most lawyers were not in favour of the impeachment process, and many were bitterly opposed to it.  The Bar Association of Sri Lanka even passed a resolution not to welcome any new Chief Justice appointed by the government in the context of the impeachment of Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake. There are lawyers groups that continue to hold that Chief Justice Bandaranayake remains Chief Justice and that her removal by President Rajapaksa is not legally valid.  This is on account of the rulings by the country’s highest courts of law that the impeachment process was flawed and a nullity in law.  According to media reports, the Bar Association is standing by its decision not to welcome the new Chief Justice at a ceremonial sitting to be attended by senior lawyers.   The first challenge that the new Chief Justice will face will be to heal the divisions that have occurred in the legal community.
ENDING IMPUNITY
There has been further fallout from the impeachment crisis that blots the democratic credentials of the government. Incidents that took place during the course of the impeachment included the flouting of decisions of the highest courts in the country and attacks by armed thugs on peaceful protesters in the presence of police personnel.  Now some of the lawyers and civic activists who exercised their right of peaceful protest against the impeachment have been threatened in the aftermath of the impeachment and fear for their safety.  Letters from a purported patriotic organization have been sent to the lawyers and civic activists who led the campaign against the impeachment of the Chief Justice.
The efforts to brand the work of those who stood up for the Rule of Law, checks and balances on the exercise of power and for international standards in governance as being traitors and deserving of punishment is deplorable. The right to dissent is a fundamental right in any society and requires to be upheld.  The reason why people protest collectively is because they sense a moral transgression although they may not be individually affected.  It speaks much for the conscience of our society and shows that there are people still who are prepared to stand against injustice.   It is to be hoped that the new Chief Justice will ensure that legal processes are not obstructed as they appear to be when politically motivated violence and thuggery is concerned.
There is a need to heal the divisions that occurred and restore the Rule of Law that suffered during the impeachment process.  The failure of law and order and to follow the Rule of Law in Sri Lanka has already led to international criticisms and to calls for sanctions.  The government cannot abdicate its responsibility to protect the dissenters from underworld activities for sooner or later the blame will descend on the government. The work of bridging the ethnic and political divides and bringing reconciliation and binding up the wounds of war remain this country’s greatest challenge.  Indeed that is what the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission appointed by the government has also said.  Accordingly, the second challenge to the new Chief Justice would be to provide umbrella cover, if not moral and ethical leadership, to efforts that put an end to the culture of threats and impunity.  Effective action in this regard that is spearheaded by the new Chief Justice would do much to enhance his credibility with the legal community and the people at large.
REFERENDUM REQUIREMENT
The collapse of the public resistance to the impeachment would have come as a surprise to those who believed in the theory of legal processes and the primacy of the Rule of Law.  Those who saw the impeachment in terms of the three great branches of government being locked in combat as equals may have been theoretically correct.  The outcome of the impeachment demonstrated was the asymmetry of power in the three branches of government in practice.  Although theoretically on an equal footing as co-equal branches of government, the executive, legislature and judiciary are unequal when it comes to raw power of enforcement of decisions.  The judiciary has no men at arms to call upon.  It is the executive branch of government that has the power of enforcement.
In the aftermath of the contest over the impeachment, the government appears determined to ensure that a similar challenge will not be mounted from the ranks of the judiciary against the government in the future.  A new constitutional amendment, the 19th Amendment is reported to be on the way.  This will be to restrict the term of office of a Chief Justice to just three years and make provision that Standing Orders of Parliament are part of the country’s laws.  The Constitution now stipulates that the age of retirement of Judges of the Supreme Court shall be 65 years and of Judges of the Court of Appeal shall be 63 years.  Shirani Bandaranayake who was appointed Chief Justice in May 2011 could have continued in office till 2023 if she was not impeached and removed from office.
By restricting the term of office of the any Chief Justice to three years, the government will be making it harder for any judge to become a thorn in its flesh in the future.  Before a Chief Justice has time to consolidate his or her position among the other judges, his or her term of office will be coming to an end.  A short term of office would not permit any future Chief Justice to gain a position of leadership and influence within the judiciary to challenge the government.  A Chief Justice who wishes to remain a little longer in the judiciary as Chief Justice would be compelled to be deferential to the President who is empowered by the 18th Amendment to appoint the Chief Justice and presumably to extend or terminate his or her term of office.  It is not impossible to believe that next there might be yet another constitutional amendment that imposes similar time limits on all judges of the superior courts.
The proposed 19th Amendment will clearly weaken the position of the judiciary in relation the government.  This is a shift of constitutional balance and weakens the system of checks and balances.  Therefore it can potentially give rise to a legal challenge in the Supreme Court.  The question to be answered is whether this proposed constitutional amendment brings into play the constitutional requirement of approval by the people at a referendum, in addition to requiring a 2/3 majority in Parliament.  The decision whether to consider the proposed 19th Amendment as affecting the basic design of the Constitution will fall upon the new Chief Justice.  Strengthening the position of the judiciary as an institution would be his third challenge.
Are we witness to a new and ugly chapter?

