Peace for the World

Peace for the World
First democratic leader of Justice the Godfather of the Sri Lankan Tamil Struggle: Honourable Samuel James Veluppillai Chelvanayakam

Thursday, November 15, 2012

HRWUN: Act on Failings in Sri Lanka
Appoint Independent Inquiry Into Violations by Government and Tamil Tigers
NOVEMBER 14, 2012


The UN internal review identifies the tragic mistakes that led the UN to fail in its most basic obligations to civilians in Sri Lanka. It is a call to action and reform for the entire UN system. While Ban deserves credit for starting a process he knew could tarnish his office, he will now be judged on his willingness to implement the report’s recommendations and push for justice for Sri Lanka’s victims.
Philippe Bolopion, UN director
(New York) – The United Nations secretary-general’s internal review on UN action in Sri Lankashould lead to specific and concrete measures to ensure the UN takes all needed measures to prevent mass atrocities in future conflicts, Human Rights Watch said today. The “Internal Review Panel on United Nations Action in Sri Lanka,” commissioned by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and published on November 14, 2012, was a major recommendation of the 2011 UN Panel of Experts report on Sri Lanka’s armed conflict. The conflict was characterized by deadly abuses against civilians by both sides, Human Rights Watch said.  
The internal review found serious failings in the conduct of UN officials and institutions during the final months of fighting in 2008 and 2009 between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). It concludes that “there was a continued reluctance among UN country team institutions to stand up for the rights of the people they were mandated to assist” and that in Sri Lanka “some senior staff did not perceive the prevention of killing of civilians as their responsibility – and agency and department heads at UN headquarters were not instructing them otherwise.”

“The UN internal review identifies the tragic mistakes that led the UN to fail in its most basic obligations to civilians in Sri Lanka,” said Philippe Bolopion, UN director at Human Rights Watch. “It is a call to action and reform for the entire UN system. While Ban deserves credit for starting a process he knew could tarnish his office, he will now be judged on his willingness to implement the report’s recommendations and push for justice for Sri Lanka’s victims.”

The internal review, written by former UN official Charles Petrie, also found fault with the UN Security Council, Human Rights Watch said. The “absence of clear Security Council backing,” and its failure to even meet until it was too late, also explained why “the UN’s actions lacked adequate purpose and direction,” the internal review says. The review also emphasized, however, that “the primary responsibility for killings and other violations against the estimated 360,000 or more civilians trapped during the final stages of the conflict in the Wanni lies with the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE.”

The internal review paints a grim picture of UN actions in Sri Lanka. In early 2009 the senior UN official in Sri Lanka, Neil Buhne, “excluded his Human Rights Adviser from key meetings and from providing inputs on correspondence with the Government and UNHQ on human rights violations.” While some UN staff “showed commitment far beyond the call of duty,” in general there was a “failure to adequately confront the Government on its obstructions to humanitarian assistance” and the “unwillingness of the UN in headquarters and Colombo to address Government responsibility for attacks that were killing civilians,” despite considerable evidence.

While the internal review noted the dilemmas facing an organization that was trying to avoid being expelled from a country when its services were badly needed, it decried an “institutional culture of trade-offs,” concluding the UN had “the capabilities to simultaneously strive for humanitarian access while also robustly condemning the perpetrators of killings of civilians.”

The internal review criticized the UN for failing to learn from past tragedies such as the genocide in Rwanda. It found that many lessons from the December 1999 independent inquiry into the UN’s actions in Rwanda were forgotten in Sri Lanka, including the need for “political will” from the Security Council, a “leadership role of the Secretary-General,” “human rights competence of staff on the ground,” and the “importance of bringing human rights information to bear” at UN headquarters deliberations. The internal review also found that the UN leadership made the mistake of telling members states what they wanted to hear, rather than what they “needed to know if they were to respond.”

“The UN’s dereliction of duty in Sri Lanka is a stark reminder of what happens when human rights concerns are marginalized or labeled as too political,” Bolopion said. “The UN’s failure to learn from Rwanda shows that a mere report won’t solve these deep-seated problems unless there is the necessary political will and commitment to implement the report’s recommendations.”

The internal review described problems of UN institutions and agencies in Sri Lanka that should be addressed in other countries where civilians are at risk, Human Rights Watch said. The UN country team in Sri Lanka was described by many UN staff on the ground as “very passive” and “weak.” Some UN agencies were perceived as “quick to compromise on principles in the interests of increasing the profile of their agencies and gaining access to funding.”

Human Rights Watch said that the internal review should have requested further investigation of the responsibility of specific UN officials for the UN’s failure to protect civilians in Sri Lanka. However, it describes in its annexes troubling efforts by the then-chef de cabinet, Vijay Nambiar; the under-secretary-general for humanitarian affairs, Sir John Holmes; and the UN resident coordinator in Colombo, Neil Buhne, to downplay alarming casualty numbers that were collected by UN staff members with a “rigorous methodology” and “of a standard comparable to best-practice on information collection in other conflict situations.”

