Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Wednesday, December 5, 2012


SC, PSC And A Resilient Nation


Colombo TelegraphBy Malinda Seneviratne -December 5, 2012
Malinda Seneviratne
Sri Lanka is a resilient nation.  The people of Sri Lanka lived through two bloody insurrections, three decades of war, and all manner of natural disasters capped by a tsunami that left hundreds of thousands homeless and over 40,000 dead. And still we smile.
When we talk of disasters, however, there is one which we routinely overlook: the 1978 Constitution.  This is strange, especially since the 1978 Constitution, both in article and lacuna, veritably presides over the playing out of tensions between the executive and judicial branches of the state (which have spilled over and found expression as tensions between the judicial and legislative branches).
The bone of contention is of course the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) appointed to investigate allegations against the Chief Justice (CJ).  The Supreme Court (SC) is currently in the process of hearing a petition querying the constitutionality of the PSC, a process which rebels against the principle of natural justice (where the CJ essentially is part of a process determining the legality of a course of action initiated against her).  Those against this move offer that it is pregnant with selectivity and vengeance.  Parliament has summoned the CJ to respond to charges and the SC seeks to summon theSpeaker.
As things stand, if the contentions of lawyers petitioning the SC are upheld, we would have to conclude that the CJ is above the law.  Since integrity, ethics and respect for institutions and posts such as the ‘Chief Justice’ have left the building a long time ago it is unlikely that any of the parties will back down from positions.  In a post-1978 Sri Lanka where the executive, legislative and judicial arms of the state have on numerous occasions encroached on one another’s territory, acted in high handed manner, shown unconscionable parochialism, selectivity and malice, the only word to describe things is ‘unfortunate’.  One should qualify thus: the only ‘generous’ word.
All this serves only to turn playing ground into happy hunting ground for forces pursuing narrow political agenda which could very well result in Sri Lanka’s sovereignty being compromised and the people’s vulnerabilities further exacerbated. The issue has been politicized from the beginning by all key players, a state of affairs which naturally provides a lot of ammunition for detractors of the regime and general Sri Lanka haters.
Much of it is beyond control of course.  Sections of the Opposition, for example, sorely lacking in the proverbial straws to cling to, would naturally find in the CJ a new pretender (like it flirted with former CJ Sarath N Silva and like it leased out, in Sajith Premadasa’s now famous words, the presidential candidacy to Sarath Fonseka).   Those who saw the LTTE as a convenient ally in destabilizing the country (and later the Rajapaksa regime) and who now have lost that little money-spinning toy are likewise straw-clutching.  Let there be no doubt whatsoever that this issue will be taken up in Geneva in March 2013, even though there is nothing ‘unprecedented’ or horrific about a CJ being impeached.
The best that the Government can do is to resist temptation to play the politicization game.
The poster that was put up in Colombo this morning, with the legend ‘Lajjai Methiniyani’ (Shameful, Lady!), referring unabashedly to the CJ is an example of unnecessary (and distasteful!) politicization of the issue.  There is constitutional provision, one can argue.  If there isn’t then there is room for relevant amendment.  There is a process that’s underway. The Government ought to let it run its course without frilling process and feeding those elements that would make things darker than they really are.
To get back to resilience, it is pertinent to ask whether the current ‘impasse’, so-called, has the attention of the masses that some may say it deserves.  If there is ‘concern’, it seems largely hidden.  As prominent lawyer and political commentator Gomin Dayasri pointed out if the CJ is not ‘hero-to-be-followed’ in the way that Sarath Fonseka was (for some at least and for some time at least), it has something to do with how the people view the judiciary and the Army respectively.  The latter, people feel, they owe something to.  Not the former.
What’s happening in the SC and in Parliament therefore has not prompted anything close to mass objection.  Moves against the CJ is not covering anyone in glory, true, but on the other hand the CJ’s moves to turn the Judicial Services Commission into a trade union is not eliciting any cheers either.  Lawyers and judges have already desecrated the courts by turning them into places where coconuts are smashed to obtain succor from deities who are supposedly amenable to vengeance extracting contracts.  The Parliament is and has been home to a lot of hooliganism.  If there’s more ugliness in store it wouldn’t surprise anyone.  It probably will spill into Geneva in March but that won’t surprise anyone either.
Regimes thrive, become unpopular, survive unpopularity and give way.  It has happened throughout history, and as President Mahinda Rajapaksa is reported to have recently told MPs of his party, no one should harbor the illusion of political immortality.   Judges, likewise, have and will have their day. They too will pass.
The people remain.  They have suffered much and survived much.  They are resilient.
*Malinda Seneviratne is the Chief Editor of ‘The Nation and his articles can be found at 