2013-01-20
The final chapter of the opening act of the impeachment motion saga was written, signed and acted out last week. And it seems work on a new and uglier act has already begun.

The final chapter saw the government juggernaut bulldozing its way to the pre-ordained conclusion. That the actions contravened the rulings and opinions of both the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal were of little consequence, as Parliament voted as was to be expected, and the President followed suit without missing a single beat.  And so Chief Justice, Dr. Shirani Bandaranayake, was sacked and a new Chief Justice appointed, all in a matter of less than 72 hours.

Also on cue, Mohan Peiris, the former Attorney General, the Legal Adviser to the Cabinet of Ministers, and the President’s ‘yes man’, who was appointed the new Chief Justice, took his oaths and as his first administrative action, nullified the transfers effected by the ousted Chief Justice.

And now the next act is being written in all earnestness, this time by the government goons and a group identifying themselves as the patriotic taskforce. The storyline for now seems to be threats and intimidation.

With everyone who spoke out against the impeachment process being deemed traitors, the second act does not come as a real surprise. But the disconcerting note is it is being enacted in the backdrop of a severely mangled rule of law situation, which makes seeking recourse in the law, a dicey prospect.

As reported in the media this week, lawyers, those representing the ousted Chief Justice, and protesting the impeachment action in the interest of the independence of the Judiciary, have all received threatening letters, naming them as “traitors who are opposing the enjoyment of the victory over the war against terror and warning that drastic actions would be taken to silence them.”

Among the lawyers who have received threatening missives and calls are Romesh de Silva PC, a former President of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL), who led the legal team which represented Dr. Bandaranayake in all forums during the impeachment saga, Jayampathi Wickremarathna PC, who was formerly the senior consultant in the Constitutional Affairs Ministry and is a well-known constitutional lawyer who submitted a petition to the Court of Appeal opposing the impeachment, M.A. Sumanthiran, MP from the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and an active member of the legal team which represented the CJ, J.C. Weliamuna, a prominent lawyer, an active member of the Lawyers’ Collective and an internationally known human rights campaigner and  Upul Jayasuriya, a renowned lawyer who has no fear of expressing his honest and candid opinion about the government’s misdeeds in general and any attack on the Judiciary in particular, and who is running for President of the BASL in the February elections. 

Dr. Bandaranayake herself said she decided to leave her official residence as she feared harm and injury to her life would visit her, had she decided to stay on there. A demonstration organized by the lawyers at Hulftsdorp came under attack by men and women armed with clubs and knives on the day the Parliament began the debate on the impeachment motion.

It seems the malicious wheels of the government are rolling relentlessly in their bid to grind every blade of resistance under them. Any kind of protest is portrayed as a conspiracy against the government and its heroes who freed the country of terrorism at enormous sacrifice.