“The UN cannot just say that the system failed without explaining who was responsible for that system and taking appropriate disciplinary action,” Bolopion said. “Accountability starts at home.”

The internal review strengthens the call of the UN Panel of Experts for the secretary-general to create an independent, international mechanism to investigate violations of international human rights and humanitarian law committed by both sides to the conflict and recommend measures to hold those responsible accountable. The internal review noted that the UN Office of Legal Affairs advised Ban that he has the authority under article 99 of the UN Charter to establish such an inquiry. Instead, Ban sent the panel’s report to the UN Human Rights Council and said he would welcome a mandate by an “appropriate intergovernmental forum” to establish such an inquiry.

The UN Human Rights Council called on Sri Lanka in March 2012 to “initiate credible and independent actions to ensure justice, equity, accountability and reconciliation for all Sri Lankans,” but has not acted on the panel’s recommendation to set up an international inquiry.

In light of the system-wide failures of the UN to take all possible measures to protect the lives and rights of thousands of victims of Sri Lanka’s armed conflict, Human Rights Watch renewed its call for Secretary-General Ban to create an independent, international investigation. Should he fail to do so, the Human Rights Council should establish such a mechanism when it considers a report by the UN high commissioner for human rights on Sri Lanka at its March 2013 session.

“The UN’s attempt to appease the Sri Lankan government while it was committing mass atrocities against its own population proved to be a deadly mistake,” Bolopion said. “The UN system can’t rewrite history and respond as it should have, but it at least owes Sri Lankan victims meaningful efforts to achieve justice.”
Give Full Force And Effect To The Separation Of Powers And Unity In Diversity
Colombo TelegraphBy Chathurika Rajapaksha -November 14, 2012 
Chathurika Rajapaksha
On the 19th day of May 2009, with the end of the military conflict that had divided the country for over thirty years, Sri Lanka entered a new era.
The next step that Sri Lanka has to face is also extremely sensitive due to nationalistic feelings of the various ethnic groups. A durable peace can be built only if all these groups that go to form the Sri Lankan society feel that they are a part of the same nation.
Building a nation had always been somehow a difficult task in Sri Lanka. Susil Sirivardana in his article titled “Paradigms and Foundations in Nation Building: A Way of Understanding” underlines that Sri Lankan leaderships believe in illusions that historically we were already a nation and hence, nation building as such, was not the central challenge of national politics. The articles mentioned in this paper appear in the book “Nation Building:Priorities for Sustainability and Inclusivity” edited by Gnana Moonesighe.
The post-conflict situation is the opportunity to introspect the mistakes done in the past and to undertake profound reforms. Indeed, today’s context offers new perspectives and the people of Sri Lanka who await impatiently to live in a peaceful nation seem to be ready to accept changes.
What do we want?
When we consider the nation building process of countries such as France, there were foundations that had contributed towards implanting the idea of a “nation”. Among such foundations, we can for instance underline one’s respect for the sovereignty of the people and the acknowledgement of unity in diversity arising from religious and ethnic differences.
As regard to the sovereignty of the people, it is imperative that the separation of powers that is Legislative, Executive and Judicial should not be confined to the Constitution only; it must be practiced by the leadership so that the power rests always with the people in a democratic set up.
This separation of powers was theorized by Montesquieu in his book “The Spirits of the Laws“. This model of governance structures the powers of a nation among the three branches, each branch having separate and independent powers in order to prevent the concentration of powers within one branch or one person. Therefore, the people can elect their leaders without any fear or duress. As we know, France built its foundations of good governance on those lines.
In Sri Lanka, the 1978 Constitution provides for the separation of powers to which it is necessary to give full force and effect, particularly in the context of a peace building process. This would contribute towards gaining the trust of all Sri Lankan people. It is well-known that until 1977, a Sri Lankan voter had the power to change the government and as a result the country was governed alternatively by the two main parties. It was known that at one time,Sri Lanka was the envy of countries such as Singapore.
As regard to the unity in diversity, Sri Lankans of different religious background have coexisted side by side in harmony for many centuries, enjoying the core values. One could wonder whether article 9 of the 1978 Constitution which gives special protection to Buddhism had interfered with that stability. Since religious harmony is a corner-stone for nation building, in future governance of the country, all religions and free thinkers must be given equal recognition. Much hard feeling can be avoided as mentioned by A.C. Visvalingam in his article titled “Resolution of Majority and Minority Concerns” by minimizing “references to race, religion and other divisive descriptions in all laws and official work as far as practically possible.” The aim being that Sri Lankan people are made to feel that they are first Sri Lankan and that their ethnic and religious specificities come thereafter.
The Diaspora Youth also needs to bear in mind that the economic development is also an important factor in nation building process. As mentioned by Marchal Fernando in his article titled “Sri Lankan Economy in Nation Building”, it is noteworthy that economic development helps to bring people together as it generates wealth “to satisfy the needs and aspirations of the citizens, irrespective of ethnicity, religion, or any other differentiation in society”.
How to raise awareness on such values?
Building bridges between Sri Lanka and France could contribute to such economic development. Therefore, the Diaspora Youth could support and encourage young Sri Lankan entrepreneurs in their activities for instance by awarding the best innovative initiatives or helping Sri Lankan entrepreneurs to penetrate the developed countries’ markets.
The Diaspora Youth had already started to write in papers about these subjects. We must continue to do so as media is an important change agent in public attitudes.
*Chathurika Rajapaksha is an attorney-at-law (Paris bar). She holds a Master from Assas University (Paris) and an LLM from the London Metropolitan University (UK).
Chathurika Rajapaksha participated in the French-Sri Lankan Diaspora Youth Workshop “Post-War Reconciliation Dialogue for a Sustainable Peace”, which took place in Paris, on October 27th, 2012, as a panelist on the theme The role of the Diaspora youth in Sri Lanka’s peace building process. The event was organized by What’s Next!, a forum comprising of post-graduates and young professionals of Sri Lankan origin residing in France. What’s Next! seeks to promote a sustainable peace in Sri Lanka through intellectual exchange and multicultural dialogue.