Tuesday, December 4, 2012


Taming The East


Colombo TelegraphBy Tisaranee Gunasekara -December 4, 2012
In overcoming the Eastern Province’s challenge to their power, the Rajapaksas have browbeaten the judiciary, undermined devolution, and seeded new conflicts.
Gotabhaya Rajapaksa does not hesitate to cavort where men less well-connected fear to tread even gingerly. As Defence Secretary and PresidentMahinda Rajapaksa’s younger brother, he has no need to mind his language. His verbal outbreaks are of the highest political relevance since they provide invaluable glimpses into the opaque mental universe of the Rajapaksas. So when Gotabhaya Rajapaksa repeatedly advocates immediately repealing the 13th Amendment, attention must be paid. Especially so since Rajapaksa equates that Indian-induced legislation (which introduced power-devolution in Sri Lanka) with the Norwegian-brokered Cease-Fire Agreement (CFA) of 2002. Says Rajapaksa: “The 13th Amendment and the CFA didn’t serve the people of Sri Lanka. Instead they facilitated interests of various other parties, including the LTTE. Interestingly, both supported the separatist cause.”
Hitherto, only the most diehard Sinhala supremacists decried the 13th Amendment as pro-LTTE and pro-separatist. Gotabhaya Rajapaksa’s public endorsement of those outré views marks a menacing new turn in Lankan politics. That dangerously fallacious equation repackages the 13th Amendment as a threat to national security, enabling the Rajapaksas to condemn its supporters and defenders as traitors.
Basil Rajapaksa, another Presidential Sibling and the Minister of Economic Development, took the argument a step further by advocating the replacement of provincial-level devolution with village-level decentralisation: “The Janasabha system is the unit of devolution… It is a new village concept…. Now, we have amended the Constitution for the 18th time. We will now do so for the 19th time.” The icing on this anti-devolution confection was provided by President Mahinda Rajapaksa himself. In his 2012 Budget speech, the President endorsed his siblings’ depiction of provincial-level devolution as pro-separatist and irrelevant to public wellbeing: “A change in the prevailing Provincial Council system is necessary to make devolution more meaningful to our people. Devolution should not be a political reform that will lead us to separation….”
With all three Rajapaksas ranged against the 13th Amendment, devolution is as good as dead. The 19th Amendment, which would replace limited devolution with minimum decentralisation, is likely to be born as soon as the impeachment motion against Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake is concluded and a Rajapaksa acolyte placed at the head of the Supreme Court.
The Rajapaksas’ antipathy towards devolution, like their antipathy towards such pillars of democracy as separation of powers, judicial independence and media freedom, is rooted in the Siblings’ project of achieving familial rule and dynastic succession. As Basil Rajapaksa stated recently, power-centralisation is the Siblings’desideratum: “In other countries who are successful, they were successful because immediately one person he takes the decisions. In Sri Lanka, the main problem is that that is not there, more decisions have to be centralised. [sic]”
For the Rajapaksas, countervailing sources of democratic power are either obstacles to be overcome or threats to be defeated. Thus, in 2010, the democratising (and home-grown) 17th Amendment – meant to establish an independent Constitutional Council that would appoint commissions to run the police, public service, election secretariat and judiciary – was replaced with the antipodal 18th Amendment, which enhanced presidential powers and removed presidential term-limits. Without the 18th Amendment, Mahinda Rajapaksa would have had to retire at the end of his second term, as two of his predecessors did. Thanks to the 18th Amendment he need never retire.
The 13th Amendment, which created the provincial council system, is Sri Lanka’s sole existing political solution to the ethnic problem. The regime would know that if the 13th Amendment is axed, it will ignite a political firestorm in Tamil Nadu and compel India to react. Therefore, a gradual undermining of the 13th Amendment would be the Rajapaksas’ preferred way of escaping the shackles of devolution. But this piecemeal demolition cannot succeed without the full corporation of the judiciary. But in the last few months, the judiciary has indicated clearly that it will be guided by the constitution, and not by the Rajapaksas’ needs. In several landmark rulings, the Supreme Court defended the constitution and resisted efforts at further eroding power-devolution and power-separation.
The breaking point in the contest between the Rajapaksas and the judiciary came when the Supreme Court refused to provide free passage to the Divineguma Bill. Custom-made to transform Basil Rajapaksa into an even more über-powerful minister than he is now, the Divineguma Bill (Bill on Uplifting Lives) is being touted by the regime as a measure of absolute national importance, a panacea for many economic ills, and a bulwark against separatism. Prepared in secrecy, it seeks to create a mega-entity titled the Divineguma Department under Basil Rajapaksa’s exclusive control. The new department will have a gargantuan budget of SLR 80 billion – this in a country which has allotted SLR 65.8 billion to education, SLR 1 billion to child development and women’s affairs, and just SLR 437 million to post-conflict re-settlement.
Since the functions of the Divineguma Department encroach on powers devolved to the provinces, the Supreme Court ruled that the Bill must be approved by all nine of Sri Lanka’s provincial councils. This court ruling angered the Rajapaksas beyond measure. It also placed the newly elected Eastern Provincial Council on the centre stage of national politics for one brief – and, as it transpired – inglorious moment.
The Eastern fiasco                                                              Read More 