A submissive Parliament and an ineffective Opposition cannot stop the onslaught. The problem is compounded by the ambivalent conduct of the Leader of the Opposition who is observing political silence. When the Opposition is muted, the only din that is audible is that of the ‘so-called’ supporters of the government. This is manifest every morning over the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC) both in Sinhala and English, which begins the morning with a one-hour vitriolic propaganda attack on those who are identified as ‘enemies of the people’. These propaganda attacks, as the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) pointed out recently, are a preparation for physical attacks.

Such callous disregard for law and order, such naked suppression of free expression of thought, such defiling of fundamental human values, cannot go unnoticed. The consequences of such a cowardly response would, in the long-run, be catastrophic.

A civilized nation is judged not on how it’s treating her supporters. She is judged on how she is treating her adversaries.

Sri Lanka: Implications of Silencing the Judiciary

M Mayilvaganan--19 January 2013
Assistant Professor, National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bangalore

IPCS: Research Institutes in IndiaThe impeachment of Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake in Sri Lanka has drawn significant international attention to President Rajapaksa’s government. Concerns about his model of functioning and its implications on the basic principles of democracy have been raised.

Justice Bandaranayake’s impeachment and her post subsequently being filled by the government’s senior legal adviser Mohan Peiris, reflects Rajapaksa’s post-war strategy: “My way or the highway”. After dislodging the Tigers and neutralising former Army Chief Sarath Fonseka, as well as eventually silencing the most powerful institution – the army, the President conclusively proved his absolute dominance by impeaching the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.

Establishing Supremacy Over Democratic Institutions: Rajapaksa StyleThere were no surprises when Rajapaksa ratified the Parliament’s impeachment motion, moved by the SLFP-UPFA combine, instead of referring to the expert committee. Just as was the case when he pushed for the proposed legislation of the Divi Neguma Bill that would reportedly increase the resources of the Colombo government, particularly the President’s brother Basil Rajapaksa’s powerful economic development ministry. This deed seems the latest proverbial nail on the potential challenger – the judiciary – to his “autocratic” reign. Notably, the judiciary was the only institution that was, perhaps, out of Rajapaksa’s supremacy up until now. It also sends a clear message to the rest that dissent is not taken lightly and that nothing perceived as a threat or act leading to the erosion of Rajapaksa’s power will be tolerated. Indeed, it is a well-calculated move. Rajapaksa knows that the legal fraternity is fragile and the opposition is weak and divided, as opposed to his own popularity in south Sri Lanka. Hence he was assured that the impeachment of the Chief Justice would not unleash a reaction on the lines of what was witnessed in Pakistan when its Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry was sacked.

Impeachment and International CriticismThe impeachment process against Justice Bandaranayake, however, drew intense criticism from the local and international media, the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) and the global community. The media has described the government’s act as “frightening”, “predetermined”, “unfair”, and an “illegal attempt to ensure a servile judiciary”. The ICJ, in particular, criticized the Sri Lankan government by stating it did not ‘adhere to fundamental principles of due process and fair trial’. The US State Department alleged that the impeachment raised ‘serious questions about the separation of powers in Sri Lanka, which is a fundamental tenet of a healthy democracy’. Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper openly stated that the impeachment process appeared to him ‘to be highly politicized and lacking transparency and respect for the guarantees of due process and fair trial’.

Critics have also warned that the sacking of the Chief Justice could trigger a constitutional crisis and may damage what remains of Sri Lanka’s democracy.

The Probability and Nature of ImplicationsIs this a game changer in Sri Lankan politics? Considering the present situation in Sri Lanka, where President Rajapaksa enjoys unchallenged public popularity having learnt to manage the “big-powers” tactically, the possible consequences of the impeachment appear few.

Amongst the probable implications for Rajapaksa’s government, the foremost may be disunity with the judiciary in due course, as they may need to heed to the regime or else face the music, perhaps even contributing to institutional putrefaction. On the contrary, the legal fraternity, particularly the senior judges minus the newly appointed Chief Justice, may also take a radical position on certain government policies when they come up for legal review. This might include the case of the impeachment of the Chief Justice, which may heighten the clash between the executive and the judiciary.