Tamils seek probe after U.N. faults itself in Sri Lanka war report

latimes.com
NEW DELHI -- A major Tamil opposition party in Sri Lanka called Thursday for an international investigation after a U.N. report criticized the international body's own failure to protect civilians during the waning days of a brutal war in 2009.
The moderate Tamil National Alliance said the report confirmed its longstanding belief that extensive killings and detentions of civilians took place, something the Sri Lankan government has denied.
"No one can say that these allegations should not be investigated," Tamil National Alliance spokesman M.A. Sumanthiran told the Agence France-Presse news service. "Now that the U.N. has come with this report, we want action."  
The U.N. report ordered by Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and released Wednesday criticized the international body’s role in the Sri Lanka conflict.
The internal review concluded that the U.N. failed at multiple levels -- including the U.N. secretariat, the Security Council and staff on the ground in Sri Lanka -- to carry out its responsibilities. These included standing up for noncombatants in the final months of the war between the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, a brutal insurgent group commonly known as the Tamil Tigers.
The U.N. also, under pressure from Sri Lankan officials, failed to disclose publicly that a "large majority" of the deaths in the final months of war were caused by government shelling, the report said.
"I am determined that the United Nations draws the appropriate lessons and does its utmost to earn the confidence of the world's people, especially those caught in conflict who look to the organization for help," Ban said in releasing the report.
The report lent credence to claims by international human rights groups that as many as 40,000 civilians were killed by government forces. In the final weeks of the conflict, surrounded Tamil Tigers sought in desperation to use an estimated 350,000 locals as human shields even as government troops allegedly continued shelling the area. "Other sources have referred to credible information indicating that over 70,000 people are unaccounted for," the report said.
Human Rights Watch, an international civic group, said the U.N. should follow up with concrete measures to ensure it prevents mass civilian deaths in future conflicts.
"Basically, the U.N. pulled out when the Sri Lankan government said 'We can’t protect you,'" said Meenakshi Ganguly, the group’s Asia division researcher. “There was dereliction of duty by the U.N. If they had stayed, there would have been more pressure on the Sri Lankan government."
But Human Rights Watch also credited the U.N. with commissioning the report knowing it would present the world body in an unfavorable light.
Rajiva Wijesinha, an advisor on reconciliation to the Sri Lankan president, said if anything, the report discredited the U.N. by showing how much misinformation emerged from various levels. "Some people were really propagating myth rather than reality," he said. "What it shows is that a lot of stuff was hearsay."
International criticism over the slow pace of Sri Lanka's own internal human rights investigations -- including suggestions that key allegations are being referred to the army so it can essentially investigate itself -- was unfounded, he added.
Any call by countries such as the United States for an investigation into war crimes is politically motivated, Wijesinha said.
Many steps taken by the country’s armed forces, including the Sri Lankan navy's rescue operation for civilians, weren't acknowledged abroad, he said.    
"We were at fault in not pointing out our positions better," he said. "We should've done a better job telling our story."
 UN expert concerned over intimidation of judges in Sri Lanka, urges reconsideration of Chief Justice impeachment 
Wed, Nov 14, 2012, 10:55 pm SL Time, ColomboPage News Desk, Sri Lanka.
Lankapage LogoNov 14, Geneva: A United Nations expert today expressed serious concerns over the intimidation and attacks against Sri Lanka's judges and urged the Sri Lankan government to reconsider the impeachment of Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Dr. Shirani Bandaranayake.
The UN Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers, Gabriela Knaul, in a statement today expressed serious concerns about reported intimidation and attacks against judges and judicial officers, and warned that they might form part of a pattern of attacks, threats reprisals and interference in the independence of the justice system in Sri Lanka.
"I urge the Sri Lanka Government to take immediate and adequate measures to ensure the physical and mental integrity of members of the judiciary and to allow them to perform their professional duties without any restrictions, improper influences, pressures, threats or interferences, in line with the country�s international human rights obligations," Ms. Knaul said in her statement.
Most cases of attacks and interference against the judiciary in Sri Lanka are not genuinely investigated, and perpetrators are not held to account, reports received by the independent human rights expert had attested.
Ms. Knaul expressed her apprehension with the procedure launched in the Sri Lankan parliament to impeach the Chief Justice on 1 November 2012.
A parliamentary select committee comprising 11 lawmakers both from the government and opposition appointed to hear the charges against the Chief Justice commenced its investigation today (November 14).
The Special Rapporteur in her statement underscored that irremovability of judges as one of the main pillars guaranteeing the independence of the judiciary and said only in exceptional circumstances may this principle be transgressed.
"Judges may be dismissed only on serious grounds of misconduct or incompetence, after a procedure that complies with due process and fair trial guarantees and that also provides for an independent review of the decision," she stressed. "The misuse of disciplinary proceedings as a reprisals mechanism against independent judges is unacceptable."
In her view, the procedure for the removal of judges of the Supreme Court set out in article 107 of the Constitution of Sri Lanka allows the Parliament to exercise considerable control over the judiciary and is therefore incompatible with both the principle of separation of power and article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
"I urge the authorities to reconsider the impeachment of Chief Justice Bandaranayake and ensure that any disciplinary procedure that she might have to undergo is in full compliance with the fundamental principles of due process and fair trial," the UN Special Rapporteur added.