TNA TURN DOWN INVITATION TO HOLD DISCUSSION WITH PRESIDENT

TNA turn down invitation to hold discussion with PresidentDecember 4, 2012 
The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) has rejected an invitation by President Mahinda Rajapaksa to hold a discussion today (December 4).

The invitation was extended by the President on December 2, TNA MP Selvam Adaikalanathan stated.

He added that a different date has been requested to hold the discussion after the party was unable to talk over the issues to be discussed had today’s meeting been held.

The MP stated that the President will inform the party of a new date to hold discussion by next week.
Army agree to withdrawn security personals from university compound
[ Tuesday, 04 December 2012, 01:46.51 PM GMT +05:30 ]
Army commander of the Jaffna district Mahinda Hathurusinghe agreed to withdrawn army and police personals from the Jaffna University compound and also stated CID hold continues investigations against 3 students currently in the police custody.
Commander made this statement during the special meeting held between Jaffna University Vice Chancellor and lecturers at Palali this evening.
Speaking at the meeting commander stated Sudharshan student of the medical faculty would be release today and investigations carried out against other 3 students. Since end of the investigations they would be release to the society commander said.
He also ordered politicians and the military personals are not permitted to enter the university compound. Finally said police would be deployed in the university premises.

ONE OF FOUR ARRESTED JAFFNA UNI STUDENTS RELEASED ON BAIL

One of four arrested Jaffna Uni students released on bail
December 4, 2012 
One of the four students of the Jaffna University who was arrested for disturbing the peace through a demonstration staged on November 28 was released on bail today (December 4).

The four students were presented to the Vavuniya Magistrate Court today while one of the suspects was released on bail, Police Spokesman SSP Prishantha Jayakoddy stated.

The other three students will be kept in remand while the Terrorist Investigation Division has been given permission to question them.

On 27 November, the police entered the University of Jaffna, due to some lamps being lit. The police suspected the students of having a Remembrance Day while a protest was organized later on against the police intervention where university students were attacked.