Second, the international community may scale up their voices against Sri Lanka on the grounds of human rights violations etc., such as at the U.N. Human Rights Council when Sri Lanka’s compliance with a US-sponsored resolution is considered again in March 2013.

Third, with the next Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) scheduled for October 2013 in Sri Lanka, leaders of commonwealth nations may refuse to attend it or may seek a change in venue; Canada’s blunt response to the impeachment being a case in point.

Finally, the undermining of an independent judiciary and democracy with the sacking of the Chief Justice may perhaps have an impact on foreign investment in Sri Lanka. Concerns being raised by the US, the UK, Canada, the European Union, and the United Nations on these issues significantly flag the possibility.

International scrutiny and embargos may send tough messages to President Rajapaksa who is keen to further Sri Lanka's image overseas to attract more investment, and to undo the controversy surrounding alleged war crimes. However, in the absence of sanctions being implemented on Sri Lanka, and no warnings being issued by the international community to its citizens on travelling to the island nation; as also with the continued support of the Chinese, the repercussions may not hurt the government although they may embarrass the Rajapaksas. Interestingly, the Rajapakas had projected all their adversaries - from foreign powers to Gen. Fonseka and now Justice Bandaranayake - as the opponents of the State or the State’s interests. Until there is a major disillusion among the Sinhalese either on the issue of increasing unemployment or price inflation, the Rajapaksas perhaps would enjoy absolute power and the country may not witness any significant game changing moment.

In Praise Of Sumanthiran
By Malinda Seneviratne -January 20, 2013
Malinda Seneviratne
Colombo TelegraphIt is natural for members of the Parliamentary Opposition to oppose whatever the ruling party proposes. Voting in Parliament is therefore predictable, whether it is for an Act of Parliament, Annual Budget or anything else. There was a time of dissenting voices voting against party position but that was effectively quashed by a Supreme Court determination regarding the fate of Members who considered crossing over. What we have got used to seeing is all members of the Opposition using allocated time to object, with the main opposition being the most vocal and other making cursory dissenting noises.
Seldom do were here impassioned, well-argued presentations by members of parties with lesser representative power on major issues, the exception beingSarath Muttetuwegama who was a veritable one-man opposition (and an effective one at that) in the eighties. This is particularly true of identity-based parties. They tend to speak up only when constituency demands they do and do so vociferously. At least in post-1977 Sri Lanka.
It is in this context that TNA MP, M.A. Sumanthiran’s intervention in the debate on the impeachment of the (now ex) Chief Justice should be assessed. The TNA as well as other avatars of parties consciously focused on Tamil issues have rarely taken on national issues that were ‘ethnicity-free’ as seriously as Mr. Sumanthiran did in this instance. One can agree or disagree with him, take issue with his assumptions and interpretations, but there is no question that he was representating a point of view that cut across identity divide. His efforts are all the more praiseworthy because they have no impact whatsoever on the party’s electoral fortunes.
There are of course many issues which feed into communal segregation and mutual suspicion. Among the reasons why non Tamils view Tamil politicians with suspicion even when the latter talk of a ‘United Sri Lanka’ (‘United’ of course being a problematic term in the unitary-federal debate since neither formation forbids it and therefore warranting the query ‘sleight of hand?’) is the fact that they have never taken up ‘common issues’ with any degree of passion or sobriety. When Mr. Sumanthiran spoke, however, he was speaking for Sinhalese, Muslims, Burghers and Malays as well as Tamils, for Buddhists as well as Christians and Hindus. Not all, because not everyone would agree with him, obviously, but still he stepped out, one can argue, from a communal and communalist (some would say) shell.
There is a huge difference between a Tamil politician from a major party speaking on a national issue and one from a Tamil party doing the same. If Sinhalese were reluctant to listen to the TNA except to know what their views are about Sinhala-Tamil relations, Tamil grievances and aspirations, and so on, these kinds of interventions would make them listen without thinking ‘enemy’.
The Sinhalese must, for their part, appreciate that the TNA, being a ‘Tamil party,’ is obliged to articulate the problems of the Tamil people and moreover to put aside past apprehensions to treat such representations seriously because ethnic identity notwithstanding Tamils are fellow-citizens. However, whether or not anyone else is listening it is still incumbent on all Parliamentarians to be cognizant of all grievances and their Parliamentary responsibility to be the voice of all citizens. The President, for example, is not the Head of State of those who voted for him, but every single Sri Lankan, including those whose first choice he was not.
Three years after the end of the three decade armed conflict everyone agrees it is time to move on. The President has called for the forging of a national identity, a Sri Lanka where Sri Lankanness overrides all other identities. Mr. Sumanthiran’s effort, even his detractors must recognize, is an articulation of that same sentiment. He has shown that the TNA, if not in name then in action, can become a ‘national’ political entity. A concretization would be to re-think party position on the proposed Parliamentary Select Committee to hammer out a lasting solution to grievances of a communal kind. Indeed, they could turn that exercise into one which designs a new constitution, more inclusive, more democratic and better safeguards against abuse, not to mention one where the principle of power separation is less vague and less open to multiple (and wild) interpretation.
*Malinda Seneviratne is the Chief Editor of ‘The Nation and his articles can be found at www.malindawords.blogspot.com .