WikiLeaks: Anti-Conversion Bill Is ‘Dead’, I Told JHU ‘To Forget About It’ – Mahinda Assured US

By Colombo Telegraph -November 15, 2012 
Colombo Telegraph“PM Rajapakse describes his pact with the JVP, which reads as an utter renunciation of the peace process and economic reform, as ‘just words’ and assures the Ambassador of his commitment to peace and his ability to use and control the JVP. We will continue to make the point that even in the heat of an electoral campaign, words matter. Rajapakse described anti- conversion legislation as ‘dead.’ the US Embassy Colombo informed Washington.
Mahinda with the Buddhist JHU party
A Leaked “CONFIDENTIAL” US diplomatic cable, dated September 12, 2005, updated the Secretary of State on Sri Lanka’s presidential election 2005. The Colombo Telegraph found the related leaked cable from the WikiLeaks database. The cable was signed by the US Ambassador Jeffrey LunsteadThe cable details a US meeting with Prime Minister and the Presidential candidate Mahinda Rajapaksa.
Under the subheading “Anti-conversion Bill ‘Dead’” the ambassador wrote “ As the meeting wrapped up, the Ambassador asked Rajapakse about the status of anti- conversion legislation. The PM waved his hand dismissively and said ‘it is still in the Parliament but it is dead.’ He said he had told the Buddhist JHU party ‘to forget about it.’
Related post to this cable;

Canada Welcomes UN Report on Sri Lanka

November 15, 2012 - Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird speaks to the release of the UN Secretary General’s Internal Review Panel Report on Sri Lanka:
“This report details a litany of human rights violations endured by the Sri Lankan people.
“Sadly, the Sri Lankan government continues to fail victims and survivors alike. The measures it has taken to date simply do not go far enough, as this report clearly lays out.
“The Prime Minister and I take every opportunity to raise Canada’s concerns with respect to the need for progress on reconciliation, accountability and respect for human rights in Sri Lanka.
“Canada calls on the Sri Lankan government to finally put the people of that country first.
“Canada also notes the Secretary General’s comments and will work with the international community to ensure mistakes made in Sri Lanka are not repeated.”
For further information, media representatives may contact:
Foreign Affairs Media Relations Office
Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada
613-995-1874



Secretary-General
SG/SM/14639
Department of Public Information • News and Media Division • New York

SECRETARY-GENERAL SAYS INTERNAL REVIEW PANEL REPORT ON SRI LANKA WILL BE MADE


PUBLIC IN INTERESTS OF TRANSPARENCY, ACCOUNTABILITY, LEGITIMACY, CREDIBILITY


Following is UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s statement on the Internal Review Panel Report on Sri Lanka:

The conduct of the final months of the war in Sri Lanka in 2009 generated profound concerns about alleged violations of international human rights and humanitarian law.  In 2010, following an agreement with President Mahinda Rajapaksa, I established a Panel of Experts to advise me on measures to advance accountability.