Jaffna demonstration backing students demands IC action, appeals to Tamil youth outside

TamilNet[TamilNet, Tuesday, 04 December 2012, 10:19 GMT]
In an impressive show of solidarity on Tuesday, the TNPF-called demonstration in Jaffna condemning the attack on Jaffna university students and the arrest of student leaders by the occupying forces of Sri Lanka, was actively participated by the mainstream TNA, University Teachers Association, University Students Union, Jaffna Chamber of Commerce, Medical Association, Lawyers Association and other civil society organisations, besides progressive leftist party representatives from the South. The demonstrators demanded the IC to immediately recognize the nation, territoriality and right of self-determination of Tamils in order to ensure their safety and democratic rights. Questioning the trustworthiness of the IC, the demonstrators appealed to Tamil youth in the diaspora and in Tamil Nadu to take up continued agitations to the edification of the IC. 


The occupying Sri Lankan military beefed up its deployment threatening the participants of the peaceful demonstration. The intelligence operatives of the SL military were also taking photos and video recordings of those who attended the protest.
Demonstration in Jaffna against the detention of University studentsThe demonstration took place for nearly one-and-a-half hours from 11:00 a.m., in front of the Central Bus Stand of Jaffna.

Besides the Tamil National Peoples Front (TNPF) leaders Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam and Kajendran, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) parliamentarians, Mavai Senadhirajah, Suresh Premachandran, E. Saravanabhavan and Sridharan, as well as Colombo Municipal member Baskaran led the demonstrations.

From the South of the island, representatives of Nava Samasamaja Party, New Left Front, Democratic Peoples Front and New Democratic Marxist-Leninists have come to Jaffna, to participate in the demonstration. As there was also a demonstration in Colombo on Tuesday on the issue of the impeachment of the SL Chief Justice, the southern parties have mostly sent representatives to the Jaffna demonstration. 

There was heavy deployment of SL forces at the vicinity. SL military vehicles were running to and fro and the atmosphere was tensive.

The SL military intelligence was in fact vying with media in photographing and video documenting the particiapants of the demonstration.

The demonstrators decided to send a joint appeal of all the participant parties addressed to the United Nations.

Following the demonstration a meeting of leaders took place at the TNPF office, to discuss the current situation in the Jaffna University and to decide on the next move. All the participant parties of the demonstration took part in the meeting.

The appeal of the demonstrators briefly outlined the events related to Heroes Day observations in the university last year and this year. 

Remembering the dead is a basic right, the appeal said.

The Jaffna University is a pivotal institution in the struggle of Tamils in the island. The oppression on the university by the SL government in the post-war time is aimed at the annihilation of the nation of Tamils in the island, the appeal cited. 

The International Community (IC) has to understand this. So far the IC has not contributed in any meaningful way to Tamils in their homeland. It kept silent during the war. It keeps silent on the current atrocities committed on the nation of Tamils. It questions the credibility of the IC, the appeal further said, requesting youth in the diaspora and in Tamil Nadu to undertake continued agitations to direct the attention of the IC.

The demonstrators put forth the following four demands: Guaranteeing the Tamils their right to remember the dead; guaranteeing the security of Tamil students, particularly ensuring an environment for their political activism; ensuring the practice of democracy in the Tamil territory and finally, in order to ensure the above, immediately recognizing the nation, territoriality and right to self-determination of Tamils.  


Demonstration in Jaffna against the detention of University studentsDemonstration in Jaffna against the detention of University students
Demonstration in Jaffna against the detention of University studentsDemonstration in Jaffna against the detention of University students
Demonstration in Jaffna against the detention of University studentsDemonstration in Jaffna against the detention of University students

Search for skeletal remains continues

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MONDAY, 03 DECEMBER 2012 
The Sundaytimes Sri Lanka
A search for skeletal remains from a suspected mass grave close to the Matale hospital is continuing.

So far remains believed to be of about 10 persons have been found amidst suspicion that these could be remains of those killed during the 1971 or 1989 crackdown on the JVP.