Vasu, A Man Of Your Caliber Needs Not Fear The Thunder

By Barbara Seneviratne -January 20, 2013
Barbara Seneviratne
Colombo TelegraphMinister of National Language and Social Integration, leader of the Democratic Left Front, Vasudeva Nanayakkara who is an Attorney at Law himself who had dedicated his life since 1970 to active left wing revolutionary politics delivered a speech at the debate on the 11th January 2013 which gave the impression that he is suffering from fatty degeneration of conscience.
I am sorry that I have to say this, I just cannot imagine that you of all at this stage of one’s life taking into consideration the long years you had dedicated to the left movement and the trade union movement with stalwarts like Dr.N.M. Perera, Dr Colvin R. de Silva, Leslie Goonawardena, Dr.S.A. Wickramasinghe, Pieter Keuneman, M.G. Mendis and Robert Gunawardena for merely to survive few more years of a luscious life could betray the general masses.
You were looked upon as one who does not indulge in politicking or compromising his principles and earned a nick name as “Firebrand”. All because you were a fearless champion of the rights of the minorities and had been beaten, jailed and forced underground due to your political activism. But with what you have done the proud good old nick name you were once known bestowed with for standing up for the down trodden masses will never be known.
I can remember you once attempted to run-away with the Mace which was the symbol of Parliamentary Authority during the UNP regime in 1989 when the House was debating an amendment moved by the government to the Agrarian Research Ordinance. All because then UNP government wanted to hurry its passage through parliament unfairly.
In November 1976, you also played a similar drama in the old Parliament by bringing a floral wreath after the killing Weerasuriya a student leader of the Peradeniya University.
Where are your conscience and convictions you stood for? Or did you ever have any at all?
What you have done since of late is to make it easy to the likes of Mervyn Silva to be the future rulers and to bring this country to a state of moral decay.
In fact I felt sorry that a staunched politician, a militant could fall a prey to words such as “You go down alone or go down with me ” could decide that betrayal is far better than upholding ones principles. Please remember that you have already gone down deep below and your resurrection as a true son of this soil is far fetched.
We all are aware that the impeachment of the CJ was brought about by politicians who pursue money, positions, black money and corruption. This country has given immense intelligence and skills but no sense of public duty, discipline or dedication. We lack sense of fairness.
The impeachment has robbed our Constitutional rights. One should not forget that the Constitution is not to enable politicians to play their unending game of power but to hold the country and her people together.
My sincere wish is that you will have the courage to rectify this damage. A man of your caliber needs not fear the thunder.