The Panel of Experts report raised a number of significant issues, including those regarding the United Nations response to the terrible situation facing civilians in the north of Sri Lanka.  The Panel recommended “a comprehensive review of action by the United Nations system during the war in Sri Lanka and the aftermath, regarding the implementation of its humanitarian and protection mandates”.

I, therefore, established a new Panel to do just that.  The Panel, headed by Charles Petrie, has now completed its eight-month study.  This morning, Mr. Petrie briefed me on the report’s findings and recommendations.  The report concludes that the United Nations system failed to meet its responsibilities, highlighting, in particular, the roles played by the Secretariat, the agencies and programmes of the United Nations country team, and the members of the Security Council and Human Rights Council.

This finding has profound implications for our work across the world, and I am determined that the United Nations draws the appropriate lessons and does its utmost to earn the confidence of the world’s people, especially those caught in conflict who look to the Organization for help.  The Panel’s report recognizes initiatives we have taken in the wake of the events in Sri Lanka to prevent a similar breakdown.  However, I am fully committed to ensuring that we do much more.  As an immediate first step, I will organize a senior-level team to give careful consideration to the recommendations and advise me on a way forward.  Other action will follow in short order.

As transparency and accountability are critical to the legitimacy and credibility of the United Nations, I also decided some days ago to make the report public.  From the beginning of my tenure as Secretary-General, I have been committed to strengthening the United Nations and its core mission of protecting people from harm.  Events today in Syria are the latest reminder of just how crucial that work is.

Our obligation to all humanity is to overcome our setbacks, learn from our mistakes, strengthen our responses, and act meaningfully and effectively for the future.  These principles and objectives drove me to establish the Panel and they will guide us as we take forward its outcomes.

Silva’s Style Of Judicial Governance: Silva Used The World Bank To Extract Personal Favours

By International Crisis Group -November 15, 2012
Sarath N. Silva
International Crisis Group Asia Report No 172, 30 June 2009
Colombo TelegraphSri Lanka’s Judiciary: Politicised Courts, Compromised Rights 
Pages 10-12
3. The chief justice
The president’s unfettered appointment power includes selecting the chief justice of the Supreme Court. The chief justice in turn influences fellow judges of the Supreme Court and members of lower tribunals. The recently retired chief justice, , is widely regarded as having played a central role in the judiciary’s current politicisation. His appointment is viewed as a “turning point for the judiciary” He developed his position into an alternative political centre to the presidency. In the words of one lawyer in late 2008, “there are now two dictators in our system”.
As a result, one commentator noted, “the court ceased to restrain government actions and indeed arbitrarily upheld the powers of government against citizens”.
Another commentator described Silva as having “ruined [the judiciary] from within”.
Silva’s style of judicial governance has left a problematic legacy for his successor.
President Kumaratunga swore in then-attorney general Sarath Silva as chief justice on 16 September 1999.
At the time, Silva was subject to two pending complaints of misconduct. The UN special rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers Param Cumaraswamy indicated concern about the appointment given the pending complaints.
Two petitions in the Supreme Court challenged the appointment. Those petitions were heard and rejected by the Supreme Court’s seven most junior judges. That bench had been chosen by Silva, in a clear conflict of interest.
In his nearly ten years as chief justice, Silva used both traditional and innovative methods to control the judiciary. First, in a break from tradition, he assigned junior judges who were his close allies to decide on the panels (or benches) of judges for particular cases in the Supreme Court. By tradition, assigning benches had been the responsibility of the most junior judge, who placed judges randomly on cases.
By directing who hears what cases, the chief justice wielded possibly decisive influence on outcomes. Early in his tenure, Chief Justice Silva ensured that justices with independent views, such as Justice Mark Fernandoand Justice C.V. Wigneswaran, did not sit in significant constitutional cases.
Second, the chief justice also stacked the Judicial Service Commission (JSC), which is responsible for discipline and promotions in the lower judiciary. As discussed below, the JSC was a vehicle for Chief Justice Silva to ensure that lower court judges “toe[d] the line” he wished.
Third, the chief justice tightly controlled discretionary funding and training, with judges having to seek his approval for overseas travel, conferences and other side benefits.
Between June 2000 and late 2007, the World Bank managed an $18.2 million judicial reform program that primarily funded “huge, mainly infrastructure” projects and had little success with its larger reform objectives.
The chief justice chaired the program’s steering committee.
According to one former Supreme Court justice, “Silva used the World Bank to extract personal favours…. It was a patronage system”. Watchdog groups have complained that beyond new physical infrastructure,  there is little evidence that the World Bank funds have benefited the courts.
Finally, the chief justice  exercised significant influence through the attitudes he expressed while adjudicating. “When he takes cases lightly, this permeates the whole judiciary”, said one lawyer. Early in his tenure, for instance, Chief Justice Silva made disparaging comments from the bench about the importance of detention and torture cases. In the following years, there was a marked decline in the number of fundamental rights petitions filed and judgments rendered.
As a result of these levers, Chief Justice Silva gained “a complete hold on both the JSC and the Court. He uses his juniors to get his own way”, said one former Supreme Court justice.
One sign of this control was the near-complete absence of dissenting opinions in the court’s judgments under Silva. This is in clear contrast to the 1970s and 1980s, when dissent was common.
In June 2009, President Rajapaksa appointed as chief justice Asoka de Silva, the most senior justice on the court – regrettably without involvement of the constitutional council. The appointment offers a chance to reverse the former chief justice’s legacy of a hyper-politicised judiciary. De Silva is known as a cautious, capable and fair jurist, without his predecessor’s strong and highly political personality. He is expected to work more closely and cooperatively with his colleagues on the court. His experience as a judge on the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda gives him a welcome familiarity with international legal practices and perspectives. Whether the new chief justice seizes the opportunity will help determine whether the judiciary reclaims its constitutional role as a check on abuses by the executive and legislative branches which have deepened Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict.
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Foreign Affairs Committee publishes report on the role and future of the Commonwealth