However, Government Analysts reports will have to confirm the period the bodies would have been buried there.
 
pix and story by Mahesh Keerthiratne, Matale Correspondent


Anti-Muslim monks: Sri Lanka redux?

By Alex Bookbinder   |   Monday, 03 December 2012
Ashin Mettacara, a 29-year-old monk from Wuntho in Sagaing division, is an excellent example of the young and savvy face of Buddhism in Myanmar today.. As zealous about politics and technology as he is the tenets of his religion, Mettacara blogs about political and social issues and runs a religious-themed radio station online called Buddha FM.
Having corresponded with him for many months, I finally had a chance to meet with him at his monastery, and we discussed Myanmar’s ethnic politics during a tea-fuelled session lasting the better part of a day.
The conversation was going well until I made the mistake of mentioning the word “Rohingya” in the context of giving all of Myanmar’s ethnic and religious minorities a stake in building the country’s future.
Attempting to correct me, Mettacara insisted that Islam was a cancer eating away at the fabric of Myanmar’s Buddhist society, as he characterised it, and claimed that the Rohingya were outsiders bent on conquering Myanmar for themselves. As he seemed otherwise rational and knowledgeable, I found his remarks a sad reflection on the state of ethnic relations in Myanmar and how acceptable outright hatred of Muslims had become.
What might be most surprising about this exchange was that it did not occur in Myanmar, but in Sri Lanka in early 2009 at the time of the Sri Lankan government’s vicious final assault on the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). While the political and demographic realities of Myanmar and Sri Lanka are very different, there are striking similarities between the ultra-nationalist political culture fostered under Mahinda Rajapaksa’s government in Sri Lanka and the xenophobia of virulently anti-Muslim monks in Myanmar.
Cultural diffusion between Sri Lanka and Myanmar has taken place for centuries. At least in part, the recent emergence of ultra-nationalist, anti-Muslim monks on the political scene in Myanmar is the result of this exchange of ideas.
Roughly 300 monks from Myanmar reside in Sri Lanka, the largest such population outside of Myanmar itself, and their presence on the island is far from new. Buddhist practice in Sri Lanka has carried on uninterrupted for longer than anywhere else in the world, but periods of Mahayana influence and repression during the colonial period led to Buddhism’s gradual decline by the early 1800s. In the 19th century, Sri Lankan abbots sought to revive the “pure” Theravada schools of the past, and called on Buddhist schools in Myanmar to provide the requisite ordination.
As in Myanmar, Buddhism in Sri Lanka took on a special significance in the struggle against colonial rule. Institutions such as the Young Men’s Buddhist Association (YMBA), founded in 1898, were established to counteract the dominance of Christian and colonial power structures, and Buddhists in Myanmar emulated their Sri Lankan counterparts by establishing a branch of the YMBA in Yangon in 1906.
Radical Sri Lankan monks with close ties to the state have been extremely vocal in recent years. Their calls for ethnic and religious purity in Sri Lanka bolster the government’s militaristic national-security agenda, and divert attention away from Rajapaksa’s systematic dismantling of Sri Lanka’s democratic institutions andconstriction of civil liberties since the end of the civil war in 2009.
While the Sangha in Myanmar have always played a role in politics as antagonists or advisors, its activities have always occurred outside of formal political structures. In Sri Lanka, however, members of the clergy formed the National Heritage Party, or JHU, in 2004; its representatives in Parliament – all monks themselves – became part of the ruling coalition in 2007.
Employing rhetoric that should be familiar to anyone paying attention to Rakhine State nowadays, the monks of the JHU were extremely supportive of Rajapaksa’s efforts to eradicate the LTTE militarily, and have scuttled propositions for limited autonomy in the predominantly Tamil North and East of the country.
While most Myanmar monks would probably vehemently oppose the notion of forming a political party like the JHU to contest elections, a number of blogger monks influenced by their Sri Lankan counterparts have suggested doing precisely that in recent months.
Sri Lanka’s relatively small Muslim population, comprising roughly 10 percent of the population and often caught between both sides during the 25-year-long civil war, has also been singled out for ostracization by nationalist monks and their supporters. Last September, monks and their supporters destroyed a Muslim shrine in the ancient royal capital of Anuradhapura; in April of this year, monks led a 2000-strong mob to chase away worshippers partaking in Friday prayers at a mosque in the central city of Dambulla.
The mainstream media in Sri Lanka routinely repeats the myth that Sri Lanka is a “Buddhist Nation” under threat of Islamisation, and, as the tragedy in Rakhine has unfolded, has come out with pieces expressing solidary with anti-Muslim elements in Myanmar while characterising Myanmar in the same questionable terms.
Sri Lanka’s political culture was changed profoundly by the civil war, and notions of religious and ethnic identity – highly politicised and polarised even before the war – took on a distinctly militant character as the war progressed. It is unfortunate that this vitriol has migrated to Myanmar at such a fragile juncture in history.
President U Thein Sein is walking on a tightrope when it comes to the Rohingya issue. While his most recent statement just before Obama’s visit on November 19th suggested that the government would be willing to properly address the problem of Rohingya statelessness, it was only four short months ago that he suggested the Rohingya be deported en masse as a viable solution to ethnic strife in Rakhine. The Rohingya might be thankful, then, that President U Thein Sein is keen to maintain good relations with the West, whereas Rajapaksa was all too happy to cosy up to China and burn diplomatic bridges as the offensive against the LTTE got underway.
As cultural interaction between Sri Lanka and Myanmarhas long been a two-way street, President U Thein Sein has, perhaps, been presented with a historic opportunity to influence the state of ethnic relations in both countries. As Obama noted in his address in Yangon, diversity has only served to strengthen American society; if Myanmar’s government is serious about political stability, the bête noire of successive military governments, it too must adopt this ethos as its own.
Yet both President U Thein Sein and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi are all too aware that adopting a publically conciliatory tone towards the Rohingya – and Myanmar’s Muslim population in general – would not play well at the monastery or in the court of public opinion.
While it may not be politically expedient in the short term, Myanmar’s leaders need to take decisive action on the Rohingya issue now in order to ensure long term stability, prosperity, and peace – a lesson that their Sri Lankan counterparts would also be wise to learn.
(Alex Bookbinder is a researcher and political analyst based in Southeast Asia.)