Parliament UK
15 November 2012
The Commonwealth is working for the UK and could have a bright future ahead of it, says a Foreign Affairs Committee report published today.
However the report, which is the product of a wide-ranging inquiry, suggests that, if the organisation is to reach its potential and influence events, the Commonwealth Secretariat needs to "sharpen, strengthen and promote its diplomatic performance". The Committee notes that recently the Commonwealth has appeared less active and less publicly visible.
The Committee commends the UK’s commitment to making the Commonwealth a “cornerstone of our foreign policy”, but says that the Government does not appear to have a clear and co-ordinated strategy for its relations with the Commonwealth. It urges the Government to develop a strategy for engagement with the Commonwealth, aimed at ensuring that the UK makes the most of the opportunities it presents.
The moral authority of the Commonwealth has, according to the report, “too often been undermined by the repressive actions of member governments”. The Committee is “disturbed to note the ineffectiveness of the mechanisms for upholding the Commonwealth’s values”, and expresses support for the Eminent Persons Group’s proposal for a Commonwealth Charter.
The Committee also says that it is not convinced that member states are making the most of the economic and trading opportunities offered by the Commonwealth. The report welcomes the fact that the Commonwealth continues to attract interest from potential new members, and the report says that there are advantages in greater diversity and an extended global reach for the Commonwealth. However it also insists that the application process should be rigorous and that any new members should be appropriate additions to the Commonwealth “family”, closely adhering at all times to its principles and values.
The report concludes that continuing evidence of serious human rights abuses in Sri Lanka shows that the Commonwealth’s decision to hold the 2013 Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Colombo was “wrong”. The Committee urges the Prime Minister to state publicly his unwillingness to attend the Colombo meeting unless he receives “convincing and independently-verified evidence of substantial and sustainable improvements in human and political rights in Sri Lanka.”

Further Information

Image: istockphoto

Midweek Politics:The Battle For Hulftsdorp Hill

By Dharisha Bastians -November 15, 2012
Dharisha Bastians
Colombo TelegraphHulftsdorp or the village of Hulft, named for Dutch Governor Gerard Pietersz Hulft, became synonymous with the law only after the Supreme Courts of Ceylon were moved there by British Governor Sir Fredric North.
At the time, North faced massive resistance from members of the Judiciary about the move from Colombo Fort, where the British garrison were also stationed. Today the hilly area in Maradana is the beating heart of Sri Lanka’s legal system.
At the epicentre of this ‘village,’ the iconic red curved Chinese-styled roofs of the Superior Courts Complex stand out prominently, housing 11 justices of the apex court of the land – the final redress of the citizen against State oppression and the guardians of the country’s Constitution.
As the Government prepares to wage war against the Head of the Judiciary, this third attempt to impeach a Chief Justice may well prove the toughest challenge to the institutions of justice yet.
CJ strikes back
Last Thursday (8), Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake struck back with a letter from her lawyers refuting the charges of financial misconduct framed in the impeachment motion against her, issued to each of the media organisations that made the 14 allegations contained in the motion public.
The firm hired to represent the country’s top judge is Neelakandan and Neelakandan, an established legal firm founded in 1962. In a letter to several newspapers and television channels, Neelakandan and Neelakandan on behalf of their client, Shirani Bandaranayake, refuted the Charges 1-4 in the impeachment motion as published in the media.
The first four charges were considered by many legal experts to be the most serious of the 14, even though questions abounded about how the banking information was subject to State scrutiny without a court order.
The charges refer to the purchase of a Trillium apartment for her sister while hearing Ceylinco cases, the foreign remittance of Rs. 34 million into an NDB account, the non declaration of those monies and some 20 accounts in her name at NDB Bank. Lawyers for the Chief Justice reiterated that the Chief Justice’s sister and husband, both engineers in Australia had reserved an apartment for purchase when they were in Sri Lanka.
“Thereafter from time to time, our client’s sister (through her Australian bank) remitted sums of Australian dollars for the purchase of the Apartment. This was later converted to Sri Lankan Rupees by NDB. The letter said that in Sri Lankan Rupees, it was approximately Rs. 27 million. Our client, by cheques, directly remitted to the seller in instalments a sum of approximately Rs 27 million. The bank has confirmed these transactions,” the Lawyers said.
“The sum of Rs. 19 million approximately mentioned in your news item is a part of the aforementioned purchase consideration of approximately Rs. 27 million,” the letter explained. The lawyers also said that the bank had informed their client that there were several non-operational accounts in her name at NDB with zero balances.
It is now coming to light that the information about the Chief Justice’s bank accounts was released to the Government by a senior manager at NDB Bank.
Chief Justice Bandaranayake earlier this week also informed the court that she would recuse herself from hearing Ceylinco and Golden Key cases, given the charges in the motion of impeachment against her.
According to insiders, Presidents Counsels Romesh de Silva and K. Kanageswaran will be among the senior lawyers to represent the Chief Justice when the impeachment is being probed.
First sitting                                                    Read More   

SRI LANKA: The procedure in Article 107 of the Constitution is incompatible with principle of the separation of powers and with the ICCPR article 14 says the UN Special Rapporteur

November 15, 2012
AHRC LogoThe United Nations Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers, Gabriela Knaul in a statement issued yesterday (November 14, 2012), stated that, "......the procedure for the removal of judges of the Supreme Court set out in article 107 of the Constitution of Sri Lanka allows the Parliament to exercise considerable control over the judiciary and is therefore incompatible with both the principle of separation of power and article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights." Ms. Knaul also said, "The irremovability of judges is one of the main pillars guaranteeing the independence of the judiciary and only in exceptional circumstances may this principle be transgressed," the Special Rapporteur underscored, expressing her uneasiness with the procedure of impeachment of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Dr. Bandaranayake, launched before the Parliament on 1 November 2012.

"Judges may be dismissed only on serious grounds of misconduct or incompetence, after a procedure that complies with due process and fair trial guarantees and that also provides for an independent review of the decision," she stressed. "The misuse of disciplinary proceedings as a reprisals mechanism against independent judges is unacceptable."

The procedure set out in Article 107 of the Constitution is as follows:
(2) Every such judge shall hold office during good behaviour, and shall not be removed except by an order of the President made after an address of Parliament supported by a majority of the total number of Members of Parliament (including those not present) has been presented to the President for such removal on the ground of proved misbehavior or incapacity:

Provided that no resolution for the presentation of such an address shall be entertained by the Speaker or placed on the Order Paper of Parliament, unless notice of such resolution is signed by not less than one-third of the total number of Members of Parliament and sets out full particulars of the alleged misbehavior or incapacity.

(3) Parliament shall by law or by Standing Orders provide for all matters relating to the presentation of such an address, including the procedure for the passing of such resolution, the investigation and proof of the alleged misbehavior or incapacity and the right of such judge to appear and to be heard in person or by representative.
The incompatibility of the ongoing impeachment attempt by the government against the Chief Justice, Dr. Shriyani Bandaranayake arises from the following reasons:
1.    The impeachment is motivated by political reasons as the Chief Justice, with some other judges has delivered some judgements that the government does not agree with and therefore is not for any exceptional circumstances due to which a judge can be removed.
2.    The procedure contained in Article 107 and the related Standing Orders do not comply with due process and fair trial guarantees and also does not provide for an independent review of the decision.
Yesterday the government Parliamentary Select Committee had its first meeting and on that day itself, issued the charges to be handed over to the Chief Justice giving her only one week to reply.

The guarantees of fair trial require that the inquiry into the charges should be conducted by judicial officers and all the procedural requirements for the making of a proper response by the Chief Justice are provided. However, under Article 107 it is the Select Committee which consists of parliamentarians and not judicial officers who will conduct the inquiry. From that very fact the Select Committee will not be in a position to provide for the requirements of a proper hearing as required under the principles of fair trial.

The Asian Human Rights Commission in several of its statements on the impeachment has stated that it is an attempt to destroy the independence of the judiciary and make it a branch of the executive. Under the principle of the separation of powers the judiciary is a separate branch of the government and is independent from the executive legislature. What is now happening is to end the character of the judiciary as a separate branch of the state and to subordinate it to the executive.