Canadian Youth organizations condemn attack on students in Jaffna

Updated 5 minutes ago
Details of the Protest that’s happening at Canadian Universities on Tuesday December 4th to end the militarization against Jaffna University Students. York University Students holding the protest to stand in Solidarity with Jaffna University students to end the militarization. Date: Tuesday, December 4th, Location: Keele Campus, York University Time: 2:00 pm - 3:30 pm Facebook Event Link: https://www.facebook.com/events/473484986027817/473565262686456/?notif_t=plan_mall_activity Carleton and Ottawa University Students standing in Solidarity with Jaffna University students Date:Tuesday, December 4th Time: 12:00 pm - 4:00 pm Facebook Event link: https://www.facebook.com/events/137711556379775/ University of Toronto Scarborough Campus (UTSC) Students standing in Solidarity with Jaffna University students Date: Tuesday, December 4th Location: Student Centre, University of Toronto, Scarborough Time: 2:00pm Facebook Event Link: https://www.facebook.com/events/315487818565817/ University of Toronto St. George Campus (UTSG) Students standing in Solidarity with Jaffna University students Date: Tuesday, December 4th Location: Medical Science Building, University of Toronto Time: 12:00pm Facebook Event Link: https://www.facebook.com/events/174946455985018/ Ryerson University holding the protest to stand in Solidarity with Jaffna University students to end the militarization. Date: Tuesday, December 4th Location: Student Centre Time: 11am Facebook Link: Waterloo University Date: Tuesday, December 4th Time: 4:30pm- 5:30pm Location: MC 2034, Waterloo University Facebook Event Link: http://www.facebook.com/events/553199278039106/
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