Wish Upon A Star….. A Judicial Dilemma?

Colombo TelegraphBy Ravi Perera -November 15, 2012
Ravi Perera
In the midst of all the uncertainties and the ambiguities of the impeachment saga the one firm ground we Sri Lankans have is the comfort of knowing that the impeachment motion was handed over to the Speaker of parliament   at the auspicious time. The daily newspapers carried the picture of the smiling parliamentarians, who it was reported had waited patiently for the right “time”, to submit their all important petition. And it was done. What follows,   for those confirmed believers in the time tested practice of arranging/reading the future, is just unavoidable destiny.
The impeachment motion now before parliament, if allowed  to progress unhindered, should logically conclude in the removal of an incumbent from office and   the petitioners may well consider that moment ,when the document containing their charges were handed over to the Speaker, as propitious. On the other hand,   for the Chief Justice of the Republic of Sri Lanka, the person facing the charges, the intended result would be an inauspicious end to a career. The long term impact of this action on the overall stability, progress and the legitimacy of the State is yet to be determined, and perhaps needs much deeper analysis by the practitioners of the occult.
It is obvious that the practice of predicting/arranging the future by use of astrology is based on obtaining precise timing. That very moment of handing over the petition will determine its success or failure. As to how the practice functioned in the era before the advent of clocks is open to speculation. Some argue that ancient ways of determining the time, such as by the reading of the length of shadows, were used. It is not clear whether such methods enabled the precise reading of time as we now do with hours divided into minutes, seconds and even less. The length of the shadows would depend very much on the position of the sun, and finding shadows on an overcast day would be hard, placing the astrologers at a considerable disadvantage. They also had to deal with the night hours, compounding the problem further.
Whatever one may think of the practice of astrology, the fact remains that it has a large and   ready following in this country. The occult seems to appeal to something deep in our social psyche while fitting in well with the way we see the world.  That “vision” of the world presupposes   a “fixed”   future which can be read by the appropriate means. Today if the horoscope of the Chief Justice can be obtained,   an astrologer ought to be able to narrate to us the final act of the impeachment drama.  It is already out there, only waiting to be enacted. But then, according to other schools of occult, there are defensive weapons with which the ill-winds of fate can be warded off. We see many   individuals carrying on their person talismans, charms and amulets, which act as shields against harmful effects of fate.
Not every culture that sees the world this way. Although they observe the same phenomenon as us, other cultures have come to different conclusions. It can be said that every culture represents a different way of seeing   the world.  What one may see as a law of nature another may view as mumbo jumbo.  Some cultures are noticeably   more hopeful of a future which can be changed and fashioned by human effort. Others think life goes around in repetitive   cycles with all change ultimately coming to nothing.
It is undeniable that the inspiration for nearly   all the public institutions we have today come from cultures that have attempted to change and improve an existing condition. The judicial system   that we have adopted is such an institution. So are the concepts such as the   rule of law, elective principle, an elected president/legislature, a free media etc which now have become very much a part of our political/social structure. But how much of these foreign concepts, particularly the spirit thereof are understood by our culture is a moot point.
The idea of separation of power, which is in relation to the functions of the State, is quite different to the power that an astrologer will talk about. For him “power” or “bala shakthiya” in our lingo, is a word to be uttered in a deeper tone, eyes glazed, face contorted, emphasizing its undefined, unlimited quality. The person in power can virtually do anything. Power has come to him in a mysterious process which cannot be divined by mere mortal faculties. The holder of power has unerring   wisdom, sweeping intelligence, deep cunning, an extraordinary knowledge of human weaknesses and also a magnificent benevolence which will favour the humble subject, if appropriately approached. Controlling that power or creating checks and balances thereto is not the function of the occult.
The judiciary, in its true form and substance is   a representation of foreign ideas and ways of looking at things. For instance, some of the desired qualities of a good judge such as an independent spirit, integrity of a high order, an appreciation of fairness, a wide outlook, a natural dignity etc are not obtained by sitting an examination. Often these are the gifts of an individualistic culture, formative influences and childhood up-bringing.  On the other hand in the way we see the world, a judicial appointment, like all high appointments, maybe taken as a sign of good fortune.  It is an opportunity the appointee should use   to advance his family prosperity, to canvass   jobs for them, benefit from Presidential and other government funds, obtain sinecures and appointments after retirement and failing everything else at least insist on a retinue of police body guards, enabling him to make an impression.
But whatever our belief system, every day we face a mundane reality which cannot be ignored. In this real world, the things we desire most fervently are simply beyond the reach of our income. A land to build a house , an expensive car , a foreign education for our children and various creature comforts are not possible with the salary earned in a third world country.
It is a situation with tremendous potential for the occult.  Why would those who have got their astrological timing all wrong, object to the doings of those who have got their timing all right?